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UNlVt.STY  Of 
CALIFORNIA 
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LONDON  BOOK    CO. 
224  West   Broadway 
Glendale,  Calif.   91204 
244-0828 


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A  HISTORY  OF  THE 
ANCIENT  WORLD 


PLATE  I 


A    PORTION    OF    THE    PARTHENON    AND    ITS    TRIEZE 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE 
ANCIENT  WORLD 


BY 

GEORGE  STEPHEN  GOODSPEED,  Ph.D. 

LATE    PROFESSOR    OF    ANCIENT    HISTORY    IN    THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    CHICAGO 


REVISED   BY 

WILLIAM  SCOTT  FERGUSON,  Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR   OF   HISTORY,    HARVARD   UNIVERSITY 
AND 

STILLMAN  PERCY  ROBERT  CHADWICK,  A.M. 

INSTRUCTOR   IN   HISTORY,   PHILLIPS   EXETER   ACADEMY 


WITH    ILLUSTRATIONS,    MAPS,    AND    PLANS 


CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

NEW  YORK  CHICAGO  BOSTON 


PREFACE 

It  is  now  eight  years  since  my  father,  Professor  Good- 
speed,  wrote  "A  History  of  the  Ancient  World."  Had 
he  Hved  it  would  have  been  his  first  care  to  follow  the 
results  of  historical  research  and  advancing  methods  of 
teaching  history  in  secondary  schools  by  frequent  revi- 
sions of  the  subject-matter  of  the  text.  Recognizing 
the  growing  faith  in  the  book  on  the  part  of  those  who 
have  come  to  know  and  teach  it.  and  the  value  and 
necessity  of  a  revision  at  the  present  time,  the  family 
of  the  author  have  secured  the  services  of  Professors 
Ferguson  and  Chadwick  to  make  such  changes  as  the 
author  himself  would  have  considered  as  adding  to  the 
value  of  the  book. 

It  is  believed  that  the  book  in  its  present  form  will  per- 
petuate that  spirit  of  usefulness  and  the  genuine  schol- 
arly feeling  which  characterized  the  author's  life  and 
work. 

T.    H.    GOODSPEED. 
Department  of  Botany, 
University  of  California. 


REVISERS'    NOTE 

We  have  been  led  to  make  this  revision  of  the  late 
Professor  Goodspeed's  "  History  of  the  Ancient  World  " 
mainly  by  three  considerations:  its  use  of  an  easy,  grace- 
ful, yet  clean-cut  and  vigorous,  English;  its  firm  grasp 
of  the  great  main  lines  of  historical  development,  and 
its  high  excellence  in  respect  of  type,  paper,  and  illustra- 
tions. There  seemed  to  us  to  be  no  necessity  that  a 
text-book  should  be  trivial  in  style,  weak  in  coherence, 
or  inferior  in  presswork.  Accordingly,  we  have  been 
careful  to  preserve  in  the  revision  the  character  of  the 
original.  The  book  remains  in  essentials  the  work  of 
Professor  Goodspeed. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  have  by  no  means  contented 
ourselves  with  the  correction  of  verbal  inaccuracies. 
While  at  our  work  we  have  had  constantly  in  mind  the 
possibihty,  by  making  additions,  expansions,  and  other 
modifications,  of  meeting  more  closely  all  reasonable  de- 
mands of  experienced  teachers.  And  at  the  same  time 
we  have  tried  to  make  the  text  a  faithful  exponent  of 
the  views  now  held  in  the  most  authoritative  scientific 
circles.  It  is  our  hope  that  the  l)ook,  as  revised,  will  be 
found — in  its  comparative  neglect  of  the  growth  of  consti- 
tutions, and  the  comparative  fulness  with  which  it  treats 
the  matured  governments  of  Sparta,  Athens,  and  Rome; 
in  its  care  for  the  transitions  from  the  old  world  of  the 
East  to  Greece  and  from  Greece  via  Sicily  and  JNIagna 


X  '  Revisers'  Note 

Grsecia  to  Italy;  in  its  reduction  of  the  political  history 
cf  Egypt  and  Babylonia  and  of  later  Rome  to  a  mere  out- 
line; and,  above  all,  in  its  effort  to  interpret  historically 
the  Hellenistic  Age — a  fairly  close  approach  to  the  ideal 
as  stated  in  the  recent  report  of  the  Committee  of  Five 
of  the  American  Historical  Association.  As  for  its  scien- 
tific quality,  it  will  suffice  to  say  that  nowhere  else  in 
English,  so  far  as  we  know,  can  the  teacher  find  so  closely 
followed  the  general  conception  of  ancient  history  which 
we  owe  to  the  epoch-making  work  of  Professor  Eduard 
Meyer,  of  the  University  of  Berlin. 

Attention  may  be  called  to  a  number  of  pedagogical 
improvements. 

(i)  At  the  head  of  each  section  we  have  set  in  bold- 
faced type  its  general  contents,  and  in  the  margins  we 
have  given  a  more  detailed  analysis  of  the  text. 

(2)  The  pronunciation  of  difficult  words  has  been  in- 
dicated on  their  first  occurrence  in  the  narrative  as  well 
as  in  the  index. 

(3)  The  index  has  been  arranged  so  as  to  enable  the 
student  to  find  place-names  on  the  maps  without  diffi- 
culty. 

(4)  A  select  list  for  reading  has  been  added.  This  has 
been  compiled  almost  exclusively  from  five  single-volume 
works.  It  makes  it  possible  for  teachers  in  schools  with 
large  classes  and  small  library  funds  to  attend  to  col- 
lateral reading.  For  the  small  sum  of  eighty  dollars, 
ten  copies  of  each  of  these  five  books  can  be  procured. 
The  topics  for  this  list  have  been  chosen  and  the  refer- 
ences made  by  a  successful  and  experienced  teacher — 
Miss  Margaret  McGill,  Head  of  the  History  Department 
of  the  Newton  High  School,  Massachusetts. 


Revisers'  Note  xi 

(5)  By  the  use  of  strong  colors,  as  well  as  by  additions 
and  corrections  in  details,  the  value  of  the  maps  taken 
from  the  first  edition  has  been  enhanced  substantially. 
Four  new  maps  have  been  added.  The  number  of  full- 
page  illustrations  has  been  nearly  doubled. 

(6)  A  table  of  dates  and  events  has  been  added.  This 
contains  the  chronological  data  found  indispensable  dur- 
ing many  years'^experience  in  college  preparatory  work. 

(7)  The  material  set  into  the  text  in  smaller  type  has 
been  expanded  (a)  by  a  number  of  significant  Greek  and 
Roman  legends;  {h)  by  occasional  explanations  of  diffi- 
cult matters.  The  latter  are  intended  primarily  for  the 
teacher,  upon  whom,  as  Professor  Goodspeed  wrote  in 
some  omitted  Suggestions  to  Teachers,  "the  usefulness 
of  this  book  will  depend  largely." 

William  Scott  Ferguson. 
S.  Percy  R.  Chad  wick. 


PREFACE  TO   FIRST   EDITION 

This  volume  owes  much  to  a  wide  variety  of  helpers. 
Doubtless,  what  may  be  original  in  it  is  of  least  value. 
Accordingly,  the  author  wishes,  first  of  all,  to  make  general 
confession  of  having  drawn  upon  any  stores  of  pedagogical 
widsom  and  any  treasures  of  scholarship  which  seemed 
to  contribute  to  his  subject.  In  particular,  however, 
special  acknowledgments  are  due  to  some  who  have 
given  personal  assistance  in  the  preparation  of  the  book. 
Professors  F.  B.  Tarbell  and  Gordon  J.  Laing,  of  the 
University  of  Chicago,  have  made  helpful  suggestions 
regarding  the  illustrations.  Frances  Ada  Knox,  Assist- 
ant in  History  in  the  University  of  Chicago,  has  given  im- 
portant aid  in  the  preparation  of  the  manuscript  and  in 
other  ways.  The  maps,  charts,  and  plans  have  had  the 
skilful  and  scholarly  attention  of  Mr.  Harold  H.  Nelson, 
now  of  the  Syrian  Protestant  College,  of  Beyrout.  The 
book  has  also  profited  from  the  suggestions  of  a  number 
of  teachers  in  East  and  West  who  have  read  it  in  whole  or 
in  part.  Nor  should  the  share  of  the  pubHshers  be  for- 
gotten, whose  warm  interest  and  generous  co-operation 
have  made  work  with  them  a  pleasure.  If  the  book  suc- 
ceeds in  serving  the  cause  of  sound  historical  learning  in 
high-schools  and  academies,  their  share  in  making  this 
possible  is  no  small  one. 

G.  S.  G. 

The  University  of  Chicago, 
May,  1904. 


CONTENTS 

I.    THE  EASTERN  EMPIRES 

PAGE 

Preliminary  Survey       i 

^T.  The  First  Kingdoms  in  Egypt  and  Babylonia     .    .  s 

2.  The  Early  Babylonian  Empire lo 

3.  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Culture 14 

4.  The  Egyptian  (New)  Empire 29 

5.  The  Syrian  States 39 

6.  The  Empire  of  Assyria 48 

7.  The   Median,    Chaldean    (New    Babylonian)    and 

Lydian  Empires 54 

8.  The  Empire  of  Persia:  Its  Founding  and  Organi- 

zation    57 

II.    THE   GREEK   STATES 

Preliminary  Survey       65 

1.  The  ^gean  World  and  the  Beginnings  of  Greece  70 

2.  The  Middle  (Homeric)  Age 79 

3.  The  Development  of  Constitutional  States      .    .  91 

4.  Sparta  and  Athens 109 

5.  The  Greek  Empires:   Athenian,  Spartan,  Theban 

AND  Macedonian       126 

6.  Alexander  THE  Great 231 

7.  The  Hellenistic  x\ge 24S 

8.  The  Western  Greeks:  the  Transition  to  Rome      .  270 

XV 


xvi  ContenU 

III.     THE   EMPIRE   OF   ROME 

PAGE 

Preliminary  Survey       276 

1.  The  Making  of  Rome 284 

2.  Rome's  Defence  against  Her  Neighbors    ....  299 

3.  The  Unification  and  Organization  of  Italy  .     .     .  318 

4.  The   Struggle   with   Carthage  for  the  Western 

Mediterranean 343 

5.  Rome's  Conquest  of  the  East 365 

6.  The  Decline  of  the  Roman  Republic 375 

7.  The  Roman  Empire  (Principate) .  425 

8.  The  Later  Roman  Empire  (Despotism) 491 

9.  The  Breaking  Up  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 

End  of  the  Ancient  Period 502 

Chronological  Table 524 

BIBLIOGRAPHIES   FOR   STUDENTS 

1.  Oriental  History 4 

2.  Greek  History 69 

3.  Rome — General 283 

4.  Rome — The  Empire 425 

5.  Rome — Closing  Period 502 

APPENDICES 

I.  Bibliography  for  Advanced  Students  AND  Teachers  531 

II.  Notes  on  the  Illustrations 538 

General  Index 555 


MAPS,  PLANS  AND  CHARTS 

FULL-PAGE  AND  DOUBLE-PAGE  MAPS 

PAGE 

The  Ancient  East facing  3 

Empires  of  the  Ancient  Eastern  World    .     following  60 

Ancient  Greece following  66 

Centres  of  Mycen^an  Civilization  ....     facing  77 

Colonies  of  Phcenicia  and  Greece     .     .     .  '  .     facing  89 

Lands  of  the  .'Egean following  128 

Athens facing  147 

Athenian  Empire  at  Its  Height facing  171 

Greece  AT  THE  Time  OF  the  Peloponnesian  War    facing  180 

Alexander's    Empire    and    Kingdoms    of    His    Suc- 
cessors      '    .     .     .     following  234 

Ancient  Italy following  278 

The  Punic  Wars facing  343 

Italy  in  218  b.c facing  350 

Gaul  at  the  Time  of  Caesar facing  412 

The  Roman  State  at  Successive  Periods  of  Its  De- 
velopment to  44  B.c following  424 

The  Roman  Empire  in  the  Time  of  Augustus     following  434 

The  City  of  Rome following  460 

The  Mediterranean  World  .     .     .     .*  .     .     following  476 

The  Roman  Empire  Under  Diocletian   .     .     .     facing  493 

The  Barbarian  Kingdoms facing  505 

The  Roman  Empire  Under  Justinian  ....     facing  509 

Europe  about  a.d.  800 facing  517 

xvii 


xviii  Maps,  Plans,  and  Charts 

MAPS  AND   PLANS  IN  THE  TEXT 


PAGE 


The  Battle  of  Salamis 137 

The  World  According  to  Herodotus 157 

Pylos  and  Sphacteria 181 

The  Hellespont,  Propontis  and  Bosporus      .    .    .     .  197 

The  Battle  of  Leuctra 209 

The  Battle  of  Issus 235 

Alexandria  at  the  Time  of  Christ 237 

The  World  According  to  Eratosthenes,  235  b.c.    .    .  241 

The  Earliest  Peoples  of  Italy 281 

Early  Rome       286 

The  Environs  of  Rome 301 

The  Battle  of  Cannae 351 

Carthage 371 

The  Battle  of  Pharsalus 416 

The  World  According  to  Ptolemy,  a.d.  150    .    .    .    .  463 

CHRONOLOGICAL   CHART 

The  Ancient  Oriental  Empires facing  57 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATE 

I.     A  Corner  of  the  Parthenon  and  a  Portion 

OF  Its  Frieze.     Color    .     .     .     Frontispiece 

PAGE 

II.    Typical  Oriental  Heads  ....     facing        5 

III.  The  Sumerian  Army  in  Action  .     .     facing        8 

IV.  Painting  from  the  Wall  of  an  Egyptian 

Tomb facing       15 

V.    Swamp-Hunting  in  a  Reed  Boat  (Egypt) 

facing       24 

VI.    Babylonian  and  Egyptian  Temples   facing      26 

VII.     Ancient  Systems  of  Writing    .     .     facing      42 

VIII.     Typical  Assyrian  Scenes      .     .     .     facing      52 

IX  AND  X.     Decoration   of   a   Cretan    Sarcophagus. 

Color facing      70 

XI.     Kamares  Pottery.     Color  .     .     .     facing       72 

XII.     Throne   of    Minos    and    Pillar    of   the 

Double-Axes facing       73 

XIII.  Lion  Gate  and  Bee-Hive  Tomb     .     facing      74 

XIV.  Reliefs  from  Gold  Cups  of  the  Mycen^an 

Age facing      75 

XV.    Wild  Goat  and  Young — Cretan  Art  of 
the  Twentieth  Century  b.c.     Color 

facing     1 2S 

XVI.    Art  of  Greece  in  the  Time  of  the  Persian 

War facing     141 

XVII.     The  Acropolis  of  Athens  (restored)  facing     164 

XVIII.     Typical  Greek  Heads facing     189 

XIX.     The  Hermes  OF  Praxiteles  .     .     .     facing     215 

XX.    The  Alexander  Mosaic.     Color  .     facing    234 
xix 


XX  Illustrations 

PLATE  PAGE 

XXI.    Realistic  and  Romantic  Art  of  Hellen- 
istic  Period facing     257 

XXII.    Typical    Sculptured    Figures:     Khafre 

AND  PosiDippus facing     265 

XXIII.  The  Laocoon  Group facing    267 

XXIV.  Classical  Temples facing    271 

XXV.    Typical  Sculptured  Figures:    Ashurnat- 

siRPAL  AND  Trajan     ....     facing     287 

XXVI.     Wall   Paintings  from  Campanian  Tombs 

facing    321 

XXVII.    Typical  Coins:  Orient  and  I 

Greece  I    .  following    332 

XXVIII.     Typical  Coins:  Rome  J 

XXIX.    The  Roman  Forum  and  the  Surrounding 

Buildings  (restored)     .     .     .     facing    358 

XXX.     Typical  Roman  Heads      ....     facing    409 

XXXI.    Art  of  the  Augustan  Age    .     .     .     facing    435 

XXXII.     Relief  from  the  Arch  op  Titus    .     facing    454 

XXXIII.  A    Room  in  the   House   of  the  Vettii, 

Pompeii facing    458 

XXXIV.  Roman  Portraiture facing    472 

XXXV.     A  Relief  from  the   Column  of  Trajan 

facing     475 

XXXVI.     Castle  of  St.  Angelo:    Hadrian's  Mole 

facing     478 

XXXVII.     The  Pantheon  and  the  Wall  of  Aure- 

LIAN facing     488 

XXXVIII.    Early  Christian  Art.     Color  .     .    facing    490 

XXXIX.     Characteristic  Roman  Architecture  facing    496 

XL.     Byzantine  Art:  Christ  Enthroned.   Color 

facing     509 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  ANCIENT 
WORLD 

I.    THE   EASTERN   EMPIRES 

TO  500  B.C. 

PRELIMINARY  SURVEY 

I.  The  Field  of  Oriental  History. — The  earliest  seats 
of  ancient  civilization  are  found  in  Egypt  and  Bab-y-lo'- 
ni-a.  Egypt  lies  in  the  lower  valley  of  the  river  Nile;  The  Rivei 
Babylonia  in  the  lowland  where  the  rivers  Tigris  and  ^^^^y^- 
Eu-phra'tes  unite  to  flow  into  the  Persian  gulf.  Both 
these  river-systems  have  their  sources  in  high  mountain 
regions.  At  regular  periods  in  the  spring  of  each  year 
their  waters  are  swollen  by  the  melting  snows  or  winter 
rains.  These  floods  pour  over  the  plain  and  carry  with 
them  masses  of  earth  which  they  deposit  along  the  banks 
and  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers.  Thus  in  the  course  of 
time  they  have  piled  up  layers  of  soil  which,  regularly 
irrigated  by  the  overflowing  waters,  are  marv^ellously  fer- 
tile. Between  the  Nile  valley  and  the  Tigris-Euphrates 
basin  direct  communication  is  cut  off  by  the  Arabian 
desert;  the  upper  Euphrates,  however,  bending  westward, 
connects  the  Tigris-Euphrates  basin  with  the  series  of 
fertile  valleys  and  plateaus  made  by  the  mountain  ranges 
which  run  from  north  to  south,  parallel  with  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Mediterranean.  Thus  this  middle  region,  syri«. 
known  in  general  as  Syria,  is  the  connecting  link  between 

1 


2  The  Eastern  Empires 

the  two  river-systems,  since  its  southern  boundary  is 
separated  from  the  Nile  valley  only  by  a  comparatively 
narrow  stretch  of  sandy  desert. 

2.  Its  Physical  Unity. — Looking  at  the  whole  region 
thus  bound  together,  we  observe  that  it  has  somewhat 
the  character  of  a  crescent.  The  two  extremities  are 
the  lands  at  the  mouths  of  the  two  river-systems— 
Egypt  and  Babylonia.  The  upper  central  portion  is 
called  Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a.  The  outer  border  consists  of 
mountain  ranges  which  pass  from  the  Persian  gulf  north- 
ward and  westward  until  they  touch  the  northeast  cor- 
ner of  the  Mediterranean,  from  which  point  the  boun- 
dary is  continued  by  the  sea  itself.  The  inner  side  is 
made  by  the  desert  of  Arabia.  The  crescent-shaped 
stretch  of  country  thus  formed  is  the  field  of  the  history 
of  the  ancient  eastern  world.  It  consisted  of  two  primi- 
tive centres  of  historic  life  connected  by  a  strip  of  hab- 
itable land  of  varying  width. 

3.  Its  Peoples. — The  inhabitants  of  this  region  were 
peoples  who  spoke  dialects  of  a  common  language. 
Most  of  them  are  named  in  the  book  of  Genesis  as 
descended  from  Shem  (Sem),  the  son  of  Noah.  The 
accepted  name  for  them,  therefore,  is  the  "Semitic" 
peoples,  and  the  languages  they  spoke  are  called  the 
"Semitic"  languages. 

4.  Their  Distribution. — The  original  home  of  the  prim- 
itive Semites  was  probably  northern  Arabia.  From  here, 
when  the  scanty  sustenance  afforded  by  the  desert  could 
not  supply  their  needs,  they  poured  out  on  every  side 
into  the  fertile  valleys  that  bordered  upon  their  home. 
Thus,  from  this  natural  centre  they  went  forth  into 
the  lower  Tigris-Euphrates  valley  to  master  the  civiliza- 


The  Semites  and  Their  Neighbors  3 

tion  which  we  know  as  the  Babylonian;  farther  to  the 
north,  on  the  upper  Tigris,  they  became  the  Assyrians; 
roaming  back  and  forth  in  the  wide  regions  between  the 
upper  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  they  were  known  as  the 
Ar'a-me'ans;  farther  to  the  west,  in  the  region  bordering 
on  the  Mediterranean,  they  formed  communities  known 
as  the  Canaanites,  the  Phoenicians  and  the  Hebrews. 
Pushing  on  to  the  south  and  southwest,  some  of  them 
made  their  homes  on  the  fertile  coasts  of  southern  Ara- 
bia. Others  passed  over  into  the  Nile  valley  and  made 
up  the  most  important  element  of  the  peoples  who  set- 
tled in  Egypt. 

5.  The  Surrounding  Peoples. — Occupying  the  upper 
valleys  and  plateaus  of  the  northern  mountain  ranges 
that  border  the  crescent  of  this  Semitic  world  was  a 
variety  of  tribes  and  peoples  without  unity  of  language 
or  civilization.  From  time  to  time  they  fell  upon  the 
Semites  of  the  river-valleys  and  established  their  author- 
ity more  or  less  permanently  and  extensively  over  them. 
Such  were  the  Elamites  occupying  the  high  table-lands 
to  the  east  of  Babylonia,  and  the  Hittites,  or  Khati,  whose 
original  home  was  in  the  mountains  to  the  northwest  of 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Euphrates.  From  the  same  indo-Ea- 
mountain  regions  came,  toward  the  close  of  the  history  '°p^*°^* 
of  the  ancient  east,  the  Mcdo-Persians,  by  language  a 
branch  of  the  family  to  which  the  historical  peoples  of 
western  Europe  and  North  America  belong — the  Indo- 
European  or  Indo- Germanic  family  of  languages.*    They 

*  This  family,  clearly  distinguished  from  the  Semitic  (§  3),  comprised 
peoples  whose  homes  were  as  far  distant  from  one  another  as  India  and 
England.  Its  chief  branches  were  spoken  by  the  people  of  India,  the 
Persians,  the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  the  Teutons,  the  Celts  and  the 
Slavs. 


4  The  Eastern  Empires 

had  their  homes  in  the  lofty  plateaus  far  to  the  east  of  the 
Tigris-Euphrates  valley.  Thence  by  slow  degrees  they 
pushed  westward  until,  descending  fipon  the  plains,  they 
absorbed  the  ancient  Semitic  civilization  and  established 
the  Persian  empire. 

5a.  Grand   Divisions. — The   grand   divisions   of  this 
long  development  are  the  following: 

1.  The  First  Kingdoms  in  Egypt  and  Babylonia. 

2.  The  Early  Babylonian  Empire  (2500-1600  B.C.). 

3.  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Culture. 

4.  The  Egyptian  (New)  Empire  (i 580-1 150  B.C.). 

5.  The  Syrian  States  (1150-900  B.C.). 

6.  The  Empire  of  Assyria  (900-606  B.C.). 

7.  The  Median,  Chaldean  (New  Babylonian)  and  Lyd  • 

ian  Empires  (606-539  B.C.). 

8.  The  Empire  of  Persia:  its  founding  and  organiza- 

tion (539-500  B.C.). 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  ORIENTAL  HKTORY* 

Breasted.    A  History  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians.    Scribners.    The  best 

one-volume  history  of  Egypt. 
Erman.     Life  in  Ancient  Egypt.     Macmillan.     Graphic  account,  richly 

illustrated,  of  public  and  private  life. 
GooDSPEED.     History  of  the   Babylonians  and  Assyrians.     Scribners. 

The  only  one-volume  histcry  in  moderate  compass. 
Kent.    History  of  the  Hebrew  People.     Scribners,  2  vols.    An  attrac- 
tively written  account  on  the  basis  of  modern  biblical  learning. 
King.    A  History  of  Sumer  and  Akkad.     Stokes  Company.     Volume  I 

of   a  history  of   Babylonia  and  Assyria.     The  most  recent  and 

authoritative  work  on  the  subject. 
Maspero.     Ancient  Egypt  and  Assyria.     Chapman  and  Hall.     Sketches 

of  the  life  of  these  peoples.     Pleasantly  written  and  instructive. 

*  An  additional  bibliography  for  advanced  students  and  teachers  will 
be  found  in  Appendix  I. 


PLATE   II 


Hammurabi 


Rameses  II 


Esarhaddon 


A  Syrian 


A   I'liilistine 


A  Hittite 


TYPICAL   ORIENTAL    HEADS 


Old  Egypt  5 

MURISON.  I.  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  2.  History  0/  Egypt.  Both  im- 
ported by  Scribners.     Excellent  little  sketches  for  school  use. 

Ragozin.  1.  The  Story  of  Chaldea.  2.  The  Story  of  Assyria.  3.  The 
Story  of  Media,  Babylon  and  Persia.  Putnams.  Well-written,  full, 
not  abreast  of  the  most  recent  discoveries,  but  modern  enough  to 
be  very  useful. 

Sayce.  Ancient  Empires  of  the  East.  Scribners.  A  collection  of  de- 
tached histories  of  the  oriental  peoples  not  altogether  up  to  date  and 
with  no  sense  of  the  unity  of  ancient  oriental  history. 

Sayce.  Babylonians  and  Assyrians:  Life  and  Customs.  Scribners. 
Deals  with  the  life  of  these  peoples  fully  and  interestingly. 

Tarbell.  a  History  of  Greek  Art.  Chautauqua  Press.  Has  an 
introductory  chapter  on  oriental  art. 

Wendel.  History  of  Egypt.  History  Primer  Series.  American  Book 
Company. 


1.— THE   FIRST   KINGDOMS   IN   EGYPT 
AND   BABYLONIA 

6.  Beginnings  of  Egypt. — The  darkness  that  covers 
the  beginnings  of  man's  hfe  on  the  earth  lifts  from  the 
valley  of  the  Nile  about  five  thousand  years  before  the 
birth  of  Christ.  Then,  and  for  a  long  time  thereafter, 
Egypt  was  in  the  stone  age  and  made  its  chief  weap- 
ons, instruments  and  ornaments  of  stone.  It  was  ap- 
parently not  till  at  least  one  thousand  years  had  passed 
that  the  use  of  copper  ushered  in  a  new  epoch.  In  the  The 
interval,  a  number  of  petty  districts,  called  nomes,  di- 
vided the  Nile  valley  between  them.  Their  history  was 
doubtless  full  of  incident,  but  it  is  a  sealed  book  to  us. 
It  is  not  even  clear  whether  they  were  distinct  states  or 
administrative  districts  of  larger  kingdoms,  such  as  those 
of  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt — the  two  which  finally 
emerged  and  for  many  centuries  prior  to  3400  B.C.  dom- 
inated the  one  south,  the  other  north,  of  a  point  not  far 


Nomes, 


6  First  Oriental  Kingdoins 

The  Two      up  the  river  from  Memphis.     Many  names,  customs 
ing  oms.    ^^^^  institutions  existed  in  after  ages  to  bear  witness  to 
the  long  duration  and  high  achievements  in  government 
and  civiHzation  of  the  two-kingdom  period. 

7.  The  Old  Kingdom. — Not  later  than  3400  B.C.  the 
people  of  the  Nile  valley  were  united  by  Menes  into  one 
state  with  its  capital  at  Memphis,  and  subsequently  dur- 
ing three  epochs  they  were  ruled  over  by  great  kings 
whose  official  title  was  the  "  Pharaoh."*     The  first  epoch 

The  is  that  of  the  Old  Kingdom  (2980-2475  B.C.).     In  this 

Dynasty  early  period  the  most  important  dynasty  was  the  fourth 
(2900-2750  B.C.).  Its  kings  left  their  inscriptions  on  the 
<iliffs  of  the  peninsula  of  Sinai,  east  of  Egypt.  There  one 
of  them  is  pictured  in  the  act  of  striking  down  an  enemy 
with  his  mace.  Another  remarkable  memorial  of  them 
is  the  mighty  Pyramids,  the  wonder  and  admiration  of 
travellers  in  all  ages.  In  the  time  of  the  sixth  dynasty, 
commerce  with  the  rich  lands  of  central  Africa  was  flour- 
ishing. Sea-voyages,  the  first  that  history  records,  were 
made  upon  the  Red  sea.  Yet  the  crowning  achievement 
of  these  kings  was  their  successful  rule  of  the  state  with 
its  loyal  and  devoted  officials  and  its  contented  and  pros- 
Centraiized  p^rous  pcoplc.  From  all  parts  of  the  realm  nobles  came 
to  live  in  Memphis,  the  king's  seat,  and  to  serve  him. 
When  they  died,  they  desired  above  all  else  to  be  buried 
near  his  tomb. 

8.  The  Middle  Kingdom.— The  second  epoch  of  Egyp- 
■  tian  unity  and  prosperity — the  Middle  Kingdom  (2160- 

*  An  Eg)-ptian  historian  named  Manetho,  writing  in  Greek,  has  left 
a  list  of  the  Pharaohs  organized  in  thirty-one  successive  groups  called 
by  him  "dynasties" — a  most  convenient  arrangement  followed  by  all 
later  historians. 


Govern- 
ment. 


Middle  Egypt  7 

1788  B.C.) — reached  its  acme  under  the  twelfth  dynasty 
(2000-1788  B.C.).  A  thousand  years  had  passed  and 
many  changes  had  taken  place.  Princes  of  Thebes  were 
on  the  throne,  and  the  capital  of  the  state  was  removed 
farther  to  the  south.  The  nobles  no  longer  flocked  to  the 
court,  but  preferred  to  dwell  on  their  own  domains. 
They  recognized  the  Pharaoh's  authority  and  did  his 
bidding,  but  lived  and  died  and  were  buried  at  home. 
The  following  utterance  of  one  of  them  is  an  evidence  of 
their  authority  as  well  as  of  the  character  of  their  rule: 

"No  daughter  of  a  citizen  have  I  injured,  no  widow  have  I  mo-  a  Prince- 
lested,  no  laborer  have  I  arrested,  no  shepherd  have  I  banished,  Boast, 
no  superintendent  of  workmen  was  there  whose  laborers  I  have 
taken  away  from  their  work.  In  my  time  there  were  no  poor,  and 
none  were  hungry  in  my  day.  When  the  years  of  famine  came  I 
ploughed  all  the  fields  of  the  nome  from  the  southern  to  the  north- 
ern boundary;  I  kept  the  inhabitants  alive  and  gave  them  food,  so 
that  not  one  was  hungry.  I  gave  to  the  widow  even  as  to  her  who 
had  a  husband,  and  I  never  preferred  the  great  to  the  small." 

9.  Feudalism  in  Egypt.— In  the  period  of  this  Middle 
Kingdom  Egypt  developed  and  perfected  a  feudal  or- 
ganization much  like  that  which  William  the  Conqueror 
established  in  England.  By  this  is  meant  a  political 
system  in  which  the  land  is  divided  into  lots  of  varying 
size,  and  let  out  to  tenants  who  owe  certain  obligations 
such  as  rent  in  kind  and  military  service  to  the  owner  of 
the  land  who  is  their  political  superior.  The  twelfth 
dynasty  is  the  first  example  of  feudal  government  in 
history.  Rulers  in  such  circumstances  have  to  be  able 
and  active  to  keep  the  nobles  obedient.  The  Pharaohs  cultural 
of  this  dynasty  were  equal  to  the  task.  Under  them  the  <^°"'^<^' 
culture  of  Egypt  became  familiar  to  the  people  of  far-  Tope. 


nans. 


8  First  Oriental  Kingdoms 

distant  Crete.  They  extended  the  state  up  the  Nile  by 
the  conquest  of  Nubia  (Ethiopia),  the  quartz  mines  of 
which  yielded  much  gold.  A  series  of  successful  engi- 
neering works  on  the  lower  Nile,  by  which  a  marshy  dis- 
trict in  the  west,  now  called  the  Fa-yum'  was  drained, 
added  a  wide  and  fertile  tract  to  the  kingdom.  The 
Pharaohs  of  this  dynasty  adorned  it  with  palaces  and 
temples  and  lived  in  it  or  on  its  bojder.  One  of  these 
structures  was  so  elaborate  that  it  was  called  by  He- 
rod'o-tus,  the  Greek  historian  and  traveller,  a  "laby- 
rinth," and  in  his  judgment  it  surpassed  the  Pyramids. 

The  Sume-  iQ.  The  Beginnings  of  Babylonia. — There  was  a  long 
period  of  material  and  political  development  In  the  valley 
of  the  Tigris-Euphrates  rivers  before  the  Su-me'ri-ans 
make  their  appearance  as  lords  of  the  southern  por- 
tion of  it,  which  we  call  Babylonia  (about  2800  B.C.). 
They  were  a  round-headed,  clean-shaven  people  who 
fought  in  a  close  formation  and  created  the  system  of 
writing  as  well  as  the  main  elements  of  culture  which 
subsequently  existed  in  this  district. 

II.  Sumer  and  Accad. — Their  chief  cities  were  Opis, 
Kish  and  Uruk.*  Nippur  was  the  leading  religious  centre 
where  stood  a  famous  temple  to  the  god  Ellil  (Bel).  The 
others  were  in  turn  the  seats  of  kingdoms,  which  ruled 
the  whole  region  for  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  years. 
Uruk's  one  emperor,  Lu'gal-zag-gi'si,  claims,  in  fact,  to 
have  led  his  armies  from  the  Persian  gulf  to  the  Med- 

The  Acca-  itcrrancan.  Then  at  about  2500  B.C.  the  suzerainty 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  men  of  Ag'a-de' — a 
long-headed,  black  haired  and  bearded  people  of  Semitic 
stock  whose  great  king,  Sargon,  not  only  conquered  all 

*  The  M  in  all  these  words  is  pronounced  like  00. 


dians. 


PLATE  III 


THE  SUMERIAN  ARMY   IN  ACTION 


^.'i-^Jk    ^      ''. 


'WsM    US! 


-I. 


I       '^r^^\ 


i 


t-.^' 


BABYLONIAN   CYLINDERS 


Sargon  of  Agad£  9 

Babylonia  but  also  extended  his  authority  over  the  con- 
glomerate of  kinsmen  peoples  who  inhabited  the  arable 
lands  between  hi?  home  and  the  Mediterranean  sea.  He 
probably  reaped  where  his  predecessor  of  Uruk  had 
sown. 

An  interesting  account  of  Sargon's  early  life  has  come  down  to  us  Sargon's 
in  his  own  words:  "Sargon,  the  powerful  king,  am  I.  My  mother  ■^"t"'"" 
was  of  low  degree,  my  father  I  did  not  know.  The  brother  of  my 
father  dwelt  in  the  mountain.  My  city  was  Azupirani,  situated  on  the 
bank  of  the  Euphrates.  [My]  humble  mother  in  secret  brought  me 
forth.  She  placed  me  in  a  basket-boat  of  rushes,  with  pitch  she 
closed  my  door.  She  gave  me  over  to  the  river,  which  did  not  [rise] 
over  me.  The  river  bore  me  along;  to  Akki,  the  irrigator,  it  carried 
me.  Akki,  the  irrigator,  brought  me  to  land.  Akki,  the  irrigator, 
reared  me  as  his  own  son.  Akki,  the  irrigator,  appointed  me  his 
gardener.  While  I  was  gardener,  the  goddess  Ishtar  looked  on  me 
with  love  [and]  .  .  .  four  years  I  ruled  the  kingdom." 

An  ancient  record  reads  as  follows:  "The  moon  was  favorable  The  Cow- 
to  Sargon,  who  at  this  season  was  highly  exalted,  and  a  rival,  an  ^"^^'^  ° 
equal,  there  was  not.  His  own  land  was  quiet.  Over  the  countries 
of  the  sea  of  the  setting  sun  [the  Mediterranean  sea]  he  passed, 
and  for  three  years  at  the  setting  sun  [the  west]  all  lands  his  hand 
subdued.  Every  place  he  formed  into  one  [j.e.,  he  organized  all  into 
an  empire].  His  images  at  the  setting  sun  he  erected  \i.e.,  as  a  sign 
of  authority  in  the  west]." 

12.  Accad  and  Sumer. — Sargon  was  succeeded  by  his 
vigorous  son  Naram  Sin,  and  he  in  turn  by  ten  other 
Accadian  kings;  but  at  the  end  of  one  hundred  and 
ninety-seven  years  the  empire  of  Agade  fell  (2300  B.C.). 
A  period  of  confusion  and  invasion  followed.  Then  the 
Sumerians,  now  largely  Semitized,  seized  the  government 
again  and  for  over  two  hundred  years  kings  of  Ur 
p,nd  Isin  ruled  in  turn  over  the  cities  of  Sumer  and 


10  Early  Babylonian  Empire 

Accad.  Of  the  governors  (pa-te'sis)  whom  they  installed 
in  their  dependencies  none  was  more  energetic  than 
Gud'e-a  of  Shir-pur'la  (La'gash). 


3.— THE  EARLY   BABYLONIAN  EMPIRE 
2500-1600  B.C. 

13.  The  Kingdom  of  Babylon. — Isin  at  length  failed 
to  keep  down  the  subject  cities.  Civil  wars  followed 
accompanied  by  invasions  from  Elam  (§  5).  About  the 
same  time  some  Arabian  kings  seized  the  northern  city  of 

Union         Babylon.     The  two  invaders  fought  each  other,  and  the 
Babylon,      kings  of  Babylon  drove  out  the  Elamites  and  got  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  country.     Thus  a  strong  and  permanent 
state  was  founded  with  its  capital  at  Babylon. 

14.  The  Expansion  of  Babylonia. — To  the  east,  west 
and  south,  with  their  barriers  of  mountain,  desert  and 
sea,  there  was  small  prospect  of  extension.  Elam  and 
the  districts  lying  on  the  slopes  of  the  eastern  ranges 
marked  the  limit  in  this  direction.  But  to  the  north 
and  northwest,  the  rivers  Tigris  and  Euphrates  opened 
up  highways  to  the  Mesopotamian  and  Syrian  regions  as 
far  as  the  northern  mountains  and  the  Mediterranean. 
Thither,  as  we  have  just  seen,  the  kings  of  Uruk  and 
Agade  had  led  their  armies  and  laid  the  foundations  of 
an  empire.*  Of  its  organization  and  history  we  know 
nothing. 

15.  The  First  Babylonian  Empire. — When  the  kings 
of  Babylon  (§  13)  had  united  all  Babylonia  under  their 

*  An  empire  (Latin,  imperium)  is  a  state  made  by  the  supremacy 
of  one  city  or  state  over  several  others.  Such  a  policy  of  making  a  great 
state  is  called  imperialism. 


.  Laws  of  Hammurabi  11 

sway,  they,  too,  followed  the  imperial  policy  and  founded 
the  first  Babylonian  empire — the  earliest  enduring  state 
that  covered  the  larger  part  of  the  known  world.  In 
extent  it  did  not  surpass  the  limits  which  tradition  as- 
signs to  Sargon,  but  the  long  and  abundant  series  of 
written  documents  which  have  come  from  its  kings  bears 
undoubted  testimony  to  their  rule.  The  founder  of  the  King  Ham- 
empire  was  Ham-mu-ra'bi.  a  brilliant  warrior  and  states- 
man (about  1950  B.C.).  An  inscription  illustrates  his 
care  for  the  canal-system  of  Babylonia: 

"When  Anu  and  Bel  [great  gods  of  Babylonia]  gave  mc  the  land  of 
Babylonia  to  rule  and  intrusted  their  sceptre  to  my  hands,  I  dug 
out  the  Hammurabi  canal,  nourisher  of  men,  which  brings  abun- 
dance of  water  to  the  Babylonian  lands.  Both  its  banks  I  changed 
into  fields  for  cultivation,  and  I  gathered  heaps  of  grain,  and  I  pro- 
cured unfailing  water  for  the  Babylonian  lands." 

For  his  empire  the  king  published  a  code  of  laws  His  Law- 
which  contains  some  280  statutes  and  reveals  a  high 
ideal  of  justice.     Some  of  the  more  striking  and  instruc- 
tive of  the  laws  are  the  following: 

r.  If  a  man  bring  an  accusation  against  a  man  and  charge  him 
with  a  crime,  but  cannot  prove  it,  he,  the  accuser,  shall  be  put  to 
death. 

8.  If  a  man  steal  ox  or  sheep,  ass  or  pig  or  boat— if  it  be  from  a 
god  (temple)  or  a  palace,  he  shall  restore  thirty-fold;  if  it  Ije  from  a 
freeman,  he  shall  render  tenfold.  If  the  thief  have  notlu'ng  where- 
with to  pay,  he  shall  be  put  to  death. 

21.  If  a  man  make  a  breach  in  a  house,  they  shall  put  him  to  death 
in  front  of  that  breach,  and  they  shall  thrust  him  therein. 

25.  If  a  fire  break  out  in  the  house  of  a  man,  and  a  man  who  goes 
to  extinguish  it  cast  his  eye  on  the  furniture  of  the  owner  of  the  house, 
and  take  the  furniture  of  the  owner  of  the  house,  that  man  shall  be 
thrown  into  that  fire. 


12  Early  Babylonian  Empire 

57.  If  a  shepherd  have  not  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  owne! 
of  a  field  to  pasture  his  sheep  on  the  grass  and  pasture  his  sheep  on 
the  field  without  the  owner's  consent,  the  owner  of  the  field  shall  har- 
vest his  field,  the  shepherd  who  has  pastured  his  sheep  on  the  field 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner  of  the  field  shall  give  over  and  above 
twenty  gur  of  grain  per  gan  to  the  owner  of  the  field. 

117.  If  a  man  be  in  debt  and  sell  his  wife,  son  or  daughter,  or  bind 
them  over  to  service,  for  three  years  they  shall  work  in  the  house  of 
their  purchaser  or  master;  in  the  fourth  year  they  shall  be  given 
their  freedom. 

195-199.  If  a  son  strike  his  father,  they  shall  cut  off  his  fingers. 
If  a  man  destroy  the  eye  of  another  man,  they  shall  destroy  his  eye. 
If  one  break  a  man's  bone,  they  shall  break  his  bone.  If  one  de- 
stroy the  eye  of  a  freeman  or  break  the  bone  of  a  freeman,  he  shall 
pay  one  mina  of  silver.  If  one  destroy  the  eye  of  a  man's  slave  or 
break  a  bone  of  a  man's  slave,  he  shall  pay  one-half  his  price. 

206.  If  a  man  strike  another  man  in  a  quarrel  and  wound  him,  he 
shall  swear  "I  struck  him  without  intent,"  and  he  shall  be  responsible 
for  a  physician. 

251.  If  a  man's  bull  has  been  wont  to  gore  and  they  have  made 
known  to  him  its  habit  of  goring,  and  he  has  not  protected  its  horns, 
or  has  not  tied  it  up,  and  that  bull  gores  the  son  of  a  man  and  brings 
about  his  death,  he  shall  pay  one-half  mina  of  silver. 

In  his  concluding  words  the  king  says:  "Let  any  oppressed  man, 
who  has  a  cause,  come  before  my  image  as  king  of  righteousness! 
Let  him  read  the  inscription  on  my  monument!  Let  him  give  heed 
to  my  mighty  words!  And  may  my  monument  enlighten  him  as  to 
his  cause  and  may  he  understand  his  case!  May  he  set  his  heart  at 
ease!  (and  he  will  exclaim:)  'Hammurabi  is  indeed  a  ruler  who  is 
like  a  real  father  to  his  people.'  " 

16.  The  Decline  of  Babylon. — For  tv^o  centuries  kings 
continued  to  rule  in  peace  and  prosperity  over  the  empire 
founded  by  Hammurabi.  Even  when  rude  tribes  from 
the  eastern  mountains,  called  the  Kassites,  entered  the 
Babylonian  plain  and  their  chieftains  (about  1750  b.c) 
seated  themselves  on  the  throne  of  Babylon,  the  structure 


Fall  of  Babylonian  Emphe  13 

of  the  state  remained  firm.  The  new  people  accepted 
the  civilization,  and  the  new  kings  ruled  by  the  customs 
and  laws  of  the  old  Babylonian  empire.  For  the  tem-  The  Com- 
pie  at  Nippur  (§  ii)  gypsum  came  from  Mesopotamia,  BabyLn. 
marble,  cedar  arid  cypress  from  the  eastern  mountains, 
lapis  lazuli  from  Bactria  in  the  far  east,  magnesite  from 
the  island  of  Eu-boe'a  in  the  yEgean  sea,  and  cobalt, 
possibly,  from  China,  besides  copper,  gold  and  precious 
stones  from  other  regions.  Nevertheless,  the  Kassite 
period  was  one  of  stagnation.  Babylonia  ceased  to 
develop  and  no  longer  gave  an  impulse  for  progress  to 
other  peoples. 

17.  The  Heirs  of  Babylon. — The  Kassites  were  not 
the  only  foreigners  who  coveted  the  rich  land  of  the  two 
rivers.'  They  had  rivals  in  the  Hittites  from  Asia  "Minor 
and  the  Arians  of  Indo-European  stock  (§  5)  from  the 
east.  The  whole  world  of  the  Babylonian  empire  seems 
to  have  been  a  prey  in  this  epoch  to  captains  and  soldiers 
of  fortune  from  diverse  parts.  The  Kassite  rule  was 
merely  nominal  in  many  districts.  About  1650  B.C.  the 
Semitic  city  of  Assur  on  the  upper  Tigris  threw  off  the 
yoke  of  Babylon  and  founded  the  kingdom  of  Assyria. 
For  a  long  time  it  fought  with  varying  fortune  against 
Kassites,  Hittites  and  Arians.  Elam,  too,  became  in- 
dependent. The  whole  region  beyond  the  Euphrates  Fail  of 
passed  into  the  hands  of  Egypt  (§  38)  and  thus  the  eaijy  lonLn 
Babylonian  empire  perished  (about  1600  B.C.).  Empire. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Who  were  the  Elamites?  2.  For 
what  are  the  following  places  noted :  Memphis,  Agade,  Nippur, 
Thebes,  Babylon?  3.  For  what  were  the  following  famous: 
Hammurabi,  Sargon  of  Agade?  4,  Who  were  the  Semites, 
the  Kassites?  5.  What  is  meant  by  empire,  lapis  lazuli^ 
tradition?    6.  When  did  Hammurabi  live? 


14         Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Culture 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,     i.  The  Land  of  the  Egyptians. 

Breasted,  A  History  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians,  pp.  3-13.  2.  The 
Tigris-Euphrates  Valley.  Goodspeed,  A  History  of  the  Baby- 
lonians and  Assyrians,  pp.  5-13.  3.  Sources  of  Information  of 
the  Tigris-Euphrates  People.  Goodspeed,  pp.  14-24,  37-43. 
4.  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions.  Goodsp*eed,  pp.  25-36.  5. 
Chronology  of  Egyptian  History.  Breasted,  pp.  23-2S.  6. 
The  Earliest  Egyptians.  Breasted,  pp.  30-39.  7.  Sargon  of 
Agade.  Goodspeed,  pp.  61-63.  8.  Khammurabi.  Goodspeed, 
pp.  107-117.    9.  The  Kassites.     Goodspeed,  pp.  121-126. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Fourth 
Egyptian  Dynasty.  Wendel,  pp.  39-41;  Murison,  Egypt,  §§  22- 
24;  Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  chs.  3-4.  2.  The  Twelfth  Egyp- 
tian Dynasty.  Wendel,  pp.  50-57;  Murison,  Egypt,  §§  32-35; 
Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  chs.  5-7.  3.  Sargon  cyf  Agade.  Rag- 
ozin,  Chaldea,  pp.  205-214;  Murison,  Babylon  and  Assyria,  §§  6-9. 
King,  Sumer  and  Akkad,  pp.  238-252.  4.  The  Fourteenth 
Chapter  of  Genesis,  verses  1-5.  Ragozin,  Chaldea,  pp.  221-224; 
Murison,  Babylon  and  Assyria,  §§  13-14.  5.  The  Reign  of  Ham- 
murabi. Murison,  Babylon  and  Assyria,  §  15.  6.  The  Code  of 
Hammurabi.  The  Biblical  World,  March,  1903,  March  1904. 
7.  The  Kassites.  Murison,  Babylon  and  Assyria,  §  16.  8.  The 
Cuneiform  Inscriptions.  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  article  "In- 
scriptions." 


3.— EGYPTIAN  AND   BABYLONIAN 
CULTURE 

18.  Agriculture  the  Chief  Occupation. — In  that  far- 
off  period  when  the  primitive  inhabitants  settled  in  the 
Tigris-Euphrates  and  Nile  basins,  the  first  and  easiest 
things  they  found  to  do  were  the  raising  of  cattle  and 
the  growing  of  grain.  The  wonderfully  rich  and  well- 
watered  soil  produced  for  man  and  beast  all  kinds  of 
plants  for  food.  The  cattle  could  be  pastured  in  the 
luxuriant  marshes  by  the  river-banks.  Seed  sown  in 
moist  spots  produced  wonderful  harvests,  sometimes  two 


PLATE   IV 


^THn^m,'j\%ni\t\zk-^.ii 


PAINTING    FROM    THE    WALL   OF    AN    EGYPTIAN    TOMB 


Agficulture  by  h^rigation  15 

hundred- fold  and  more.  Soon  a  system  of  canals,  dykes  systems  of 
and  reservoirs  was  created  to  distribute  the  inundating  i"'8^"°°- 
waters.  By  this  means  larger  tracts  of  land  were  ob- 
tained for  cultivation,  until  the  entire  valley  was  one  vast 
garden.  The  majority  of  the  people  were  farmers;  the 
chief  products  of  the  lands  were  cattle  and  grain.  The 
regular  yearly  inundations  of  the  rivers  kept  the  land 
fertile,  and  the  bountiful  soil  continued  from  generation 
to  generation  to  pour  its  wealth  into  the  arms  of  the  culti- 
vators. Its  abundant  products  not  merely  supplied  their 
needs,  but  furnished  a  surplus  which  they  could  store 
away  or  sell  to  other  peoples  less  favored.  It  was  this 
surplus  that  made  the  nations  in  these  river-valleys  rich 
and  gave  them  their  commanding  position  in  the  ancient 
world. 

19.  Industry. — These  lands  were  also  the  earliest 
seats  of  industry.  The  records  show  that  already  there 
were  carpenters,  blacksmiths,  weavers,  goldsmiths,  silver- 
smiths, leather  workers,  potters,  dyers,  masons,  miners, 
vintners,  jewellers,  and  brickmakers.  Each  trade  ap- 
pears to  have  been  organized  as  a  guild  or  union  with 
a  chief  officer.  Egypt  was  specially  famous  for  its  won- 
derfully fine  white  linen;  Babylonia  for  its  woollens 
woven  into  cloths  and  rugs  of  various  colors.  Pa-py'- 
rus,*  a  tall  reed  growing  in  profusion  in  the  Nile,  was 
used  by  the  Egyptians  to  make  mats,  rope,  sandals, 
boats  and  writing  material.  Long  strips  of  it  were  laid  Paper, 
crosswise,  pressed  together  and  the  surfaces  polished  oflf 
to  make  a  rude  kind  of  paper.  The  most  important 
industry  to  the  Babylonians  was  brickmaking.  Stone 
was  hard  to  get  and  clay  was  abundant.     Hence  all 

*  From  this  word  our  "paper"  is  derived. 


16  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Culture 

Babylonian  l)uildings  were  of  brick.  Clay  was  the  chief 
Clay  Tab-  writing  material  of  Babylonia.  It  was  moulded,  when 
soft,  into  cakes;  into  these  the  characters  were  pressed 
with  a  tool,  and  then  the  cakes  were  dried  in  the  sun  or 
in  a  kiln.  One  of  their  months,  corresponding  to  our 
June,  had  a  name  which  meant  "the  month  of  bricks," 
because  it  was  the  best  time  of  the  year  for  brickmaking. 

20.  Commerce  and  Trade. — Trading  was  another  ac- 
Of  Egypt,     tivity   of  these  peoples.     The  Egyptians  traded  chiefly 

among  their  own  people  up  and  down  the  Nile.  Yet 
sea-voyages  also  were  undertaken  from  an  early  period; 
and  a  regular  maritime  traffic,  especially  in  lumber,  was 
conducted  by  the  Egyptians  with  the  coast  of  Phoenicia 
whence  they  got  the  cedars  of  Lebanon  which  were 
greatly  in  demand  in  woodless  Egypt.  They  obtained 
ivory,  incense  and  spices,  ostrich  feathers  and  panther 
skins  from  the  far  south.  They  delighted  also  in  strange 
animals,  and  made  a  specialty  of  importing  apes  and 
Of  Baby-  monkcys.  But  it  was  the  Babylonians  who  were  the 
chief  traders.  They  extended  their  commercial  opera- 
tions throughout  the  ancient  eastern  world.  Having  no 
stone  and  little  wood  in  their  own  land  they  imported 
them.  Cedar  was  brought  from  the  Mediterranean 
coast,  teak  from  India;  stone  came  from  the  eastern 
mountains  and  even  from  western  Arabia.  They  got 
gold  and  silver  from  the  east  in  exchange  for  their  grain 
and  cloth.  Their  merchants  ventured  into  the  borders 
of  distant  countries  with  their  wares,  and  carried  thither 
knowledge  of  the  Babylonian  civilization. 

2 1 .  Organization  of  Society. — ^Men  engaged  in  so  many 
varied  pursuits  would  very  early  be  organized  into  com- 
munities.    We  have  already  said  that  our  first  glimpse 


Ionia. 


King  and  Nohles  17 

of  the  peoples  in  the  Tigris-Euphrates  river-valley 
finds  them  living  in  city-states.  The  head  of  the  state  The  King, 
was  the  king.  He  seems  to  have  been  first  a  priest, 
occupied  with  religious  duties,  and  to  have  risen  from 
the  priesthood  to  the  kingship.  He  was  closest  to  the 
gods,  as  was  also  the  king  in  Egypt,  who  was  regarded 
as  divine  and  called  "the  good  god."  Hence  his  power 
was  supreme  and  absolute;  he  had  "divine  right." 
Obedience  to  him  was  the  first  duty  of  his  subjects. 
But  he  must  also  be  the  benefactor  of  his  people.  He 
was  the  one  who  hunted  and  killed  the  wild  animals 
that  preyed  upon  the  land;  he  led  his  people  in  war 
against  their  enemies.  He  was  the  source  of  law  and 
the  fountain  of  justice.  Any  subject  could  appeal  to 
him  for  deliverance.  Next,  but  far  below  him,  came  The 
the  nobility.  The  greatest  noble  in  Egypt  must  fall  on  °  "  y- 
his  face  and  "snuff  the  ground"  before  the  king;  the  Feudal  so- 
highest  honor  was  to  be  called  the  king's  "friend."  The  '"^'^' 
land  had  been  divided  among  the  nobles  by  the  king,  the 
sole  owner;  they  held  it  at  his  will  and  paid  him  tribute 
and  military  service  in  return.  They  were  his  coun- 
sellors arid  assistants  in  government,  the  governors,  the 
judges  and  the  general  of  the  army.  Often  they  lived 
on  their  own  estates  in  fine  palaces  surrounded  by  gar- 
dens; they  ruled  over  their  dependants  as  the  king  over 
the  state.  There  was  always  danger  that  some  one 
among  them  would  become  strong  enough  to  aspire  to 
the  throne  and  rebel  against  his  lord.  The  kingship 
was  too  glittering  a  prize  not  to  attract  an  ambitious 
noble.     Hence  the  king  had  to  be  strong  and  watchful. 

22.  The  People. — The  common  people  played  no  part 
in  public  life,  and  it  is  hard  lo  disrover  and  to  describe 


18         Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Culture 

their  place  in  this  ancient  world.  Probably  very  few 
of  them  owned  land.  That  belonged  to  the  king  and 
nobles,  who  rented  it  out  to  tenant  farmers.  The  latter 
cultivated  the  land  personally  or  by  means  of  free  la- 
borers or  slaves,  and  usually  ^aid  one-third  of  the  yearly 

Slaves.  crop  as  rent  to  the  proprietor.  Slaves  were  not  very 
numerous  in  this  early  period  and  were  well  treated. 
In  Babylonia  most  slaves  were  the  property  of  the  tem- 
ples and  were  hired  out  by  the  priests  to  the  farmers, 
who  had  to  care  for  them  if  sick  or  injured;  the  free 
hired  laborers  had  to  look  out  for  themselves. 

23.  Merchants. — The  artisans  and  tradesmen  were  not 
very  highly  regarded  by  the  upper  classes,  but  their 
growing  wealth  gave  them  increasing  importance  in  the 
cities  where  they  naturally  gathered.  Babylonian  mer- 
chants began  early  to  form  an  important  class.  Some 
trading  families  carried  on  mercantile  operations  from 
generation  to  generation,  amassed  riches,  and  engaged 

Means  of  in  banking.  At  first  all  trade  was  in  natural  products; 
xc  ange.  ^g^^-j-jg  ^gj-g  exchanged  for  wheat  or  dates.  But  standards 
of  value  began  to  be  set  up  by  the  use  of  the  precious 
metals.  They  were  fashioned  in  bars  or  rings  and  went 
by  weight.  In  Babylonia  the  standard  was  the  she'kel  of 
half  an  ounce  avoirdupois;  sixty  of  these  made  a  mi'na, 
and  sixty  minas  a  talent.  In  Egypt  the  deh'en,  weighing 
three  and  a  quarter  ounces,  was  the  standard.  In  those 
days  silver  was  more  precious  than  gold  and  copper  was 
the  commonest  metal.  Iron  was  rarer.  It  was  possible 
to  estimate  the  value  of  natural  products  in  these  stand- 
ards, and  thus  mercantile  operations  on  a  much  greater 
scale  could  be  engaged  in.  Soon  the  Babylonian  mer- 
chants began  to  make  loans,  usually  at  a  high  rate  of 


Justice  19 

interest.  Their  security  was  often  the  person  or  family 
of  the  borrowers,  who  were  ruthlessly  seized  and  sold  as 
slaves  if  payment  was  not  made.  Thus  the  merchant 
came  to  be  more  and  more  a  power  in  the  ancient 
world. 

24.  Supremacy  of  Law. — One  of  the  most  wonderful 
things  about  this  early  world  is  that  all  these  various 
activities  of  ancient  life  were  firmly  established  on  a 
basis  of  law.  The  chief  reason  for  the  organization  and 
continuance  of  the  state  was  that  it  secured  justice  for 
its  mem.bers.  Not  violence  but  order  was  the  rule.  The 
symbol  of  rank  was  the  staff,  not  the  sword.  The  high- 
est official  in  Egypt  under  the  Pharaoh  was  the  Chief 
Justice.  The  Babylonians  were  particularly  given  to 
legal  forms.  When  one  sold  his  grain,  or  hired  a  la-  The 
borer,  or  made  a  will,  or  married  a  wife,  or  adopted 
a  son,  he  went  before  the  judge,  and  a  document  record- 
ing the  transaction  was  written  out  and  signed  by  the 
contracting  parties  in  his  presence.  The  document  was 
then  filed  away  in  the  public  archives.  In  the  case  of  a 
dispute  arbitrators  were  employed  or  the  matter  was 
brought  before  the  court.  The  opposing  parties  were 
sworn,  and  after  the  case  was  heard,  a  written  verdict 
was  rendered  and  accepted  by  the  disputants,  or  an  ap- 
peal was  made  to  a  higher  tribunal.  Thousands  of  these 
legal  documents,  decisions,  bills,  drafts,  sales,  orders,  wills, 
etc.,  have  been  preserved  to  the  present  day. 

25,  The  Family. — The  family  was  already  a  wcU- 
rccognizcd  institution.  The  father  was  its  acknowledged 
head,  but  the  mother  was  highly  honored.  No  family 
was  regarded  as  complete  without  children.  In  Baby- 
lonia it  was  common  to  adopt  sons  by  process  of  law. 


Judge. 


20  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Cultwe 

Respect  and  love  for  parents  was  taught  and  practised. 
"  Thou  shalt  never  forget  what  thy  mother  has  done  for 
thee,"  says  Ani,  the  sage  of  Egypt,  and  another  declares, 
"I  have  caused  the  name  of  my  father  to  increase." 
Giving  in  marriage  was  the  father's  privilege  and  was 
arranged  on  a  money  basis.     The  wooer  paid  for  his 

Marriage,  bride  according  to  his  wealth.  Usually  the  marriage 
ceremony  was  both  civil  and  religious.  The  wife  brought 
a  marriage  portion  to  her  husband,  which  he  had  to  re- 
turn if  he  divorced  her.  A  man  might  buy  more  than 
one  wife,  but  this  was  a  luxury  reserved  for  the  rich  and 
was  of  doubtful  advantage  to  the  peace  of  the  home  life. 
In  the  king's  "harem"  were  gathered  as  many  princesses 
as  there  were  political  alliances  with  neighboring  rulers 
or  nobles.  The  sense  of  family  unity  seems  to  have 
been  stronger  in  Babylonia  than  in  Egypt.  The  Baby- 
lonian father  had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  wife 
and  children;  the  children  called  themselves  after  the 
names  of  their  ancestors.  In  Egypt  names  were  indi- 
vidual, containing  no  reference  to  family  relations,  nor 
do  funeral  epitaphs  usually  glorify  the  ancestors  of  the 
dead. 

26.  Writing. — Both  Babylonians  and  Egyptians  had 
already  invented  systems  of  writing.  These  systems 
sprang  out  of  the  attempt  to  represent  objects  and  ideas 
by  pictures — a  circle  standing  for  "sun,"  or  a  winged 
creature  for  "flying,"  etc.     Two  changes  took  place  in 

picto-  course  of  time.     The  pictures  began  to  have  various 

meanings  and  they  came  to  lose  their  original  form  as 
pictures.  So  in  Babylonia  we  have  words  represented 
by  a  series  of  lines  thickened  into  a  wedge  at  the  end. 
Hence  these  signs  are  called,  from  the  Latin  word  cii'- 


graphs. 


Literal}  i7'e  '■Zl 

ne-us,  "a  wedge,"  cu'nei-forni.  The  Egyptians  regarded 
their  picture-signs  as  "divine"  and  ''holy";  hence  they 
are  called  hi'er-o-glyph'ics,  from  the  Greek  word  hi'er-os, 
"holy."  All  these  systems  of  writing,  which  seem  to  us 
so  cumbrous  and  difficult,  are  nevertheless  the  foun- 
dation of  our  own  alphabet,  and  in  their  day  were  a 
wonderful  achievement  which  contributed  immensely  to 
human  progress. 

27.  The  Scribe. — To  master  these  methods  of  writ- 
ing required  special  study,  to  which  only  a  few  could 
give  themselves.  These  began  as  boys  under  the  teacher, 
usually  in  the  temple  school,  and  graduated  as  scribes. 
To  be  a  scribe  was  to  enjoy  an  honorable  and  useful 
career  in  government  employ,  with  the  prospect  of  riches 
and  advancement.  To  every  king,  prince,  noble,  gov- 
ernor or  judge  a  scribe  was  indispensable  for  prepar- 
ing his  despatches  or  decisions;  indeed,  everybody  who 
wished  to  write  a  letter  or  to  read  one  was  dependent  on 
the  scribe. 

28.  Literature. — Songs,  stories  and  records  had  also 
been    written.     In   other   words,    these   peoples  had   a 
literature.     It  started  with  the  priests,  who  were  the  its 
learned  men  of  the  time;    therefore  it  was  chiefly  made  Eie^en^ 
up  of  religious  books,  such  as  prayers  and  hymns  for 
public  worship.     But  there  were  also  tales  in  prose  and 

verse  about  divine  heroes  and  their  wonderful  advent- 
ures. The  most  striking  of  these  is  the  Babylonian 
epic  of  the  Hero  Gilgamesh,  who  seeks  the  fountain  of 
immortality.  In  the  eleventh  book  of  this  poem  is  the 
account  of  the  deluge  and  the  building  of  the  shij)  in 
which  one  family  of  all  human  kind  is  saved— wonder- 
fully like  the  Bible  story  in  Genesis.     The  Egyptians  had 


22         Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Cultin^e 


a  fondness  for  stories  o    magic  and  fairy  tales.     Their 
poetry  also  was  sometimes  touching  and  thoughtful. 

"Mind  thee  of  the  day  when  thou  too  shalt  start  for  the  land 
To  which  one  goeth  never  to  return. 
Good  for  thee  then  will  have  been  an  honorable  life; 
Therefore  be  just  and  hate  transgressions, 
For  he  who  loveth  justice  will  be  blessed; 
Then  give  bread  to  him  who  has  no  field 
And  create  for  thyself  a  good  name  for  posterity  forever." 

29.  Historical  Literature.— A  sense  for  literature  and 
history  is  shown  in  the  desire  of  kings  and  nobles  to 
preserve  memorials  of  themselves.  Long  autobiogra- 
phies are  found  in  the  tombs  of  Egyptian  officials,  and 
Babylonian  kings  proclaim  their  own  deeds  in  inscrip- 

Libraries.  tions  upon  slabs  and  images.  King  Sargon  of  Agade 
(§  11)  is  said  to  have  formed  a  library  in  his  capital 
and  to  have  collected  hymns  and  rituals  in  a  great  work 
called  The  Illuminaiion  of  Bel,  Every  Babylonian  tem- 
ple also  had  its  library  where  the  temple  documents  and 
sacred  books  were  placed.  Many  of  these  have  only  re- 
cently been  unearthed.  History  involves  more,  however, 
than  the  making  and  keeping  of  records.  They  must 
be  knit  together  so  as  to  make  a  connected  and  intelli- 
gible whole.  This  was  not  done  by  either  the  ancient 
Egyptians  or  Babylonians;  it  was  done  imperfectly  by 
the  Hebrews.  The  Greeks  were  the  real  creators  of 
history. 

30.  Arts  of  Life. — No  little  degree  of  comfort  in  liv- 
The  House,  ing  was  cnjoycd.     The  country  houses  of  the  aristoc- 
racy were  roomy  and  surrounded  by  gardens  in  which 
trees,    flowers    and    running    water    were    found.     The 
Egyptians  had  a  passion  for  flowers,  and  at  the  banquets 


Lack  of 
Real  His- 
tory. 


Life  and  Customs  23 

the  guests  were  garlanded  with  wreaths.  The  walls  of 
the  house  were  hung  wiih  brilliant  tapestries.  Stools 
and  couches,  the  forms  of  which  are  still  copied  among 
us,  constituted  the  furniture.  In  the  Babylonian  cities 
the  palaces  of  the  king  and  his  officials  were  built  on 
platforms  or  mounds  raised  high  above  the  plain,  while 
the  houses  of  the  common  people  were  crowded  to- 
gether below  them.  The  latter  were  simple  and  low, 
with  thick  mud  walls  and  flat  roofs.  The  streets  were 
narrow  and  dirty.  The  fire  was  started  with  a  fire- 
stick  and  bow.  The  dining-table  was  a  low  bench.  Food  and 
around  which  the  family  squatted  and  partook  of  the 
usual  m.eal  of  dried  fish,  dates  and  cakes  of  ground 
grain.  Beer  was  the  universal  drink,  though  wine  was 
also  very  common.  When  an  Egyptian  gave  an  enter- 
tainment he  usually  invited  his  friends  to  a  "house  of 
beer,"  or  a  roast  goose.  They  slept  on  low  couches  or 
on  mats  spread  on  the  floor.  The  Egyptian's  pillow  was 
a  wooden  head-rest,  which,  though  hard,  was  cool  and 
did  not  disarrange  his  wig.  The  priests  shaved  their 
heads,  other  people  wore  their  hair  short,  and  all  well- 
to-do  persons  wore  wigs.  Although  the  beard  was 
shaven,  the  pictures  represent  the  nobles  with  false 
beards  as  a  sign  of  dignity.  In  Babylonia,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  prevailing  fashion  was  to  wear  hair  and 
beard  long.  The  fundamental  article  of  dress  was  the  Dress, 
cloth  that  was  wrapped  about  the  middle  of  the  body. 
Additions  were  made  to  this  by  the  better  classes;  the 
cloth  was  lengthened  to  the  knees  or  a  quilted  skirt  was 
worn.  The  Egyptian  was  most  careful  about  cleanliness 
in  dress,  and  the  laundryman  is  a  conspicuous  figure  on 
the  monuments.     In  Egypt  nothing  was  worn  on  the 


24  Egyptia7i  and  Babylo7iian  Culture 


Aaiuse- 
ments. 


Architect- 
ure. 


The 
"^vramids. 


head;  the  Babylonian  aristocracy  are  represented  with 
flat  caps.  To  go  barefoot  was  customary,  or,  at  most, 
sandals  were  worn.  Ointments  and  cosmetics  were  used 
by  men  and  women  alike  and  for  the  entire  body.  A 
man's  street  costume  was  not  complete  without  a  cane; 
in  Babylonia  everyone  carried  a  seal,  which  served  him 
when  he  wished  to  sign  his  name.  A  variety  of  recrea- 
tions is  illustrated  by  the  Egyptian  monuments.  Hunt- 
ing birds  and  hippopotami  in  the  Nile  marshes  was  the 
favorite  sport  of  the  nobles.  Bull-fights,  wrestling,  dan- 
cing, singing  and  playing  on  musical  instruments  were 
greatly  enjoyed;  even  games  of  checkers  and  chess  are 
found. 

31.  The  Higher  Arts. — Thus  the  higher  arts  were 
early  reached.  Both  peoples  accomplished  much  in 
architecture.  Although  the  Babylonians  had  only  bricks 
as  building  material,  they  erected  massive  and  effective 
temples  and  palaces.  A  mighty  terrace  forty  or  more 
feet  high  was  first  built  and  on  this  rose  the  temple 
which  usually  culminated  in  a  tower  made  of  solid 
stories  of  brick  placed  one  above  another,  each  succes- 
sive story  smaller  than  the  one  beneath  it — the  whole 
often  reaching  one  hundred  feet  in  height.  Egypt's  most 
splendid  structures  were  the  Pyramids,  built  to  serve  as 
tombs  of  the  kings.  The  pyramid  of  the  Pharaoh  Khu'fu 
of  the  fourth  dynasty  was  a  mass  of  limestone  and  gran- 
ite over  755  feet  square  at  the  base,  thus  covering  13 
acres,  and  rising  to  a  point  at  a  height  of  481  feet;  the 
sides  were  faced  with  blocks  so  nicely  fitted  together  as 
to  look  like  a  single  mighty  surface  smooth  and  shining. 
In  the  heart  of  it  was  the  funeral  chamber,  the  roof  of 
which  was  so  carefully  adjusted  to  bear  the  enormous 


Science  25 

weight  above  it  as  not  to  have  yielded  an  inch  in  the 
course  of  the  ages.* 

32.  Sculpture. — In  the  Httle  as  well  as  the  great  the 
ancients  of  these  days  showed  remarkable  skill.  In  the 
engraving  of  hard  stones,  the  Babylonian  artists  ex- 
celled, while  the  gold  and  brightly  colored  inlay  work  of 
the  Egyptians  is  surprising.  The  pottery  is  both  useful 
and  artistic,  and  the  furniture  affords  models  for  the 
present  day.  The  statues  from  hard  granite,  or  harder 
diorite,  were  cut  and  polished  with  amazing  fineness.  It 
is  true  that  grace  and  naturalness  are  rarely  found  in  the 
pose  and  modelling  of  the  figures.  The  Egyptians  not 
only  did  not  understand  perspective,  but  they  mixed  up 
the  profile  and  front  views  of  their  human  figures  in  a 
grotesque  manner.  The  statues,  however,  from  both 
peoples,  while  stiff,  are  strong,  real  and  impressive. 
You  feel  that  they  are  for  eternity. 

33.  Science. — What  was  known  of  the  natural  world, 
its  laws  and  its  forces,  was  a  strange  compound  of 
truth  and  error.  Many  of  nature's  secrets  had  been 
pierced.  The  movements  of  the  heavenly  bodies  were  Astronomy 
mapped  out.  The  year  of  365 1-  days  was  determined. 
Eclipses  were  calculated.     Men  were  familiar  with  the 

points  of  the  compass  and  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac.  The 
decimal  system  was  employed,  and  joined  with  it  was 
the  sexagesimal  system  (10  x  6).  Weights  and  measures 
were  carefully  worked  out  on  the  basis  of  the  hand- 
breadth.  The  sun-dial  and  the  water-clock  measured 
time.  The  mechanical  skill  shown  in  building  is  amaz-  Mechanics, 
ing.  The  arch,  the  lever  and  the  inclined  plane  were 
known.     Engineers  of  to-day,  if  they  had  only  the  means 

*  The  roof -beams  of  granite  were  cracked  by  the  earthquake  of  27  B.C. 


26         Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Culture 

then  available,  would  have  serious  difficulty  in  putting 
some  of  the  stones  of  the  Pyramids  into  their  places,  if 
indeed  they  could  accomplish  it  at  all.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  earth  was  regarded  by  the  Babylonians  as  an 
inverted  bowl,  its  edges  resting  on  the  great  watery  deep. 
On  its  outer  surface  dwelt  mankind.  Within  its  crust 
was  the  dark  abode  of  the  dead.  Above  and  about  it, 
resting  on  the  ocean  of  waters,  was  the  heaven,  another 
inverted  bov/1  or  disk,  on  the  under  side  of  which  moved 
the  heavenly  bodies;  on  the  outer  side  lay  another  ocean 
beyond  which  dwelt  the  gods  in  eternal  light.  The  stars 
were  thought  to  have  influence,  either  good  or  bad,  on 
the  life  of  men,  and  hence  were  carefully  studied.  The 
study  of  medicine  consisted  of  a  search  for  strange  com- 
binations of  incongruous  substances,  in  which  a  wise 
prescription  or  a  useful  discovery  came  only  by  chance. 
The  blood  of  lizards,  the  teeth  of  swine,  putrid  meat,  the 
moisture  from  pigs'  ears  are  among  Egyptian  remedies 
for  illness.  No  study  of  Nature  for  her  own  sake,  but 
only  for  practical  ends  or  from  religious  motives — this 
was  the  vital  weakness  of  the  science  of  the  ancient  east. 
34.  Religion. — ^The  main  factor  in  the  life  of  these 
peoples  was  their  religion.  It  inspired  their  literature, 
their  science  and  their  art.  It  was  the  foundation  of 
their  social  and  political  life.  Priests  were  judges, 
scribes,  teachers  and  authors.  Temples  were  treasuries, 
fortresses  and  colleges  as  well  as  places  of  worship.  All 
this  means  that  one  of  the  first  problems  that  these  men 
had  to  face  was  their  relation  to  the  world  about  and 
above  them.  They  sought  to  solve  this  problem  by  be- 
lieving that  they  were  surrounded  by  higher  beings  with 
whom  it  was  possible  to  get  on  in  peace  and  harmony. 


11. '■ 


^  >. 


t:  ..i 


Copyright,  /(?'>?,  by  A .  J,  Itohnan  &•  Co. 

l-'rom  "F.xfloralions  in  Kihte  Lauds  During  the  A'inrteenth  Ctutury." 


A   Babylonian  Temple  (Nippur) 


An  Egyptian    Temple  (Luxor) 
ORIENTAL   TEMPLES 


I 


Religion  27 

This  belief,  and  the  worship  that  sprang  out  of  it,  was  General 
rehgion;  it  had  everything  to  do  with  primitive  society.  Gods. 
In  the  periods  which  we  arc  studying,  religion  was  far 
advanced.  Had  you  gone  into  a  city  of  Egypt  or  Baby- 
lonia and  talked  with  a  priest  of  the  temple,  he  would 
have  told  you  that,  as  there  were  gods  for  every  city,  so 
his  city  had  its  god  who  cared  for  and  watched  over  its 
people;  the  king  was  his  representative  or  even  his  son. 
God  gave  rain  and  fruitful  seasons  to  the  farmer  and 
prosperity  to  the  merchant;  he  saved  from  sickness  and 
calamity;  he  appointed  judges  to  give  true  judgments 
and  governors  to  rule  uprightly.  In  turn  the  king 
reared  the  temple  to  the  glory  of  the  gods  and  estab- 
lished the  priesthood  to  offer  daily  sacrifice  of  grain  and 
cattle  to  them;  he  gave  to  the  gods  of  the  spoils  of  v/ar 
and  of  the  harvest,  and  hither  the  people  brought  their 
gifts  and  paid  their  vows.  Had  you  asked  the  Baby-  The  Baby- 
lonian who  was  this  God,  he  would  have  replied:  "Bel,  Gods, 
'the  Lord';  or  the  Sun,  or  the  Moon,  or  the  Storm 
Wind,  or  the  Watery-  Deep — all  gods  of  power  afar  off. 
Nevertheless  they  are  very  watchful  of  man,  who,  often 
sinful  and  deserving  of  punishment,  feels  himself  de- 
pendent on  them,  and  comes  to  them  with  psalms  and 
prayers  of  penitence  when  they  have  brought  plague  and 
sorrow  upon  him  for  his  sin."  To  the  same  question  The 
the  Egyptian  would  have  replied:  "Re,*  the  Sun,  who  Gods, 
moves  daily  over  the  sky  in  his  boat  scattering  blessings 
upon  his  children,  before  whom  flowers  spring  up  and 
fields  bloom,  whom  we  praise  in  the  morning  at  his  ris- 
ing and  at  even  in  his  setting — and  a  thousand  other 
gods  of  animals  and  plants  who  love  us  and  are  ever 

*  Pronounced  Ray. 


Life 


28  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  Cultui'e 

near  to  bless  us  by  their  mysterious  presence  and  favor." 
The  Future  And  had  you  asked  about  the  Hfe  after  death  the  Baby- 
lonian would  have  shaken  his  head  and  spoken  of  the 
future  as  dark  and  sad  when  the  spirit,  torn  from  the 
body,  goes  down  to  the  dusky  abode  of  the  dead,  to 
drag  out  a  miserable  existence.  But  the  Egyptian,  with 
hopeful  face,  would  have  told  you  how  to  keep  the  body 
as  an  eternal  abode  of  the  spirit  by  mummifying  it  and 
putting  it  in  a  deep  tomb  far  from  decay  and  disturbance; 
or  he  would  have  spoken  of  the  fields  of  Aaru,  a  happier 
Egypt  beyond  the  sky,  where,  after  passing  through  the 
trials  of  the  underworld,  by  the  aid  of  the  god  Osiris 
and  the  power  of  the  Book  of  the  Dead,  or  in  the  sun- 
boat  of  the  god  Re,  the  soul  would  at  last  be  united  with 
the  body  in  a  blissful  immortality. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Mention  some  things  peculiar  to 
Egyptian  culture?  2.  Why  were  the  scribes  important? 
3.  What  is  meant  by  papyrus,  deben,  nome,  cuneiform,  feu- 
dal, shekel,  hieroglyphic,  dynasty?  4.  Name  with  dates  the 
grand  divisions  of  ancient  history.  5.  At  about  what  time 
were  the  Pyramids  built? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Early  Babylonian  Cities. 
Goodspeed,  pp.  49-53.  2.  Elamite  Invasions  of  Babylonia. 
Goodspeed,  pp.  66-70.  3.  Babylonian  Civilization,  (a)  Family 
Life:  Government,  Goodspeed,  pp.  79-85.  {b)  Industries,  Good- 
speed,  pp.  73-79.  (c)  Literature,  Goodspeed,  pp.  31-36,  86-91. 
{d)  Babylonian  Art,  Goodspeed,  pp.  94-101.  4.  How  the  Early 
Egytians  Lived,  (a)  Industries  and  Sources  of  National  Income, 
Breasted,  pp.  30-33,  88-92.  (Jo)  Family  and  Homes,  Breasted, 
pp.  83-88.  (c)  Burial  Customs,  Breasted,  pp.  36-38,  65-73. 
(J)  Religion,  Breasted,  pp.  47-48,  55-73.  (e)  The  Egyptian  Art, 
Breasted,  pp.  95-102.  5.  Growth  and  Change  in  the  First 
Period  of  the  Empire  in  Egypt.     Breasted,  pp.  195-206. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING   AND   ORAL  REPORT,     i.  Egyptian 

Agriculture   and   Arts   and   Crafts.     Erman,   Life  in    Ancient 


The  Hyksos  29 

EgjTJt,  pp.  425-520.  2.  Babylonian  Civilization,  ^^uri?on, 
Babylonia  and  Assyria,  ch.  15.  3.  Relations  between  Egypt  and 
Babylonia.  King,  Sumcr  and  Akkad,  ])p.  321-348.  4.  What 
Countries  Have  Once  Had  a  Feudal  System?  See  Encyclo|icdi;i 
Britannica,  aitirlcs  " I'luidalisni"  and  "Japan."  5.  Modern  Irri- 
gation in  Egypt:  the  Assouan  Dam.  Cosmopolitan,  Aug.,  1901; 
Idler,  22,  257;  Nature,  67,  1S4. 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES,  i.  Draw  a  rough  map  of  the 
ancient  oriental  world  illustrating  the  crescent-shaped  forma- 
tion suggested  in  §  2.  Locate  as  many  countries  and  cities  as 
possible.  2.  From  plate  II,  1-4,  try  to  enumerate  the  physical 
characteristics  of  the  Semitic  type  of  man.  3.  From  plate 
IV  find  as  many  illustrations  as  possible  of  the  life  described 
in  §§  18-34. 


4.— THE   EGYPTIAN   (NEW)    EMPIRE 

1580-1150  B.C. 

35.  The  Hyksos  Invade  Egypt. — The  feudal  kingdom 
of  Eg)-pt,  after  the  brilliant  days  of  the  twelfth  dynasty 
(jij  8),  fell  into  decay.  The  nobles  gained  more  power 
and  rose  up  against  their  kings.  Foreign  peoples  in- 
vaded the  land  and  added  to  the  confusion.  Finally, 
not  long  after  the  Kassites  entered  Babylonia  ($  i6), 
invaders  from  western  Arabia  and  Syria  burst  into  Egypt 
through  the  isthmus  of  Suez  and  took  possession  of  the 
northern  half  of  the  land.  They  also  made  southern 
Eg>'pt  tributary,  though  the  seat  of  their  own  power  was 
in  the  north.  From  the  name  given  to  their  leaders  they 
are  usually  called  the  Hyksos. 

Man'e-tho  (§  7«),  as  quoted  in  a  writing  of  Joseplius  tlic  Jew, 
tells  among  other  things  why  tliis  name  was  given  to  them.  He 
says:  "There  came  up  from  the  east  in  a  strange  manner  men  of 
an  ignoble  race,  who  had  the  confidence  to  invade  our  country,  and 


30  The  Egyjjtian  Empii^e 

easily  subdued  it  l^y  their  power  without  a  battle.  And  when  they 
had  our  rulers  in  their  hands,  they  burnt  our  cities  and  demolished 
the  temples  of  the  gods  and  inflicted  every  kind  of  barbarity  upon 
the  inhabitants,  slaying  some  and  reducing  the  wives  and  children 
of  others  to  a  state  of  slavery.  At  length  they  made  one  of  them- 
selves king.  ...  He  lived  at  Memphis  and  rendered  both  the  upper 
and  the  lower  regions  of  Egypt  tributary  and  stationed  garrisons  in 
places  which  were  best  adapted  for  that  purpose.  All  this  nation 
was  styled  Hyksos,  that  is,  Shepherd  Kings;  for  the  first  syllable, 
Hyk,  in  the  sacred  dialect  denotes  'king,'  and  sos  signifies  'shepherd,' 
but  this  only  according  to  the  vulgar  tongue;  and  of  these  is  com- 
pounded the  name  Hyksos.'" 

36.  Expulsion  of  the  Hyksos. — The  Hyksos  ruled  over 
Egypt  for  a  century  (about  1675-1575  B.C.).  The  peo- 
ple adopted  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Egyptians, 
and  the  kings  ruled  like  the  native  Pharaohs.  Yet  the 
Egyptians  could  not  forget  that  they  were  foreigners. 
A  rebellion  broke  out  in  the  south,  gathered  strength,  and 
war  was  waged  for  years.  The  princes  of  Thebes  were 
leaders  of  the  rebels,  fighting  for  the  deliverance  of  their 
country  and  their  gods.  It  was  a  fierce  struggle.  The 
mummy  of  one  of  these  princes,  now  in  the  Cairo  Mu- 
seum, shows  a  great  slash  on  the  head  received  appar- 
ently in  one  of  these  battles.  After,  perhaps,  half  a  cen- 
tury of  fighting,  the  foreign  princes  who  had  made  their 
last  stand  in  their  capital  A-va'ris,  and  had  sustained  there 
a  siege  of  many  years'  duration,  were  driven  out  of 
Egypt  into  the  northeast  whence  they  had  come.  The 
native  Egyptians  recovered  their  land,  and  the  princes 
of  Thebes,  who  had  led  them  so  valiantly,  had  their  re- 
ward.    They  became  kings  of  Egypt. 

37.  The  New  Warlike  Spirit. — The  Egyptians  hitherto 
had  been  a  peaceful  people.     They  had  enlarged  their 


The  Asiatic  Campaigiis  31 

domains  in  the  early  days  chiefly  by  entering  the  penin- 
sula of  Sinai  and  making  expeditions  up  the  Nile  into 
Nubia.  But  now  circumstances  made  it  possible  for  them 
to  do  greater  things.  The  Hyksos  had  brought  the  horse  The  Horse 
with  them  into  Egypt,*  and  in  war  much  more  could  be 
done  by  means  of  horses.  Chariots  could  be  employed, 
longer  marches  made.  The  Egyptian  army  had  been 
trained  in  the  new  art  of  war  and  seasoned  by  the  long 
and  fierce  struggle  with  the  Hyksos.  The  Pharaoh,  their 
leader,  had  become  a  warrior  eager  for  military  glory. 
The  gods  of  Egypt,  represented  by  their  priests,  called 
for  vengeance  on  their  enemies  and  for  the  extension  of 
their  divine  sway  over  the  distant  lands.  So  the  Egyp- 
tians embarked  on  a  new  career — d.  career  of  conquest. 
Thereby  they  transformed  Egypt  from  a  kingdom  into  an  Egypt  an 
empire,  the  second  empire  of  the  ancient  world  (§  15).  Empire. 

38.  The  Eighteenth  Dynasty.  Thutmose  III.— The 
conquering  monarchs  make  up  the  eighteenth  dynasty 
(1580-1350  B.C.).  The  greatest  of  them  was  Thut'mose 
ITI,  who  ruled  in  the  sixteenth  century.  He  made  at 
least  sixteen  campaigns  into  the  northeast  through  the 
regions  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Twice,  perhaps  thrice,  he  reached  the  Euphrates,  and  The  eu- 
even  crossed  the  river  into  Mesopotamia.     The  EevD-  p^""**^^  ^" 

..  .  ^       ^    r  Egyptian 

tian  empire  reached  from  central  Nubia  in  the  south  to  River, 
the  northern  mountains  and  the  Euphrates.     Egypt  suc- 
ceeded Babylonia  in  supremacy  over  Syria. 

Thutmose  III  had  a  long  account  of  his  expeditions  written  on 
the  walls  of  one  of  his  temples  in  Thebes.     His  first  campaign  lasted 

*  The  horse  had  been  known  in  Egypt  and  in  Europe  at  some  period 
exceedingly  remote,  but  it  disappeared  in  both  places  before  the  dawn 
of  history. 


32  The  Egyptiaji  Evipi7'e 

about  six  months,  from  April  to  October,  during  which  he  covered 
about  two  thousand  miles  and  fought  at  least  one  great  battle  at 
Megiddo.    The  following  is  the  king's  description  of  the  batUe: 

"Command  was  given  before  his  whole  army,  saying,  'Prepare  ye, 
make  ready  your  weapons,  for  we  move  to  fight  with  the  vile  enemy 
to-morrow.'  The  baggage  of  the  chiefs  was  prepared  and  the  pro- 
visions of  the  followers,  and  the  sentinels  of  the  army  were  spread 
abroad;  they  said  'Firm  of  heart,  firm  of  heart,  watchful  of  head, 
watchful  of  head.'  On  the  twenty-first  day  of  the  month,  even  the 
same  as  the  royal  coronation,  early  in  the  morning  command  was 
given  to  the  entire  army  to  advance.  His  Majesty  went  forth  in  his 
chariot  of  clectrum  adorned  with  his  weapons  of  war.  His  Majesty 
was  in  the  midst  of  them,  the  god  Amon  being  the  protection  to  his 
body  and  strength  to  his  limbs.  Then  his  Majesty  prevailed  over 
them  at  the  head  of  his  army.  When  they  saw  his  Majesty  prevail- 
ing over  them,  they  fled  headlong  to  Megiddo,  as  if  terrified  by  spirits; 
they  left  their  horses  and  their  chariots  of  silver  and  gold,  and  were 
drawn  up  by  hauling  them  by  their  clothes  into  this  city,  for  the  men 
shut  the  gates  of  this  city  upon  them.  The  fear  of  his  Majesty  en- 
tered their  hearts,  their  arms  failed,  their  mighty  men  lay  along  like 
fishes  on  the  ground.  The  great  army  of  his  Majesty  drew  around 
to  count  their  spoil.  The  whole  army  rejoiced,  giving  praise  to 
Amon  for  the  victory  that  he  had  given  to  his  son,  and  they  glorified 
his  Majesty,  extolling  his  victories." 

39.  Wars  with  the  Hittites. — The  victorious  kings  of 
the  eighteenth  dynasty  held  this  region  for  a  century. 
Their  rule  culminated  in  the  reign  of  Ikh-na'ton  (1375- 
1358  B.C.)  who,  breaking  free  from  all  the  national  tradi- 
tions, founded  a  new  religion  and  a  new  capital  and  tried 
in  vain  to  recast  Egyptian  art,  society  and  customs. 
Then  a  new  enemy  came  down  from  the  north,  the  Hit- 
tites, who  began  to  contest  the  possession  of  the  north- 
ern half  of  Syria.  The  famous  Pharaohs,  Se'ti  I  (about 
1313-1292  B.C.)  and  Ram'ses  II  (1292-1225  B.C.),  of  the 
nineteenth  dynasty,  fought  with  them  for  many  years. 


J 


Wealth  of  Egypt  33 

At  last  Ramses  made  a  treaty  with  their  king,  Khe-ta'sar, 
which  was  the  basis  of  a  lasting  peace  between  the  two 
peoples.     From  this  time  the  Egyptian  empire  practi- 
cally extended  only  to  the  Lebanon  mountains.     A  cen- 
tury later  the  Hittite  kingdom  in  Syria  disappeared  be- 
fore the  advance  of  a  horde  of  peoples  migrating  down 
the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  from  Asia  Minor  (about 
1 1 70  B.C.).     Ramses  III,  of  the  twentieth  dynasty,  was  Ramses 
then  on  the  Egyptian  throne.     He  summoned  all  his 
forces  to  withstand  the  invaders,  and  dispersed  them  in 
a  great  battle  on  the  northern  border  of  his  empire. 
Pharaohs  continued  to  rule  in  the  Nile  valley,  but  their  Decline  of 
power  over  Syria  was  soon  lost.     Thus  the  second  im-  tian  Em- 
perial  state  of  the  ancient  east  disappeared  (11 50  B.C.).     p"'*- 

40.  Results  of  Empire  upon  Egypt. — As  a  result  of  its 
conquests,  Egypt  had  become  very  rich  in  gold  and  slaves. 
Hence,  money  and  cheap  laborers  were  plentiful  for  build- 
ing operations.  Temples  of  unequalled  grandeur  were 
reared.  The  capital  city,  Thebes,  was  the  scene  of  the  Architects 
most  splendid  exhibition  of  this  architecture.  The  tem- 
ples on  the  sites  now  known  as  Karnak  and  Luxor 
(parts  of  the  city  of  Thebes)  were  and  have  ever  since 
remained  among  the  wonders  of  the  world.  Every  great 
king  of  these  dynasties  enlarged  and  beautified  them, 
wrote  an  account  of  his  exploits  upon  their  walls  and  en- 
riched their  priests  by  splendid  offerings.  The  Karnak 
temple — the  work  mainly  of  Seti  I  and  Ramses  II — was 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  long  and  379  feet  wide  at  the  main 
front — more  than  twice  as  large  as  St.  Peter's  Church  at 
Rome.  Am'on,  the  god  specially  worshipped  at  Thebes, 
became  the  great  god  of  Egypt,  beside  whom  other  gods 
seemed  of  no  account.     The  kings  set  up  colossal  statues 


34  TJte  Egyptian  Empire 

of  themselves  in  the  temples.  One  of  Ramses  11,  found 
in  northern  Egypt,  was  some  ninety  feet  high  and 
Literature,  weighed  about  nine  hundred  tons.  Abundant  wealth 
gave  also  the  leisure  to  study  and  write;  hence  the  liter- 
ature of  the  Egyptian  empire  is  most  abundant.  Love- 
songs,  hymns  to  the  gods,  theological  works,  romances, 
and  letters  are  among  the  writings  preserved.  One  of 
the  most  famous  is  a  kind  of  epic  history  describing  the 
deeds  of  Ramses  II  in  a  battle  with  the  Hittites.  From 
the  name  of  the  scribe  who  copied  it,  it  is  called  the 
Poem  of  Pentaur. 

The  most  stirring  part  of  it  presents  Ramses  II  cut  off  from  his 
army  and  surrounded  by  the  enemy.  Ramses  calls  upon  his  god: 
"How  is  this,  my  father  Amon?  Does  a  father  then  forget  his  son? 
I  have  done  nothing,  indeed,  without  thee.  He  is  miserable  who 
knows  not  god.  Have  I  not  erected  to  thee  many  monuments,  in 
order  to  fill  thy  temple  with  my  spoil?  I  call  to  thee,  my  father 
Amon.  I  am  in  the  midst  of  many  people,  I  am  quite  alone,  my 
foot-soldiers  and  my  chariot  force  have  forsaken  me.  When  I 
called  to  them,  I  found  that  Amon  was  better  to  me  than  millions  of 
foot-soldiers  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  chariots.  The  works 
of  men  are  as  nothing;  Amon  is  more  precious  than  they.  Do  T 
not  call  from  the  ends  of  the  world  ?  Yet  Re  has  heard  me,  he  comes 
to  me  when  I  call.  He  calls  from  behind  me:  'Thou  art  not  alone, 
I  am  with  thee,  I,  thy  father  Re;  my  hand  is  with  thee.'  I  take 
heart  again.  What  I  desire  to  do,  that  happens.  Behold,  none  of 
them  are  able  to  fight  before  me,  their  hearts  melt,  their  arms  fall, 
they  cannot  shoot.  I  slay  them  according  to  my  will.  Not  one  of 
them  looks  behind  him  and  not  one  of  them  turns  round.  He  who 
falls  of  them  rises  no  more." 

41.  The  Weakness  of  Egypt. — Yet  in  the  higher  arts 
Egypt  in  this  period  was  not  superior.  Bigness  rather 
than  beauty  was  the  ideal  of  art  and  architecture.  Fine 
writing  and  swelling  words  rather  than  clear  and  deep 


Government  35 

thought  were  the  rule.  Indeed,  the  whole  structure  of  the 
state  and  society  was  artificial  and  not  a  natural  growth. 
The  building  was  made  great  and  splendid  by  slave  labor 
and  foreign  money;  the  Egyptians  were  enfeebled  by  the 
luxury  which  they  enjoyed.  In  all  that  constitutes  true 
greatness  Egypt  was  not  so  strong  as  in  the  earlier  days. 
42.  Organization  of  the  Empire.  —  Egypt  in  these 
centuries  better  deserved  the  name  of  an  empire  than 
did  its  predecessor,  Babylonia.  It  was  more  thoroughly 
organized.  Whenever  the  Pharaoh  conquered  a  city- 
state  of  Syria,  he  laid  upon  its  king  the  obligation  to  pay 
a  yearly  sum  as  tribute.  Sometimes  he  took  the  king's 
eldest  son  to  his  court  to  be  educated.  Garrisons  of 
Egyptian  troops  were  placed  in  some  cities,  and  govei-nors 
were  appointed  in  certain  districts.  Even  communities 
of  Egyptian  people  went  out  to  dwell  in  towns  of  Syria. 
Such  bodies  of  settlers  are  called  colonies.  The  Pharaoh 
kept  in  close  relations  with  his  governors  and  subject- 
kings  through  constant  correspondence  with  them  and 
by  sending  out  inspectors  from  time  to  time  to  exam- 
ine into  their  affairs. 

43.  A  mass  of  this  official  correspondence  with  two  kings  of  Tel-el- 
the  eighteenth  dynasty  was  discovered  in  Egypt  recently  at  Tcl-cl-  ^marna 
Amarna,  and  is  called  the  Tel-el-Amarna  Letters.  They  contain 
despatches  from  governors  and  princes  of  Syria.  Some  are  from 
the  king  of  Jerusalem;  other  letters  are  from  the  rulers  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria,  with  replies  from  the  Pharaoh.  All  of  these  are  written 
in  the  Babylonian  character — a  fact  which  shows  how  deeply  Baby- 
lonian civilization  had  influenced  the  ancient  world.  Even  Egyp- 
tian kings  wrote  to  their  Syrian  subjects  in  Babylonian.  It  was  the 
diplomatic*  language  of  the  day. 

*  The  language  which  different  states  use  in  dealing  with  each  other. 
Diplomacy  is  the  science  of  international  relations. 


36  The  Egyptian  Empire 

44.  The  Home  Government. — Egypt  as  an  empire  was 
very  different  from  the  Egypt  of  the  preceding  feudal 
period.  The  feudal  nobility  had  been  wiped  out  by  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Hyksos  and  the  wars  of  deliverance.  Their 
property  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  king,  who  now  became 
the  one  proprietor  of  all  Egypt.  This  property  he  rented 
out  to  the  people  for  a  percentage  of  its  product.  Some 
of  it  he  gave  to  the  generals  of  his  armies.  They  were 
his  officials,  governors  and  judges.  The  army  was  now 
a  standing  institution,  under  arms  at  all  times.  Though 
not  so  at  first,  it  gradually  came  to  be  made  up  in  large 
part  of  foreigners  who  were  paid  for  their  military  ser- 
vice. Such  soldiers  are  called  "mercenaries."  A  mer- 
cenary army  was  a  dangerous  machine,  since  the  sol- 
diers were  held  to  the  imperial  service  only  by  the  money 
that  they  gained  from  it.  The  spoils  of  the  wars  made 
many  of  them  very  rich.  The  religious  officials,  the 
priests,  also  profited  by  the  wars,  since  a  part  of  the 
spoils  of  victory  was  given  to  the  gods  of  Egypt,  whose 
ministers  they  were.  The  temples  became  wealthy  and 
powerful  establishments.  Their  property  was  not  taxed, 
and  their  people  did  not  have  to  perform  military  ser- 
vice. Thus  it  came  about  that  the  chief  elements  in  the 
state  were  now  three — the  king,  the  army  and  the  priests. 

45.  An  Ancient  "Corner"  in  Wheat. — In  the  Old  Testament 
the  change  in  the  position  of  the  king  is  said  to  have  been  brought 
about  by  a  foreign  prime  minister,  the  Israelite  statesman  and  hero, 
Joseph.  The  Book  of  Genesis  says:  "He  gathered  up  food  in  the 
cities,  corn  as  the  sand  of  the  sea.  And  there  was  famine  and  the 
people  cried  unto  Pharaoh  for  bread,  and  Pharaoh  said:  'Go  unto 
Joseph;  what  he  saith  to  you,  do.'  And  Joseph  sold  unto  the 
Egyptians.  And  when  the  money  was  all  spent,  Joseph  said:  'Give 
your  cattle.'     And  they  brought  their  cattle  and  Joseph  gave  them 


The  Decay  of  Egypt  37 

bread  in  exchange.  And  they  said:  'Buy  us  and  our  land  for  bread, 
and  we  and  our  land  will  be  servants  unto  Pharaoh.'  So  Joseph 
bought  all  the  land  of  Egypt  for  Pharaoh.  Only  the  land  of  the 
priests  he  bought  not;  for  the  priests  had  a  portion  from  Pharaoh, 
and  did  eat  their  portion:  wherefore  they  sold  not  their  land.  Then 
Joseph  said  unto  the  people:  'At  the  harvests  ye  shall  give  a  fifth 
unto  Pharaoh  and  four  parts  shall  be  your  own.'  And  Joseph 
made  it  a  statute  concerning  the  land  of  Egypt  unto  this  day  that 
Pharaoh  should  have  the  fifth;  only  the  land  of  the  priests  alone 
became  not  Pharaoh's." 

46.  Later  Egypt — -to  Alexander. — While  the  empire  of 
Egypt  was  falling  away  the  priests  got  the  upper  hand. 
After  ruling  for  about  a  century  by  the  side  of  a  series  of 
weakling  kings,  they  finally  seized  the  government  (1090 
B.C.)  and  reigned  openly.     Next  came  the  turn  of  the  R"ie  of  the 

Priests 

army  and  for  over  two  hundred  years  (945-712  B.C.)  soldier's 
the  Libyan  mercenaries  lorded  it  vigorously  over  Egypt.  ^?^  ^°^' 
An  end  was  put  to  their  domination  by  the  Nubians 
(Ethiopians)  who,  pushing  down  the  valley,  mastered  it 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Nile;  but  their  sway  was  still  inse- 
cure when  the  Assyrians  came  and  added  Egypt  to  their 
dominions  (670  B.C.).  In  the  interval  between  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Assyrian  and  the  rise  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire, Egypt  enjoyed  a  brief  period  of  independence,  and 
under  the  intelligent  rule  of  Psam-mct'i-cus  I  and  II  and 
A-ma'sis  of  Sa'is,  the  valley  of  the  Nile  was  opened  to 
Greek  enterprise  and  the  Milesian  colony  of  Nau'cra-tis 
was  planted  in  the  delta.  This  settlement  might  have  an- 
ticipated the  later  prosperity  of  Alexandria  had  it  not  been 
that  in  525  B.C.  Cam-by'ses,  the  second  Persian  king,  con- 
quered Egypt,  and,  making  it  into  a  province  of  his  vast 
empire,  postponed  by  two  centuries  the  Greek  exploita- 
tion of  the  Nile  valley.     A  new  chapter  in  the  history  of 


38  The  Egyptian  Empire 

ancient  Egypt  was  opened  on  its  occupation  by  Alexan- 
der the  Great  in  332  B.C. 

47.  Egypt  a  Mummy. — The  period  of  one  thousand 
years  from  the  death  of  Ikhnaton  onward  was  one  of  utter 
stagnation  in  Egypt.  For  generation  after  generation  Hfe 
followed  the  old  forms.  Dynasty  after  dynasty  came  and 
went,  but  the  great  body  of  the  people  remained  unchanged 
in  their  ideas  and  habits.  The  last  word  had  been  said 
on  all  the  problems  of  human  life  by  religion.  To  change 
any  custom  was  sacrilege.  Freedom  of  thought  and  in- 
vention there  was  none.  The  nation  itself  was  mummi- 
fied. It  had  nothing  to  teach  the  Greeks  when  they  came 
in  contact  with  it:  at  most  it  offered  an  impressive  and 
suggestive  spectacle  for  their  curious  observation. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  were  the  following  famous : 
Ramses  II,  Thutmose  III,  Ramses  III  ?  2.  Who  were  the 
Hyksos,  the  Hittites?  3.  What  is  meant  by  Tel-el-Amarna 
Letters,  nome,  empire?  4.  For  what  are  the  following  places 
noted:  Karnak,  Assur,  Memphis,  Luxor,  Nippur,  Meggido? 
5.  When  did  Ramses  II  live?  6.  At  about  what  date  was 
the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt?  7.  Describe  the 
causes  for  and  the  events  in  Egypt's  period  of  decline.  8. 
How  was  Egypt  mummified?  9.  Through  what  channels  did 
the  Greeks  have  intercourse  with  the  Egyptians  ? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Hyksos:  Their  Effect 
upon  Egypt.  Breasted,  pp.  175-1S4.  2.  Amenhotep  III,  the 
Last  Great  Egyptian  Emperor.  Breasted,  pp.  248-263.  3. 
Ikhnaton,  an  Individual.  Breasted,  pp.  269-289.  4.  The  Influ- 
ence of  Asiatic  Conditions  upon  Egypt.  Breasted,  pp.  373-383. 
5.  The  "  Downfall  of  Egypt."     Breasted,  pp.  412-418. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,     i.  Invasion  of 

the  Hyksos.  ZMurison,  Egypt,  §§  36-40;  Rawlinson,  Story  of 
Egypt,  chs.  8-9.  2.  Thutmose  III.  Murison,  Egypt,  §§  45-47; 
Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  pp.  189-206.  3.  Ramses  II.  Muri- 
son, Egypt,  §  55;    WenJel,  pp.  87-95;    Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt, 


Migrations  from  Aj-ahia  39 

pp.  238-252;  Sayce,  Ancient  Empires,  pp.  43-46.  4.  The  Hittites 
and  Their  Empire.  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  article  "Hittites." 
5.  The  Temples  of  Thebes.  Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  see  in- 
dex under  "Temple  of  Ammon,"  of  "Karnak."  6.  Egyptian 
Civilization.  Murison,  Egypt,  chs.  13-15.  7.  The  Book  of  the 
Dead.  Murison,  Eg}-pt,  ch.  12.  8.  Apply  the  following  utter- 
ance of  an  Egyptian  Sage  to  Egyptian  history  of  this  Epoch : 
"If  thou  hast  become  great  after  having  been  little,  harden  not  thy 
heart.  Thou  art  only  become  the  steward  of  the  good  things  of 
God." 


5.— THE   SYRIAN   STATES 

1150-900  B.C. 

48.  New   Immigrations. — The    passing   away    of  the 
Egyptian  empire  about  11 50  B.C.  was  not  followed — as 
might  have  been  expected — by  the  advance  of  the  states 
of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  to  seize  her  lost  supremacy. 
One  of  those  tremendous  overflows  of  people  from  cen- 
tral and  northern  Arabia,  such  as  took  place  from  time 
to  time  when  there  was  not  food  enough  in  the  desert  to 
supply  the  population,  flooded  the  northern  districts  of 
Mesopotamia  and  Syria.     These  peoples,  called  the  Ara-  The 
means,  thus  cut  olT  communication  between  east  and     ""^"^^^"^ 
west.     At   the   same   time   a   similar  horde,   called   the  The  Chai- 
Chaldeans  (Kaldi),  entered  southern  Babylonia.     Both    ^*°^' 
Assyria  and  Babylonia,  therefore,  had  all  they  could  do 

to  defend  themselves  and  could  not  advance  westward. 

49.  The  Opportunity  of  Syria. — One  region  of  the  an- 
cient world  had  now  the  opportunity  to  assert  itself — ■ 
that  between  the  Nile  and  the  Euphrates — Syria.  Here 
was  the  scene  of  the  attempts  at  empire  in  the  next  two 
centuries  (1150-900  b.c).  During  this  time  Syria  was 
the  real  centre  of  historical  life.     Four  peoples  of  this 


40  The  Syrian  States 

Its  Four       region  came  forward  and  made  up  the  history  of  the 
*°^*^'        time.     These  were  the  Phoenicians,  the  Philistines,  the 
IsraeUtes  and  the  Arameans  of  Damascus. 

50.  The  Phcenicians. — The  Lebanon  mountains,  as 
they  run  down  along  the  eastern  Mediterranean  from 
the  north  for  two  hundred  miles,  throw  out  spurs  from 
time  to  time  into  the  sea  and  leave  here  and  there  spaces 
of  coast  from  one  to  five  miles  wide  and  six  to  twenty 
Land.  miles  long.     In  these  petty  patches  of  earth,  with  the 

high  mountains  at  their  back  and  the  blue  sea  before 
them,  the  Phoenicians  cultivated  the  fertile  soil,  built 
Occupa-       cities  and  learned  to  sail  the  sea.     Beginning  by  trading 
''°°^"  with  each  other  and  with  the  people  of  the  interior,  they 

went  on  to  make  voyages  to  more  distant  parts  and  to 
carry  the  wares  of  the  east  to  the  less  advanced  western 
lands.     When  the  Egyptian  kings  ceased  to  rule  over 
Tyre's  them,  they  were  free  to  act  for  themselves.     At  first 

Supremacy,  their  most  important  city  was  SiMon,  but  at  an  early  date 
Tyre,  situated  on  a  rocky  island  about  half  a  mile  from 
shore,  obtained  the  leadership  among  them  and  became 
the  commercial  centre  of  the  east  and  west.  The  mer- 
chandise of  Babylonia,  Assyria,  Egypt,  Arabia,  Armenia, 
not  to  speak  of  the  lesser  peoples,  was  brought  to  Tyre. 
Raw  materials  were  received  and  turned  into  manufact- 
ured articles  in  Tyrian  workshops — metal  into  arms, 
toilet  articles  and  furniture;  wool  into  cloths  which  were 
marvellously  colored  by  means  of  the  dye  made  from 
shell-fish  found  on  the  Phoenician  coast.  All  these  ma- 
terials were  taken  out  in  Phoenician  ships  and  exchanged 
for  native  products  at  trading  posts  established  at  dif- 
ferent points  on  the  Mediterranean.  Already  the  Phoe- 
nicians had  settled  in  the  island  of  Cyprus,  seventy  miles 


The  Phoeiiicians  41 

to  the  west.  Some  points  in  the  ^gean  sea  were  touched, 
but  the  Greeks  were  too  strong  there,  and  the  Phoeni- 
cians went  on  to  the  regions  of  the  western  Mediterra- 
nean. The  north  African  coast,  Malta,  Sicily,  Sardinia, 
the  Bal'e-ar'ic  islands,  were  occupied.  Spain,  with  its 
mines  of  precious  metal,  was  a  rich  centre  of  Phoenician 
enterprise.  Out  into  the  Atlantic  fared  their  adventurous 
ships,  southward  to  the  latitude  of  the  Canary  islands 
and  northward  to  Britain. 

SI.  Phoenician  Trading. — Herodotus  describes  a  typical  instance 
of  Phoenician  trading:  "When  they  have  come  to  a  land  and  un- 
load the  merchandise  from  their  ships,  they  set  it  in  order  along 
the  beach  and  return  aboard  their  ships.  Then  they  raise  a  smoke, 
and  the  natives  of  the  land,  seeing  the  smoke,  come  to  the  shore 
and  lay  down  gold  as  much  as  they  think  the  goods  are  worth;  then 
they  withdraw  quite  a  distance.  The  Carthaginians  upon  that  come 
ashore  again  and  look;  if  they  think  the  gold  enough,  they  take  it 
and  go  their  way;  but  if  not,  they  go  on  board  again  and  wait.  The 
others  approach  and  add  more  gold  till  they  satisfy  them.  They 
say  that  neither  party  wrongs  the  other;  for  they  themselves  do  not 
touch  the  gold  till  it  comes  up  to  the  value  of  their  wares,  nor  do  the 
others  lay  hands  on  the  goods  till  the  gold  has  been  taken  away." 

52.  The  Chief  Colonies. — Most  of  their  settlements 
were  temporary  trading  posts,  but  in  some  districts, 
where  wealth  and  prosperity  seemed  to  be  constant, 
they  established  permanent  colonies.  The  most  famous 
of  these  were  Cit'i-um  in  Cyprus,  Utica  and  Carthage  in 
north  Africa,  Ga'des  (Cadiz)  in  Spain  and  the  cities  of 
western  Sicily.  The  tie  between  the  colony  and  the  a  Colonial 
home-land  was  close.  The  mother  city  usually  main- 
tained a  political  and  religious  supremacy.  Thus  Tyre 
under  its  kings  was  during  these  centuries  the  head  of 
a  flourishing  colonial  empire. 


42  The  Syrian  States 

53.  Phoenician  Services  to  Civilization. — The  Phceni- 
cians  carried  things  more  valuable  than  the  merchandise 
of  the  east  to  the  western  world,  for  they  also  made 
known  to  it  the  higher  arts  of  life.  Thus  the  systems 
of  weights  and  measures,  the  achievements  of  eastern 
art,  and;  above  all,  the  alphabet,  became  the  possession 
of  the  peoples  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  Phoenicians 
improved  upon  these  things  before  they  handed  them 

The  on.     This  is  especially  true  of  the  alphabet.     In  the 

interests  of  their  business  activities  they  so  simplified 
and  modified  the  various  modes  of  writing  acquired 
by  them  from  the  eastern  nations,  that  we  are  not  able 
to  say  from  which  one  of  the  eastern  systems,  whether 
the  Egyptian,  or  the  Babylonian,  or  the  Arabian,  the 
Phoenician  alphabet  is  derived.  We  only  know  that  the 
Phoenician  alphabet  with  its  twenty-two  phonetic  charac- 
ters is  the  basis  of  ours. 

54.  The  Philistines. — The  Phoenicians  made  their  con- 
c|ucsts  upon  the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  in  the 
peaceful  ways  of  trade.     Not  so  arose  the  other  great 

Origin.  states  of  Syria.  Closely  connected  with  the  mighty  mi- 
gration from  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  in  the  time  of 
Ramses  III  (§  39),  a  new  people  came,  possibly  from 
Crete,  and  seized  the  broad  plain  which  lies  at  the  south- 
eastern corner  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  Philistines 
— called  by  Ramses  III  the  Peleset — though  they  were 
evidently  not  Semites,  accepted  the  language  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Semitic  cities  which  they  ruled.*  As  these 
cities  lay  on  the  main  routes  of  trade  from  Egypt  into 
Asia,  their  lords,  the  Philistines,  were  rich  and  power- 

*  The  five  cities  of  the  Philistines  were  Gaza,  Gath,  Ashdod,  Askaloa 
and  Ekron. 


PLATE  VII 


Brick   of    Hammurabi,   Recording 
the  Building  of  a  Temple 


Cretan  Pictoj 


raphic  Writing  from 
'hasstos 


Clay  Ta\,M.   w,th    Linear    Script, 
1  alace  of  Minos,  Cnossos,  Crete 


The  Rosetta  Stone 
ANCIENT   SYSTEMS  OF   WRITING 


The  Israelites  43 

ful  and  flourished  exceedingly.     They  were  a  fighting 

folk,  far  superior  In  weapons  and  the  arts  of  war  to  the 

peaceful  Semites  about  them,  and  soon  began  to  make 

their  power  felt  throughout  the  whole  maritime  plain 

from  Mt.  Carmel  in  the  north  to  the  highlands  in  the 

east.     They  began  to  push  up  into  the  interior  and  came  Expanska 

into  conflict  with  a  people  that  had  settled  the  mountain 

valleys  some  time  after  they  themselves  had  conquered 

the  plain.     This  people  was  Israel,  one  of  the  tribes 

known  as  the  Hebrews  (§  4). 

55.  The  Hebrews  Appear. — At  first  the  Hebrews  had  wandered 
through  the  southern  part  of  S}Tia  (Palestine),  but  in  the  time  of  the 
liyksos  kings  they  entered  northern  Eg}'pt.  There,  after  the  Hyk- 
sos  had  been  driven  out,  they  were  oppressed,  by  Ramses  II,  it  is 
thought,  and  in  the  last  years  of  the  nineteenth  dynasty,  led  by  the 
hero  Moses,  they  escaped  into  the  eastern  desert,  delivered  from  the 
Egyptians  by  Jehovah  their  god  at  the  crossing  of  the  Red  sea  (about 
1200  B.C.).  Israel,  after  escaping  from  Egypt  and  wandering  for  a  Israel, 
generation  in  the  desert  south  of  Syria,  moved  to  the  east  of  the 
Dead  sea,  crossed  the  Jordan  river  and  burst  into  the  highlands  of 
Palestine  about  1150  B.C.  Here,  as  we  have  seen,  he  came  into 
collision  with  the  Philistines. 

In  the  first  encounters  Israel  was  badly  beaten,  although  in  fact, 
as  will  soon  appear,  the  Philistine  victories  were  only  temporary.     A  Palestine, 
proof  of  the  importance  and  renown  of  the  Philistines  is  seen  in  the 
fact  that  the  name  by  which  southern  Syria  is  known — Palestine — 
is  derived  from  the  Philistines. 

The  Israelites  were  a  wild,  wandering  folk  with  a  Reiig-on. 
simple  faith  in  their  god,  Jehovah,  who  had  given  them, 
through  Moses  his  sen-ant,  the  Ten  Commandments, 
and  was  for  them  the  one  supreme  lord  of  justice  and 
truth,  their  deliverer  and  friend.  From  him  they  de- 
rived their  moral  law  which  they  have  passed  on  to  the 
Christian  world. 


44 


The  Syrian  States 


The  Ten  Commandments  are  the  noblest  brief  collection  of  the 
laws  of  right  living  that  has  come  down  from  the  ancient  world. 
They  are  the  following: 

I  am  Jehovah  thy  God: 

1.  Thou  shalt  have  none  other  gods  before  me. 

2.  Thou  shalt  not  make  unto  thee  a  graven  image. 

3.  Thou  shalt  not  take  the  name  of  Jehovah  thy  god  in  vain. 

4.  Remember  the  Sabbath  day  to  keep  it  holy. 

5.  Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother. 

6.  Thou  shalt  do  no  murder. 

7.  Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery. 

8.  Thou  shalt  not  steal. 

9.  Thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness. 
10.  Thou  shalt  not  covet. 

56.  National  Feeling. — After  a  century  occupied  in 
overcoming  the  people  of  the  region,  called  the  Canaan- 
ites,  and  settling  down  as  farmers,  they  began  to  desire 
a  national  life  and  an  organized  government.  What 
brought  this  to  a  head  was  the  attack  and  temporary 
supremacy  of  the  Philistines  (§  55).  A  religious  leader, 
Samuel,  organized  a  band  of  prophets  who  went  about 
preaching  deliverance  through  Jehovah  and  stirred  up 
the  people  to  rebellion.  He  also  presented  to  them  a 
king  whom  Jehovah  had  chosen,  Saul,  a  frank,  impetu- 
ous, mighty  man  of  valor.  He  became  the  first  king  of 
Israel  (about  1050  B.C.),  and  beat  back  the  Philistines. 

57.  David  the  Hero. — After  his  death  David  was 
chosen  king,  another  heroic  and  magnetic  warrior,  who 
was  also  a  man  of  genius  and  statesmanship.  He  built 
up  an  army  with  which  he  defeated  his  enemies,  extended 
the  authority  of  Israel  over  neighboring  peoples  and 
made  its  influence  felt  as  far  north  as  the  Euphrates  ^ 

Jerusalem,    river.     His  greatest  work  was  the  establishment  of  the 
national  capital  at  Jerusalem,  where  the  king  dwelt,  the 


Samuel 

the 

Prophet. 

Saul  the 
Warrior. 


Solomon  45 

court  assembled,  justice  was  administered  and  Jehovah 
was  worshipped  as  the  national  god. 

58.  Solomon  the  Organizer. — David  was  followed  by 
his  son  Solomon  (about  975  B.C.).  As  his  father  had 
been  the  founder  of  the  state,  so  he  became  its  organ- 
izer. He  had  a  masterly  mind  for  politics  and  adminis- 
tration. To  break  up  sectional  feeling  and  to  weld  the 
state  firmly  together,  he  divided  the  land  into  twelve  dis- 
tricts as  the  basis  for  his  administration.  He  instituted 
regular  taxes,  had  a  standing  army,  entered  into  alli- 
ances with  neighboring  states.     One  of  the  most  impor-  Partnership 

with  Hi* 

tant  of  these  alliances  was  that  with  Hiram,  king  of  ram. 
Tyre,  the  most  brilliant  of  the  Phoenician  rulers.     To- 
gether they  made  commercial  expeditions  on  the  Red 
sea  and  the  Indian  ocean.     Solomon  also  allied  himself 
with  the  king  of  Egypt  and  married  his  daughter.     He 
made  trading  alliances  with  the  peoples  of  the  north. 
Thus  Israel  became  a  nation  among  the  other  nations 
of  the  world.     Solomon  used  his  abundant  wealth  to 
strengthen   and  beautify   his  kingdom,   building  cities 
and  fortresses  at  strategic  points  for  trade  and  defence. 
Jerusalem  was  the  object  of  his  special  attention.     There  The  Tem- 
he  built  palaces,  walls  and  the    famous   Temple,  the  ^^' 
wonder  and  pride  of  his  people,  for  the  worship  of  Je- 
hovah.    When  he  died,  Israel  was  the  leading  state  of 
Syria,  and  a  splendid  future  seemed  to  be  assured. 

59.  Weakness  of  Solomon's  Regime. — But  Solomon 
was  in  advance  of  his  people  and  his  time.  The  people 
resented  his  strict  government  with  its  taxes,  its  mili- 
tary service,  its  forced  labor  on  the  palaces  and  forts. 
They  had  been  only  two  centuries  out  of  the  free  life  of 
the  desert,  and  the  memory  of  it  remained.     They  did 


46 


The  Syrian  States 


The  Dis- 
ruption. 


At 
Damascus. 


Growtli. 


Wars  witti 
Israel. 


not  care  to  play  the  imperial  role  which  Solomon  de- 
signed for  them.  When  after  his  death  his  son  contin- 
ued his  father's  policy,  the  northern  tribes  refused  to 
recognize  him  and  elected  another  king,  leaving  him  to 
be  king  over  his  own  tribe,  Judah.  This  event  is  known 
as  the  Disruption  (about  930  b.c);  it  was  the  death- 
blow to  the  position  of  Israel  as  a  world-power.  Hence- 
forth there  were  two  kingdoms  on  the  highlands  of  Pal- 
estine— Israel  in  the  north  and  Judah  in  the  south. 
The  capital  of  Judah  remained  at  Jerusalem.  Israel's 
new  capital  was  placed  at  Samaria.  Israel's  kings  tried 
to  play  the  part  of  David  and  Solomon  on  a  smaller 
scale,  while  Judah  was  content  to  lead  a  quiet  and  se- 
cluded life  under  the  descendants  of  those  great  rulers. 
60.  The  Arameans. — By  this  time  (925  B.C.)  the  Ar- 
ameans,  who  had  migrated  into  Syria  (§  48),  had  be- 
come settled.  Both  David  and  Solomon  had  come  into 
contact  with  them.  One  of  their  leaders  got  possession 
of  the  city  of  Damascus,  where  he  set  up  a  kingdom 
(about  975  B.C.).  Damascus  was  the  chief  trading 
centre  of  Syria,  the  halting-place  of  caravans,  where 
merchants  from  Egypt  and  the  east  met  to  exchange 
their  wares  and  to  supply  the  wandering  tribes  that 
came  in  from  the  neighboring  desert.  The  city  was 
beautiful  for  situation,  lying  in  the  midst  of  a  well- 
watered  and  fertile  valley  on  the  edge  of  the  desert,  mid- 
way between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Mesopotamian 
valley,  between  Egypt  and  the  Euphrates.  The  Ara- 
mean  kingdom  planted  at  this  strategic  point  soon  be- 
came powerful  and  began  to  lay  its  hand  iipon  the  dis- 
tricts round  about.  Soon  it  came  into  touch  with  Israel, 
and  the  relations,  at  first  friendly,  passed  later  into  en- 


The  Hehreiv  Pi'ophets  47 

mity,  each  power  striving  for  mastery  over  the  land  of 
Syria. 

6i.  The  End  of  Syrian  Greatness. — Neither  of  these 
states,  however,  was  destined  for  empire.  The  troubles 
that  had  held  back  the  greater  powers  on  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris  were  over;  the  brief  career  of  splendor  for 
the  kingdoms  of  Syria  was  at  an  end.  Already  Assyria 
was  knocking  at  the  gates  of  the  west,  and  the  conflicts 
of  Philistia,  Judah,  Israel  and  Damascus  were  swallowed 
up  in  the  fiercer  struggle  of  all  against  the  oncoming  As- 
syrian might.  Thus  a  new  period  of  the  history  of  the 
ancient  east  was  ushered  in. 

During  the  period  of  the  Assyrian  advance  into  Syria  a  series 
of  great  poHtical  and  religious  leaders  appeared  among  the  Jews. 
These  men  were  known  as  the  Prophets.  They  taught  that  The 
Jehovah  was  the  Lord,  not  of  Judah  alone,  but  of  the  whole  world;  Prophets, 
that  He  was  using  the  Assyrian  [and  afterward  the  Chaldean 
and  Persian]  kings  as  instruments  to  punish  the  Jews  for  their 
sins.  They,  therefore,  preached  not  resistance  to  their  national 
foes  but  righteousness,  repentance  of  sins  and  careful  observance 
of  the  will  of  God.  The  Prophets  were  the  greatest  thinkers 
which  the  world  of  the  ancient  east  produced. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Who  were  the  Arameans,  the  Kas- 
sites,  the  Canaanites,  the  Chaldeans?  2.  For  what  were  the 
following  places  noted :  Carthage,  Damascus,  Jerusalem, 
Thebes,  Gades,  Tyre,  Gaza?  3.  For  what  were  the  follow- 
ing   persons    famous:     Solomon,    Hammurabi,    Thutmose? 

1  4.  Prepare  a  map  showing  the  extent  of  Phoenician  coloniza- 

I  tion. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Syria's  Internationa:  P.cia- 
tions.  Goodspeed,  pp.  131-136.  2.  The  Philistines,  (iood- 
speed,  pp.  182-184.  3.  Conquests  in  Syria  by  Shalmaneser  II. 
Goodspeed,  pp.  213-216.  4.  Sennacherib's  Excursion  against 
Syria.     Goodspeed,  pp.  268-272, 


48  The  Ihnpire  of  Assyria 

TOPICS  FOR  READING   AND   ORAL  REPORT,     i.  The   PhcE- 

nicians.  Saycc,  Ancient  Empires,  pp.  178-209;  Ragozin,  Assyria, 
ch.  3.  2.  Moses  and  His  Work.  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  ar- 
ticle "Moses."  3.  The  Reign  of  David.  Encyclopedia  Britannica, 
article  "David";  Kent,  History  of  Hebrew  People,  United  King- 
dom, pp.  136-168.  4.  The  Story  of  the  Disruption,  i  Kings, 
ch.  12;  Kent,  Divided  Kingdom,  pp.  1-25.  5.  The  Temple  at 
Jerusalem.  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  article  "Temple";  Inter- 
national Encyclopedia,  article  "Temple" ;  Kent,  United  King- 
dom, ch.  13. 


6.— THE   EMPIRE   OF   ASSYRIA 

900-606  B.C. 

Early  62.  Assyria. — The  kingdom  of  Assyria  since  the  days 

of  its  beginning  (§  17)  had  fought  with  Babylonia,  at 
first  for  its  own  existence  and  then  for  mastery  in  the 
Mesopotamian  valley.  Meanwhile  it  had  pushed  up  the 
Tigris  and  taken  firm  possession  of  the  country  between 
the  upper  course  of  the  river  and  the  eastern  mountains. 
Besides  the  city  of  Assur,  its  chief  centre  was  Nin'e-veh, 
destined  to  be  the  capital  of  the  empire.  In  the  north- 
eastern upland  corner  of  Mesopotamia,  life  was  not  so 
easy  as  in  Babylonia;  the  climate  was  colder,  the  land 
less  fertile,  wild  beasts  plentiful,  the  mountaineers  threat- 
ening. Hence,  the  Assyrians  had  to  fight  with  nature 
and  man  for  their  life,  and  by  this  training  became 
hardy  and  warlike.  They  had  to  make  their  way  by 
sword  and  spear  rather  than  by  plough  and  spade. 

63.  Assyrian  Expansion. — Their  early  efforts  at  ex- 
pansion were  checked  by  the  Aramean  migration  into 
Mesopotamia  (§  48),  which  forced  them  back  into  their 
own  borders  and  thus  gave  Syria  its  opportunity  for  in- 
dependent empire.     But  by  900  B.C.  the  Arameans  had 


Conquests  49 

settled  down  and  Assyria  lifted  her  head.  Under  a  vig-  Advance 
orous  and  feariess  king,  whose  name  was  Ash'ur-nats'ir-  ^^^^^  '^^ 
pal',  the  conquering  movement  began  anew.  He  brought 
northern  Mesopotamia,  as  far  as  the  Euphrates,  and 
southern  Armenia  under  the  yoke.  His  son  crossed  the 
Euphrates  and  made  northern  Syria  subject.  His  great- 
grandson  carried  the  Assyrian  arms  to  the  southwest  as 
far  as  Philistia.  Thus  by  800  B.C.  the  Assyrian  armies 
had  marched  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  Syria. 

64.  Conquest  of  Babylon. — The  next  century  saw  the 
downfall  of  Babylonia,  when  the  Assyrian  conqueror, 
Tig'lath-pi-le'zer  III,  in  728  B.C.,  became  king  in  Baby- 
lon.    Fifty  years  later  Egypt  became  subject  (670  B.C.);  occupation 
in  another  generation  Elam  was  conquered  (645  B.C.).   andorthe 
Meanwhile    Assyrian    armies    had    marched    into    the  N"""'^- 
mountains   surrounding   the   Mesopotamian   plain.     In 

the  northwest  they  penetrated  into  Asia  Minor;  in  the 
northeast  they  reached  the  Caspian  sea.  In  extent  and 
power  Assyria  was  the  mightiest  empire  that  the  ancient 
world  had  known. 

65.  Assyria  at  Its  Height. — Assyria  reached  this  splen- 
did height  during  the  reigns  of  four  rulers,  the  first 
of  whom  was  Sargon  (722-705  B.C.),  who  was  followed 
in  regular  succession  by  Sen-nach'er-ib  (705-681  B.C.), 
E'sar-had'don  (681-668  B.C.),  and  Ash'ur-ban'i-pal' 
(668-626  B.C.),  each  the  son  of  his  predecessor.  Under  An  Empire 
these  kings  Assyria  became  an  imperial  state.  Conquered 
countries  were  organized  into  districts  under  the  rule 

of  an  imperial  officer  who  had  a  military  force  at  his 
command  and  was  responsible  for  order  and  peace;  he 
collected  the  taxes  and  administered  justice.  Such  dis- 
tricts we  call  provinces,     Assyria  was  the  first  to  intro- 


50 


The  Empire  of  Assyria 


Provincial 
Govern- 
ment. 


In  the 
West. 


Fall  of 
Damascus 
and  Sa- 
maria. 


duce  provincial  government — a  great  advance  in  im- 
perial administration.  The  Assyrians  also  invented  the 
plan  of  removing  the  inhabitants  of  a  city  or  district 
from  their  homes  and  putting  in  their  places  other  people 
from  a  distant  part  of  the  empire.  This  is  called  depor- 
tation. It  destroyed  the  old  feeling  of  local  patriotism 
and  made  people  more  willing  to  accept  the  rule  of  the 
central  government.  Thus  the  empire  was  built  up 
solidly  and  all  parts  of  it  united  under  the  rule  of  the 
great  king  at  Nineveh. 

66.  Rebellions  of  Vassals. — That  Assyria's  govern- 
ment of  conquered  countries  was  not  perfect  is  shown 
by  the  many  rebellions  that  arose  among  them.  When- 
ever they  had  the  slightest  encouragement  to  revolt, 
they  flew  to  arms.  Thus  Syria  was  constantly  being 
stirred  up  by  Egypt,  which  during  these  centuries  was 
under  the  rule  of  the  Libyan  kings,  and  was  trying  to 
get  back  its  lost  empire.  In  745  B.C.  Damascus  and 
Israel  joined  in  such  rebellion;  as  a  result  Tiglathpileser 
III  put  an  end  to  Damascus  and  severely  punished  Israel. 
The  latter,  however,  rebelled  again,  and  perished  at  the 
hands  of  Sargon  in  722  B.C.  All  the  better  classes  of 
citizens  were  deported  and  the  state  became  an  Assyr- 
ian province. 

The  king  describes  his  capture  of  Samaria  and  punishment  of 
Israel  in  these  words:  "The  city  of  Samaria  I  besieged;  27,290 
inhabitants  of  it  I  carried  away  captive;  fifty  chariots  in  it  I  took 
for  myself,  but  the  remainder  (of  the  people)  I  allowed  to  retain  their 
possessions.  I  appointed  my  governor  over  them,  and  the  tribute 
of  the  preceding  king  I  imposed  upon  them." 

67.  Rebellions  in  Judah. — Judah's  king,  Ahaz,  had 
already  submitted  to  Assyria,  but  his  son  and  successor. 


Rebellions  51 

Hez'e-ki'ah,  joined  in  a  rebellion  of  the  Syrian  states, 
which  brought  Sennacherib  on  the  scene  in  701  B.C. 
He  punished  the  rebels  severely,  but  met  with  a  disaster 
which  compelled  him  to  retire  without  capturing  Jeru- 
salem. 

The  Old  Testament  describes  the  disaster  thus:  "It  came  to  pass 
that  night  that  the  angel  of  Jehovah  went  forth  and  smote  in  the 
camp  of  the  Assyrians  an  hundred  fourscore  and  five  thousand:, 
and  when  men  arose  early  in  the  morning,  behold,  they  were  all 
dead  corpses.  So  Sennacherib,  king  of  Assyria,  departed,  and  went 
and  returned  and  dwelt  at  Nineveh"  (2  Kings  19:  35,  36). 

68.  Rebellions  in  Babylonia. — A  mighty  revolt  arose 
in  Babylonia  against  Ashurbanipal.  The  Chaldeans 
(§  48)  had  been  unceasing  enemies  of  Assyria  ever  since 
her  entrance  into  Babylonia,  and  now  secured  the  aid 
of  the  Elamites  (§  5).  At  this  time  a  brother  of  the  As- 
syrian king  was  governor  of  Babylonia;  he  made  com- 
mon cause  with  them  and  invited  other  subject  peoples 
to  join  the  conspiracy.  The  storm  broke  in  652  B.C.; 
only  by  the  most  tremendous  efforts  did  Ashurbanipal 
gain  the  victory.  The  faithless  brother  perished  in  the 
flames  of  his  palace,  and  the  other  rebels,  with  their 
allies,  were  fearfully  punished. 

69.  Assyrian  Civilization. — The  kings  of  the  family  of 
Sargon  were  wealthy  and  proud  monarchs.     Magnificent  Architect 
palaces  were  built  by  them  at  Nineveh.     Sargon  founded  "'^** 

in  connection  with  his  palace  a  city  capable  of  holding 
eighty  thousand  people.  The  palace  itself  filled  twenty- 
live  acres  and  had  at  least  two  hundred  rooms.  The  sculpture, 
halls  were  lined  with  sculptured  slabs  of  alabaster  pict- 
uring the  king's  campaigns;  at  either  side  of  the  great 
door-ways  stood  mighty  winged  bulls  carved  in  stone. 


52  The  Evip'we  of  Assyria 

The  royal  temple-tower  with  seven  stories,  each  story 
faced  with  tiles  of  a  color  different  from  that  of  the 
others,  rose  out  of  the  palace  court  one  hundred  and 
forty  feet  high.  Inscriptions  describing  the  mighty  deeds 
of  the  kings  in  war  and  peace  were  written  on  the  palace 

Libraries,  walls  or  on  great  monuments  standing  in  the  courts.  In 
the  palace  of  Ashurbanipal  at  Nineveh  was  a  library 
consisting  of  tens  of  thousands  of  clay  books  arranged 
on  shelves.  They  consisted  in  part  of  official  documents 
and  also  of  the  choicest  religious,  historical  and  scien- 
tific literature  of  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  world. 
Ashurbanipal  tells  us  of  his  youthful  training,  how  "  he 
acquired  the  wisdom  of  (the  god)  Nabu,  learned  all  the 
knowledge  of  writing  of  all  the  scribes,  and  learned  how 
to  shoot  with  the  bow,  to  ride  on  horses  and  in  chariots 

The  Debt  to  and  to  hold  the  reins."  The  Assyrians,  however,  were 
a  practical,  not  a  literary,  people;  they  were  content  to 
accept  all  the  learning  of  the  Babylonians  and  did  not 
add  to  it.  Their  language  and  religion  follow  Baby- 
lonian models.  The  god  Ashur,  the  lord  and  patron  of 
the  state,  the  leader  of  the  armies  in  war,  stood  at  the 
head  of  the  gods,  the  rest  of  whom  have  the  same  names 
and  characteristics  as  those  of  Babylonia.  It  is  only  just 
to  add,  however,  that  nothing  comparable  in  vigor  and 
composition  to  the  Assyrian  reliefs  was  produced  by  the 
earlier  people. 

70.  Assyrians  as  Administrators. — The  Assyrians  were 
good  warriors  and  excellent  administrators.  They  knew 
how  to  conquer  and  how  to  rule  better  than  any  peo- 
ple that  had  hitherto  appeared.  They  broke  down  the 
separate  nations  of  the  east  and  welded  them  into  a 
unity.     They  spread  abroad  the  civilization  of  the  east 


Babylon. 


PLATE  VIM 


An  Assyrian   Relief.      Hunting  Scene 


P>JwiK/;4'-™  fli-rt.^-f^T  "»v'V.'>^^ 

i  jMJinrini///^ 


^;'^- 


An  Assyrian  Relief.     Battle  Scene,  the  Storming  of  a  City 
TYPICAL    ASSYRIAN    SCENES 


The  Fall  of  Assyria  53 

throughout  the  empire  and  extended  commerce.  But  The  Fatal 
they  did  not  know  how  to  attach  conquered  peoples  to  ^  °^^^* 
themselves  and  give  them  something  to  do  beyond  pay- 
ing taxes.  They  were  just,  but  not  generous;  toward 
rebels  and  obstinate  enemies  they  were  outrageously 
cruel.  Hence  their  empire,  although  superior  to  all  its 
predecessors,  did  not  endure. 

Ashurnatsirpal  describes  the  punishment  of  a  rebellious  city  as  fol- 
lows: "I  drew  near  to  the  city  of  Tela.  The  city  was  very  strong; 
three  walls  surrounded  it.  The  inhabitants  trusted  to  their  strong 
walls  and  numerous  soldiers;  they  did  not  come  down  or  embrace 
my  feet.  With  battle  and  slaughter  I  assaulted  and  took  the  city.  Assyrian 
Three  thousand  warriors  I  slew  in  battle.     Their  booty  and  posses-  '^' 

sions,  cattle,  sheep,  I  carried  away;  many  captives  I  burned  with 
fire.  Many  of  their  soldiers  I  took  alive;  of  some  I  cut  ofif  hands  and 
limbs;  of  others  the  noses,  ears,  and  arms;  of  many  soldiers  I  put 
out  the  eyes.  I  reared  a  column  of  the  living  and  a  column  of  heads. 
I  hung  up  on  high  their  heads  on  trees  in  the  vicinity  of  their  city. 
Their  boys  and  girls  I  burned  up  in  the  flame.  I  devastated  the  city, 
dug  it  up,  in  fire  burned  it;   I  annihilated  it." 

71.  The  Fall  of  the  Assyrian  Empire. — The  fall  of  As- 
syria was  sudden  and  startling.  At  the  death  of  Ash- 
urbanipal,  in  626  B.C.,  the  empire  seemed  strong.  But 
on  the  eastern  mountains  the  Medes  had  been  gath- 
ering from  the  far  east,  ready  to  descend  upon  the 
plains  in  irresistible  power.  For  a  time  Assyria  beat 
them  off,  but  they  returned.  At  last  the  province  of 
Babylonia  broke  away  and  allied  itself  with  the  Medes. 
This  was  the  finishing  stroke.  The  next  assault  was 
successful.  Nineveh  was  taken  in  606  B.C.,  and,  with  Destruction 
its  capture,  Assyria  vanished.  So  complete  was  its  col-  °^  wmeveh. 
lapse  that  the  very  site  and  name  of  Nineveh  disap- 
peared from  the  knowledge  of  mankind,  only  to  be  re- 


54  The  Heirs  of  Assyria 

covered  by  the  investigations  of  scholars  and  travellers 
in  the  last  century. 


REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  were  the  following  places 
noted:  Samaria,  Assur,  Nineveh,  Tyre?  2.  For  what  were 
the  following  famous:  Sargon  of  Assyria,  Sargon  of  Agade, 
Ashurbanipal,  Ramses  II?  3.  What  is  meant  by  province, 
colony,  shekel?  4.  When  did  Sargon  of  Assyria  live?  5. 
What  is  the  date  of  the  fall  of  Nineveh?  6.  What  is  the  differ- 
ence between  Syria  and  Assyria? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Earliest  Assyria.  Good- 
speed,  pp.  127-130.  2.  The  Expansion  under  Tiglathpileser  I. 
Goodspeed,  pp.  160-172.  3.  The  Kings  of  the  House  of  Ashur- 
natsirpal.  Goodspeed,  pp.  185-222.  4.  The  Rule  of  Sargon  II. 
Goodspeed,  pp.  243-264.  5.  The  Fall  of  Assyria.  Goodspeed, 
pp.  320-330.  6.  The  Palace  of  Sargon.  Goodspeed,  pp.  259- 
261.     7.  The  Heirs  of  Assyria.     Goodspeed,  pp.  iT)2,-2,3(>- 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,     i.  The  Rise  of 

Assyria.  Murison,  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  ch.  3.  2.  The  Dynasty 
of  Sargon.  Murison,  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  §§  36-38.  3.  The 
Fall  of  Assyria.  Murison,  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  §§  59-61.  4. 
The  Palace  of  Sargon.  Ragozin,  Assyria,  pp.  278-294;  Maspero, 
Ancient  Egypt  and  Assyria,  ch.  11.  5.  The  Library  of  Ashurban- 
ipal. Ragozin,  Chaldea,  Introduction,  ch.  4;  Maspero,  Ancient 
Egypt  and  Assyria,  ch.  16.  6.  "  The  Assyrian  came  down  like 
a  wolf  on  the  fold :  "  Does  this  line  of  Byron  justly  characterize 
Assyrian  warfare? 


7.— THE   MEDIAN,   CHALDEAN   (NEW  BABY- 
LONIAN)   AND  LYDIAN  EMPIRES 

606-539  B.C. 

72.  Medes   and   Babylonians  Heirs  of  Assyria. — The 

Medes,  v^hose  sudden  attack  overthrew  the  Assyrian 
empire,  had  been  sifting  into  the  eastern  mountains  for 
more  than  a  century.     They  were  the  rear  guard  of  a 


rezzar. 


The  Medes  and  Chaldeans  55 

migration  of  Indo-European  peoples  (§5)  which  was  to 
overwhelm  the  Semitic  world  (§  3)  and  usher  in  a  new 
era.  Their  alliance  with  the  rebellious  province  of  Baby- 
lonia brought  about  Assyria's  fall  and  meant  the  divis- 
ion of  the  world  between  the  two  victors.  The  Medes 
received  the  eastern  and  northern  mountain  regions, 
stretching  from  the  Persian  gulf  to  Asia  Minor.  The 
Babylonians  obtained  the  Mesopotamian  valley  west  of 
the  Tigris  and  the  Mediterranean  coast-lands.  Thus 
two  empires  sprang  up  where  Assyria  had  once  ruled. 

73.  The     Chaldean     Empire.— Babylonia's    rebellion 
against  Assyria  really  marked  the  victory  of  the  Chaldeans 

(§  48)  in  their  long  struggle  with  the  Assyrians.  The  new  Nebuchad- 
Babylonian  empire  therefore  was  a  Chaldean  empire. 
It  had  a  short  career  of  splendor  under  its  greatest  king, 
Neb'u-chad-rez'zar  (605-562  B.C.),  who,  secure  from 
outside  attack  by  his  alliance  with  the  Medes,  devoted 
himself  to  the  strengthening  of  his  empire  and  the  resto- 
ration of  the  land  and  cities  of  Babylonia.  He  had  End  of 
trouble  with  the  subject  kingdom  of  Judah,  which  re- 
belled several  times  and  was  finally  destroyed,  its  capi- 
tal, Jerusalem,  burned  to  the  ground  and  the  Jews  de- 
ported to  Babylonia  (586  B.C.).  There  they  soon  be- 
came an  industrious  and  wealthy  part  of  the  population. 
The  king  spent  vast  sums  of  money  in  fortifying  and 
beautifying  the  city  of  Babylon.  He  surrounded  it  with 
a  triple  wall,  built  splendid  palaces  and  made  magnifi- 
cent gardens  for  his  Median  wife.  Babylon  in  his  time 
was  the  largest,  richest  and  most  wonderful  city  of  the 
ancient  world. 

74.  The  Median  Empire. — Meanwhile  the  Median  em- 
pire had  been  having  a  checkered  experience.     In  the  far 


Judah. 


5Q 


The  Heirs  of  Assyria 


CrcESus. 


northwest  it  had  come  into  conflict  with  the  expanding 
empire  of  Lydia,  which  had  reduced  all  Asia  Minor 
under  its  yoke.  From  the  north  new  migrations  of 
Scythians,  a  wild  nomadic  folk  from  central  Asia,  poured 
over  the  borders.  In  the  east  and  south  a  people  closely 
related  to  the  Medes  was  growing  in  numbers  and  im- 
portance. This  people,  called  the  Persians,  was  for  a 
time  in  subjection  to  the  Medes.  Under  the  leadership 
of  a  great  prince  called  Cyrus  they  rose  up  against  their 
Median  lords  and  succeeded  in  overthrowing  them.  In 
the  year  550  B.C.  Cyrus  became  king  of  the  combined 
peoples  and  founded  the  Persian  empire. 

75.  The  Kingdom  of  Lydia. — The  Babylonian  rulers 
that  followed  Nebuchadrezzar  set  themselves  with  the 
other  powers  of  the  world  in  opposition  to  Cyrus.  Of 
these  the  most  important  was  the  kingdom  of  Lydia.  It 
owed  its  greatness  to  the  dynasty  of  Gy'ges  who  at  about 
700  B.C.  had  set  aside  the  old  ruling  family  of  Midas 
and  put  himself  in  its  place.  Gyges  and  his  successors 
— in  particular  Croe'sus  (560-546  B.C.) — conquered  the 
entire  coast  of  Asia  .Minor,  making  all  the  Greek  cities, 
except  Mi-Ie'tus,  tributary.  They  also  extended  their 
sway  to  the  Hellespont  and  in  the  interior  to  the  Ha'lys 
river,  thus  becoming  by  far  the  most  powerful  and  opu- 
lent state  in  the  peninsula.  The  fame  of  Croesus  for 
wealth  was  so  great  that  his  name  has  become  a  syno- 
nym for  riches.  Through  his  realm  lay  a  main  highway 
from  Assyria  and  Babylon  to  the  iEgean  sea  and  a  mixed 
culture  developed  in  Lydia  which  was  at  once  sympa- 
thetic to  Greece  and  the  orient.  The  father  of  Croesus 
had  fought  with  the  Medes  but  later  had  made  a  peace 
with  them  (585  B.C.).     Now  Croesus  joined  with  Egypt, 


I 


n a-ir 


1 


I- 


:!1 


^'"ti'Xk- 


I 

I 
•p.: 


\ 


\ 


11 


throw. 


Home  of  the  Persians  57 

and  even  the  leading  Greek  state,   Sparta,  lu  the  en- 
deavor to  put  a  stop  to  the  victorious  career  of  Cyrus. 
It  was  all   in  vain.     Cyrus  defeated   Crcesus,   king  of  His  Over- 
Lydia,  and  captured  him  and  his  capital,  Sardis  (546 

B.C.). 

76.  Fall  of  Babylon. — Babylon  was  then  attacked,  and 
yielded  to  him  in  539  B.C.  Thus  the  last  Semitic  em- 
pire of  the  Mesopotamian  valley  passed  away  and  a  new 
race  took  the  reins  of  government  over  a  wider  world 
than  had  ever  fallen  within  the  bounds  of  an  ancient  state. 


8.— THE  EMPIRE  OF  PERSIA:  ITS  FOUNDING 
AND    ORGANIZATION 

550-500  B.C. 

77.  The  Persian  Land  and  People. — Not  only  did  the  Persis. 
Persians  belong  to  another  race  than  the  Semites  of  the 
Tigris-Euphrates  valley,  but  the  centre  of  empire  was 
shifted  by  them  farther  to  the  east.  This  centre  was 
the  broad  and  lofty  region  east  of  the  Tigris,  from  which 
the  Za'gros  mountains  rise.  These  consist  of  a  series  of 
high  ridges  running  north  and  south  with  fertile  valleys 
between.  The  whole  country  lay  on  an  average  four  thou- 
sand feet  above  the  sea  and  suffered  from  wide  extremes 
of  climate.  The  people  who  inhabited  it  were  vigorous 
and  hardy,  simple  in  manners,  given  to  the  raising  of 
cattle  and  horses,  or,  in  the  few  fertile  valleys,  to  agri- 
culture. Such  were  the  Medes  and  Persians.  Their 
capitals  lay  in  this  region — Ec-bat'a-na  in  the  north, 
Per-sep'o-lis  in  the  east  and  Susa  in  the  west.  From 
this  lofty  land  they  went  forth  east  and  west  to  conquest 
and  the  founding  of  their  empire. 


58  The  Empire  of  Persia 

Iran.  78.  Their  Outlook. — To  the  east  lay  the  mighty  table- 

land of  I'ran — i,ooo  miles  long  and  700  miles  wide — • 
girt  about  with  high  mountains.  The  greater  part  of 
it  is  desert;  only  in  the  north  and  northeast  are  fertile 
districts.  On  the  slopes  of  the  northern  range  along  the 
southeastern  coast  of  the  Caspian  sea  lay  Hyrcania;  far- 
ther to  the  east  was  Parthia;  far  to  the  northeast  in  the 
valleys  of  the  lofty  eastern  mountains  on  the  route  lead- 
ing from  Eastern  Turkestan  over  to  India  was  the  rich 
land  of  Bactria.  The  western  lands  are  familiar  to  us — 
the  Mesopotamian  valley,  the  coast-lands  of  the  eastern 
Mediterranean  leading  down  to  Egypt,  and  in  the  north- 
west, Armenia,  stretching  away  to  the  table-land  of 
Asia  Minor  and  the  coasts  of  the  ^^gean  sea.  Such 
was  the  prospect  opening  before  the  Persians,  eager  to 
enter  into  the  struggle  for  the  possession  of  these  broad 
lands. 

79.  Cyrus. — Cyrus,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  leader  of 
the  Persians  in  this  world-campaign;  his  conquest  of 
the  empires  of  Media,  Lydia  and  Babylonia  has  already 

His  Career,  been  described.  During  the  remainder  of  his  career  he 
seems  to  have  added  the  eastern  lands  to  his  domain  and  is 
said  to  have  died  in  battle  with  an  insignificant  folk  on 
the  far  northeastern  borders  (530  B.C.).  At  the  time  of 
his  death  his  eldest  son,  Cambyses,  was  the  heir  to  the 
throne,  and  a  younger  son,  Bard'i-;ya,  was  governor  of  the 

His  Char-     northeastern  lands.     Cyrus  made  a  deep  impression  upon 

acter.  ^]^g    .^^^   q£   j^-g    ^^^^   ^^^   ^f   later   times.     A   Jewish 

prophet  hailed  him  as  the  one  called  by  Jehovah  to 
deliver  the  Jews  from  their  Babylonian  captivity.  The 
Greek,  Herodotus,  calls  him  the  father  of  his  people, 
and  says  that  in  the  estimation  of  the  Persians  he  was 


Darius  59 

above  all  comparison,  being  of  all  those  of  his  time  the 
bravest  and  the  best  beloved. 

80.  Cambyses. — For  Cambyses,  his  successor  (530- 
522  B.C.),  one  region  remained  unconquered — Egypt. 
This  he  added  to  his  domains.  Before  departing  for 
Egypt  he  had  caused  Bardiya  to  be  put  to  death  for  fear 
of  his  attempting  to  seize  the  throne.  But  this  did  not 
prevent  a  pretender  named  Gau'ma-ta  from  stirring  up 
rebellion  during  his  absence  in  Egypt,  and  Cambyses 

died  while  returning  to  punish  him.  It  seemed  that  the  Darius, 
pretender  might  succeed,  but  Darius,  a  cousin  of  Cam- 
byses, was  able  to  kill  the  rebel  and  to  secure  the  throne 
after  fierce  struggles  in  the  heart  of  the  realm.  He  ruled 
for  thirty-six  years  (521-485  B.C.)  with  splendid  vigor 
and  wise  statesmanship. 

81.  The  Organization  of  the  Empire. — Persia,  on  the 
accession  of  Darius,  occupied  the  entire  known  world  of 
the  east.  This  world  was  a  natural  geographical  whole, 
some  3,000  miles  in  length  and  from  500  to  1,500  miles 
in  width,  surrounded  for  the  most  part  by  seas,  mountains 
or  deserts — "more  than  half  the  size  of  modern  Europe." 
But  little  attention  as  yet  had  been  given  to  its  organi- 
zation. This  was  the  first  and  most  memorable  work 
of  Darius.  He  followed  the  Assyrian  system  (§  65)  and 
improved  upon  it.  The  empire  was  divided  into  about  Officials 
twenty  provinces,  each  in  charge  of  an  official  called  the 
satrap.     Two  assistants  were  given  him,  a  secretary  and 

a  general.     All  were  appointed  by  the  king;    each  was 
independent  of  the  others  and  kept  watch  upon  them. 
This  arrangement  made  the  three  efficient  and  kept  them 
faithful.     Each  province  had  to  pay  taxes  according  to  Taxes 
its  ability;   so  wisely  was  the  income  from  all  sources 


00 


The  Empire  of  Persia 


Army. 


Care  of 
Provinces. 


organized  that  the  sum  realized  may  have  been  worth 
fifty  miHion  dollars  yearly.  A  system  of  coinage  was  in- 
stituted and  three  royal  coins  were  minted — the  gold  daric 
($5),  the  silver  stater  (50  cents)  and  the  silver  drachma 
(25  cents).  The  army  v/as  made  up  of  an  imperial  guard, 
of  native  Medes  and  Persians,  the  "Immortals,"  and  of 
troops  from  the  various  provinces.  The  strongest  corps 
of  the  service  was  the  cavalry  armed  with  the  bow.  In  one 
thing  especially  the  Persian  government  was  superior  to 
those  that  had  gone  before — in  its  provincial  system.  The 
kings  took  special  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  province  to 
secure  its  peace  and  prosperity.  Its  customs  and  religion 
were  not  interfered  with.  The  satrap  was  enjoined  to 
secure  justice  and  protection  to  the  inhabitants.  Trade 
was  encouraged.  Roads  were  built  and  travel  was  made 
safe  and  comfortable.  A  royal  post  carried  messages  from 
the  capital  over  these  roads  to  the  ends  of  the  empire. 


Herodotus  describes  the  royal  post  in  these  words:  "There  is  noth- 
ing mortal  which  accomplishes  a  journey  with  more  speed  than  these 
messengers,  so  skilfully  has  this  been  invented  by  the  Persians;  for 
they  say  that  according  to  the  number  of  the  days  of  which  the  en- 
tire journey  consists,  so  many  horses  and  men  are  set  at  intervals, 
each  man  and  horse  appointed  for  a  day's  journey.  Neither  snow 
nor  rain  nor  heat  nor  darkness  of  night  prevents  each  one  of  these 
from  accomplishing  the  task  proposed  to  him  with  the  very  utmost 
speed.  The  first  rides  and  delivers  the  message  with  which  he  is 
charged  to  the  second,  and  the  second  to  the  third;  and  so  it  goes 
through  handed  from  one  to  the  other." 


82.  The  Early  Persians. — Physically  the  early  Per- 
sians were  great,  strong  men,  with  thick  hair  and  beard, 
clear-eyed  and  active;  in  character  they  were  pure- 
hearted  and  brave.     The  common  people  were  intensely 


Persian  Religion  61 

devoted  to  their  chiefs,  who  exhibited  the  characteristic 
Persian  virtues  at  their  highest.  Herodotus  tells  us  that 
the  training  of  the  sons  of  the  nobles  consisted  in  riding, 
shooting  the  bow  and  speaking  the  truth.  Their  relig-  Their 
ion  was  lofty  and  inspiring.  By  their  prophet,  Zo'ro-  ^  '*''°°' 
as'ter,  who  lived  about  looo  B.C.,  they  were  taught  that 
two  supreme  divine  Powers  were  in  conflict  for  the  mas- 
tery of  the  world — the  Power  of  Good  and  the  Power 
of  Evil.  Zoroaster  called  upon  them  to  choose  the 
Good  and  fight  for  him  against  the  Evil,  to  hate  the 
Lie  and  to  love  the  Truth.  Thus,  all  life  was  for  them 
a  moral  conflict,  brightened  by  the  faith  that  the  Good 
and  True  would  finally  be  victorious.  This  simple  and 
sublime  doctrine  made  them  men  of  courage,  nobility 
and  virtue,  conscious  of  a  mission  to  fulfil  in  the  world. 

83.  Effect  of  Culture  on  the  Persians. — But  they  were 
still  an  uncultivated  folk.  When  they  came  into  pos- 
session of  the  wide  eastern  world  with  its  higher  culture 
and  its  lower  morals,  they  were  gradually  corrupted. 
They  accepted  the  higher  culture,  but  they  were  also 
affected  by  the  lower  morality.  This  change  appears 
prominently  in  the  royal  court.  The  Babylonian  forms 
of  court  life  were  adopted.  Persian  devotion  to  the 
chief  became  slavish  subjection  to  the  Great  King, 
whose  slightest  wish  was  law.  The  sudden  increase  of  loss  of 
wealth,  following  upon  the  possession  of  the  world,  pro-  yj^"'^.^ 
duced  luxury  and  feebleness.  In  the  realm  of  art  and 
architecture  the  ideals  and  achievements  of  Assyria  and 
Egypt  were  the  models.  Magnificent  royal  palaces  at 
Susa  and  Persepolis  show  little  if  anything  that  is  new 
in  artistic  style.  An  imposing  grandeur  appears,  rising 
out  of  the  combination  of  all  the  old  forms  that  the  ar- 


62 


The  Einpire  of  Persia 


lists  of  the  Semitic  world  had  worked  out,  but  that  is  all. 
Of  course  these  changes  in  manners  and  culture  came 
slowly.  Later  history  was  to  reveal  how  low  the  Per- 
sians were  to  fall  before  their  work  was  done  and  their 
empire  was  swept  away. 

84.  Wars  of  Darius. — Besides  his  scheme  of  organ- 
ization, Darius  extended  his  empire  by  means  of  war. 
In  the  far  east  he  advanced  into  India  and  added  the 
valley  of  the  Indus  river  to  his  dominions.  In  the  west 
he  marched  through  Asia  Minor  across  the  Bosporus 
to  attack  the  Scythians  (about  510  B.C.).  This  expedi- 
tion brought  him  into  close  contact  with  the  Greeks. 
It  was  the  most _. important  among  a  series  of  events 
which  led  to  the  wars  between  the  Persian  empire  and 
the  Greek  states.  With  these  wars  the  Greeks  came 
fully  into  the  current  of  the  world's  history,  to  hold, 
henceforth,  the  commanding  position.  Hence  the  centre 
of  our  study  shifts  from  the  east  to  the  west,  from  Persia 
to  Greece.  The  old  world  of  Asia  falls  back;  the  new 
world  of  Europe  takes  its  place  (500  B.C.). 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  were  the  following  famous: 
Cyrus,  Nebuchadrezzar,  Darius?  2.  Who  were  the  Scythians, 
the  Lydians,  the  Jews,  the  Chaldeans?  3.  For  what  are  the 
following  noted:    Sardis,  Carthage,  Susa,  Tyre,  Persepolis? 

4.  What  is  meant  by  drachma,  papyrus,  satrap,  province? 

5.  When  did  Nebuchadrezzar  live?     6.  When  did  Cyrus  live? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Medo-Persian  Tradition. 
Goodspeed,  pp.  320-326.  2.  Nebuchadrezzar  and  Judah.  Good- 
speed,  pp.  337-347.  3.  The  Renaissance  of  Babylonia  under 
the  Chaldeans.  Goodspeed,  pp.  353-360.  4.  The  City  of  Baby- 
Ion.  Goodspeed,  pp.  360-366.  5.  Cyrus,  the  Enemy  of  Baby- 
lon.    Goodspeed,  pp.  372-376. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Baby- 
lon of  Nebuchadrezzar.     Murison,  Babylonia  and  Assyria,  §  67; 


General  Review  63 

Ragozin,  Media,  etc.,  ch.  9.  2.  The  Victories  of  Cyrus.  Rago- 
zin,  Media,  etc.,  ch.  11.  3.  The  Story  of  the  Accession  of  Darius. 
Herodotus,  Booli  IT,  pp.  67-SS;  Ragozin,  Media,  etc.,  ch.  13.  4. 
The  Organization  of  the  Persian  Empire.  Encyclopedia  Britan- 
nica,  article  "Persia";  Sayce,  Ancient  Empires,  pp.  247-250; 
Ragozin,  Media,  etc.,  pp.  384-391,  5.  The  Scythian  Expedition 
of  Darius.  Herodotus,  Book  IV,  pp.  1-142;  Ragozin,  ]Media,  etc., 
pp.  412-429.  6.  The  Palaces  of  Persepolis,  Sayce,  Ancient  Era« 
pires,  pp.  270-272;  Ragozin,  Media,  etc.,  pp.  391-41 1. 

GENERAL  REVIEW  OF  PART  I 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  What  were  the  chief  in- 
fluences of  the  geography  of  the  oriental  world  upon  its  his- 
tory? See  §§  I,  2,  4,  13,  50,  62,  77,  78.  2.  How  did  the  in- 
vasions of  the  desert  and  mountain  tribes  affect  the  history 
of  the  oriental  world?  See  §§  5, 16, 35,  48,  55,  72,  74.  3,  What 
were  the  chief  commercial  products  of  the  oriental  world 
and  from  what  countries  did  each  come?  See  §§  iS,  19,  20, 
52,  53.  4.  What  special  contribution  to  modern  civilization 
was  made  by  each  of  the  great  peoples  studied?  5.  Trace 
the  growth  of  government  in  the  oriental  world,  showing  how 
new  ideas  were  added  from  time  to  time.  See  §§  6-9,  11,  12, 
15,  21,  37,  42,  52,  58,  65,  81.  6.  What  were  the  main  points 
of  difference  betveen  the  various  religions  of  the  oriental 
world?    See  §§  34,  40,  55,  82. 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES.*  i.  Compare  Babylonian- 
Assyrian  and  Egyptian  architecture  as  illustrated  in  Plate  VI. 
2.  Enumerate  such  defects  in  Egyptian  art  as  appear  in  Plates 
IV,  XXII.  3.  From  a  study  of  Plate  VIII,  what  subjects  were 
most  successfully  treated  by  the  Assyrian  artists?  How  does 
this  illustrate  the  national  character?  4.  What  conclusions 
as  to  mode  of  fighting  may  be  drawn  from  Plate  III?  5.  Draw 
an  outline  map  from  memory  of  the  field  of  ancient  oriental 
history,  locating  as  many  places  and  countries  mentioned  as 
possible. 

TOPICS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,  i.  The  Pyramids.  IMaspero, 
Dawn  of  Civilization,  pp.  363-377;    Egyptian  Archieology,  ch.  3; 

*  See  Appendix  II  and  Tarbell,  History  of  Greek  Art,  pp.  1-46. 


64  The  Eastern  Empires 


Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  ch.  4;  History  of  Egypt,  ch,  7;  Ency- 
clopedia Britannica,  article  "Egypt"  (sub-division  "Pyramids"). 
2.  Compare  the  laws  of  Hammurabi  given  in  the  text  with 
the  laws  of  the  Hebrews  contained  in  Exodus,  chs.  21-23; 
Deuteronomy  15  :  12-14;  19  '•  16-21.  See  also  The  Biblical  World, 
March,  1903,  pp.  175-190.  3.  What  did  the  ancient  oriental 
people  think  of  the  world?  Maspero,  Dawn  of  Civilization,  pp. 
16-22;  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  article  "Cosmology."  4.  Write 
an  account  of  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt  from 
the  standpoint  of  an  Egyptian,  using  the  account  given  in 
Exodus,  chs.  I -14,  as  the  basis  of  your  study.  5.  What  na- 
tions had  stories  of  the  flood?  Ragozin,  Story  of  Chaldea,  ch. 
6;  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  article  "Cosmology,"  also  "Deluge." 
6.  What  did  the  Nile  do  for  Egypt?  Maspero,  Davi^n  of  Civiliza- 
tion, ch.  i;  Rawlinson,  Story  of  Egypt,  ch.  i;  Encyclopedia  Britan- 
nica, article  "Egypt."  7.  The  Education  of  an  Assyrian  Boy. 
Sayce,  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  ch.  3;  Goodspeed,  History  of 
Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  §  261.  8.  Life  and  Times  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar. Goodspeed,  Part  IV,  chs.  2-3;  Maspero,  Passing  of 
the  Empires,  pp.  513-568;  Harper,  in  Biblical  World,  July,  1899; 
Ragozin,  Media,  etc.,  ch.  9. 


II.    THE    GREEK   STATES 

2500-200  B.  C. 

PRELIMINARY   SURVEY 

85.  Physical  Geography  of  Greece. — From  .the  vast 
plains,  broad  rivers,  mighty  mountain  chains,  trackless 
deserts,  high  table-lands,  magnificent  empires  of  the  an- 
cient east — where  the  works  of  nature  and  man  alike 
are  huge,  massive,  steadfast  and  overpowering,  and  his- 
tory is  measured  by  centuries  or  even  millenniums — 
we  turn  to  a  very  different  scene  in  passing  westward 
across  the  ^F^gean  sea  to  Greece.  A  petty  peninsula,  its 
rivers  are  rushing  torrents  on  which  no  ship  can  sail,  and 
its  plains  are  deep,  narrow  basins  between  high  ridges 
and  peaks.  Taken  in  its  fullest  extent  it  is  less  than  half  The  Home 
as  large  as  the  state  of  Illinois.  Still,  though  Greece  is  ^*°'** 
small,  it  has  striking  natural  characteristics.  The  lack 
of  rivers  is  made  up  by  innumerable  bays  and  inlets 
from  the  sea,  so  that  there  is  no  spot  of  land  which  is 
more  than  torty  miles  from  it.  Half-way  down  the 
peninsula  on  its  western  side  a  deep  gulf — the  gulf  of 
Corinth — almost  cuts  off  the  southern  part,  the  Pelopon- 
.  nesus,  while  on  the  south  are  two  bays,  and  on  the  east 
five,  one  of  which  actually  parts  Euboea  from  the  main- 
land. Its  mountains,  though  pursuing  a  general  course 
from  northwest  to  southeast,  fly  off  in  every  direction 
from  the  Pindus  range  in  the  north  to  meet  the  sea,  cut- 
ting the  land  up  into  a  variety  of  independent  valleys 

65 


C6  The  Greek  States 

and  glens,  and  towering  above  them  in  ridges  and  peaks 
from  five  thousand  to  eight  thousand  feet  in  height, 
sometimes  bare  and  stern,  often  thickly  wooded  or 
crowned  with  snow.  Over  sea,  valley  and  mountain 
gleams  a  brilliant  sky;  the  play  of  light  and  shade  upon 
The  the  varied  scene  is  indescribably  beautiful.     From  the 

points  of  bold  promontories  that  stand  out  into  the 
.fEgean  sea,  islands,  large  and  small,  summits  of  lost 
mountain-peaks,  push  forth  one  after  the  other  toward 
the  eastward  and  go  to  meet  similar  islands  that  dot  the 
shores  of  Asia  Minor.  Far  to  the  south,  Crete  lies  across 
the  foot  of  the  sea,  sixty  miles  from  the  extremity  of  the 
Peloponnesus  and  barely  twice  as  far  from  Asia  Minor. 

86.  Its  Influence  on  Greek  History. — Observe  what 
the  position  of  Greece  and  her  relation  to  the  sea  meant 
for  the  life  and  history  of  her  people.  The  ^Egean,  push- 
ing far  upward,  received  the  trade  of  the  northwest 
while  it  also  opened  into  the  Black  sea,  down  to  the 
northern  and  eastern  shores  of  which  came  the  roads 
Relations  from  the  far  northeast.  The  bays  on  the  eastern  side 
■^ojij  of  Greece,  coupled  with  the  innumerable  islands  that 
Without.  stretched  across  the  sea,  made  access  easy  for  men  com- 
ing from  the  east,  the  early  home  of  civilization.  Thus 
Greece  lay  at  the  very  spot  where  the  ways  of  progress 
met,  from  north  and  east  and  south,  and  extended  wel- 
coming hands  to  the  bearers  of  the  world's  best  gifts. 
Yet  the  land  was  also  protected.  No  hostile  force  could 
easily  come  down  through  the  high  mountains  of  the 
north.  Should  ships  bring  enemies,  the  coasts  alone 
could  be  seized;  the  interior  remained  easily  defensible. 
Moreover,  intercourse,  by  land  in  Greece,  difficult  on 
account  of  the  mountains,  was  made  easy  by  inlets  from 


The  Geography  of  Greece  67 

the  sea.  Hence  the  Greeks,  Hke  the  Phoenicians  of  the 
eastern  Mediterranean  (§  50),  were  early  thrust  forth  on 
the  water,  and  learned  how  to  defend  their  shores  as 
well  as  to  engage  in  commerce  with  outside  peoples. 
Thus  Greece  was  at  the  same  time  an  accessible  and  a 
defensible  land. 

87.  On  the  Politics  of  Greece. — The  mountains  had 
another  important  influence  on  Greek  history.  The 
narrow  secluded  valleys,  into  which  they  broke  up  the 
land,  became  seats  of  petty  communities,  each  inde- 
pendent of  the  other,  each  zealous  to  maintain  its  own 
independence  and  each  protected  in  its  separateness  by 

the  mountain  barriers  which  girt  it  about.  Hence,  for  a  Disunion 
long  period,  the  history  of  Greece  is  a  history  of  a  variety  °^  Greeks, 
of  small  states;  unity  of  political  life  was  the  last  thing 
secured  and,  when  secured,  was  with  difficulty  main- 
tained. On  the  other  hand,  this  separateness  in  Greek 
political  life  had  its  advantages.  A  wonderful  variety 
in  forms  of  society  and  politics  was  produced,  each  state 
working  out  its  own  local  problems  with  substantial 
freedom  from  interference  and  with  the  incitement  of 
healthy  rivalry  with  its  neighbors. 

88.  On  the  Greek  Character. — In  such  physical  con- 
ditions and  relations  a  peculiar  type  of  man  was  pro- 
duced that  the  world  had  not  seen  before.  In  these  little 
communities  the  single  man  counted  for  much.  The 
individual  was  not  lost  in  the  crowd;  hence  individuality 
was  an  early  trait  of  the  Greek  character.  Devotion  to 
his  own  state  and  pride  in  its  independence  gave  him 
patriotism  and  a  love  of  freedom.  The  beauty  and 
variety  of  the  natural  world  all  about  bred  in  him  sensi- 
tiveness to  form  and  color,  while  its  steep,  narrow  and 


68  The  Greek  States 

rugged  ways  made  him  healthy,  strong  and  supple. 
All  his  circumstances  called  for  quickness  of  body  and 
mind,  stimulated  him  to  thought  and  action,  and  brought 
out  a  variety  of  resource  and  achievement  that  has  been 
the  admiration  and  the  inspiration  of  mankind.  Thus 
it  has  been  well  said  that  ''  the  Greeks  owed  their  great- 
ness largely  to  the  country  in  which  it  was  their  fortune 
to  dwell." 

89.  The  Greek  People. — The  Greeks  belonged  by 
language  to  the  Indo-European  family  (§  5).  If  we  may 
judge  from  the  ancient  statues  and  from  the  prevailing 
Greek  type  of  to-day,  they  were  tall  and  spare  in  build, 
with  oval  face,  long  straight  nose,  bright  large  eyes,  fair 
complexion,  of  graceful  and  elastic  carriage  and  a  gen- 
eral harmony  of  form,  free  from  signal  excess  or  defect 
of  any  one  characteristic.  They  were,  in  disposition, 
genial  and  sunny,  imaginative  and  inquiring,  temperate 
and  chaste,  vibrating  between  reasonableness  and  emo- 
tion, with  an  ambition  which  was  not  always  nice  about 
the  means  to  gain  its  end,  and  a  vivacity  which  leaned 
toward  fickleness. 

89a.  Main  Divisions  of  Greek  History. — We  have  the 
following  main  divisions  of  this  portion  of  our  history: 

1.  The  iEgean  World  and  the  Beginnings  of  Greece: 

2500-1000  B.C. 

2.  The  Middle  (Homeric)  Age:  1000-550  B.C. 

3.  The   Development  of   Constitutional  States:  700^ 

500  B.C. 

4.  Sparta  and  Athens. 

5.  The  Greek  Empires  —  Athenian,  Spartan,  Theban 

and  Macedonian:  500-336  B.C. 


Epochs  of  Gi'eeh  History  69 

6.  Alexander  the  Great  and  the  World-Empire:  336- 

323  B.C. 

7.  The  Hellenistic  Age:  323-200  B.C. 

8.  The  Western  Greeks — The  Transition   to  Rome: 

350-275  B.C. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  GREEK  HISTORY* 

Abbott.  A  Skeleton  Outline  of  Greek  History.  Macmillan  Co.  Useful 
primarily  for  chronology. 

Baikie.     Sea-Kings  of  Crete.    A.  &  C.  Black.     Interesting. 

BoTSFORD.  A  History  of  Greece.  Macmillan  Co.  A  well-proportioned 
narrative  in  moderate  compass.     Rather  radical  at  times. 

Burrows.  The  Discoveries  in  Crete.  John  Murray.  An  admirable 
survey  of  the  Cretan  civilization. 

Bury.  History  of  Greece.  Macmillan  Co.  The  best  single  volume, 
combining  a  detailed  treatment  with  accurate  and  up-to-date  knowl- 
edge.    Possibly  too  full  for  elementary  use. 

Capps.  From  Homer  to  Theocritus.  Scribners.  The  most  useful  single 
book;   contains  abundant  extracts. 

Ferguson.  Hellenistic  Athens.    Macmillan  Co.    Begins  where  Bury  ends. 

Fowler.  The  City-State  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  Macmillan  Co. 
Belongs  to  the  field  of  political  science  rather  than  of  history.  In- 
terprets as  no  other  book  of  its  size  the  meaning  of  ancient  political 
institutions. 

Fowler  and  Wheeler.  Greek  Archceology.  American  Book  Co.  A 
simple,  abundantly  illustrated  treatment  of  architecture,  sculpture, 
terra  cottas,  metal  work,  coins,  gems,  vases  and  mosaics. 

Greenidge.  A  Handbook  of  Greek  Constitutional  History.  Macmillan 
Co.     The  only  book  of  moderate  size  covering  the  whole  field. 

Jebb.  Greek  Literature  (History  Primer  Series).  American  Book  Co. 
Brief,  but  judicious,  compact  and  illuminating. 

Mahaffy.  Old  Greek  Life.  American  Book  Co.  A  convenient  primer 
of  antiquities. 

MoREY.  Outlines  of  Greek  History.  American  Book  Co.  A  little 
fragmentary,  dealing  in  detail  with  the  growth  of  civilization  rather 
than  with  outward  history. 

*  For  previous  bibliographies,  see  §  5a.     For  bibliography  for  advanced 
students  and  teachers,  see  Appendix  I. 


70  The  JEgean  World 

Murray,  Ancient  Greek  Literalure.  Appleton.  Keen,  brilliant,  fasci- 
nating, but  takes  for  granted  a  general  knowledge  of  Greek  life  and 
history. 

Plutarch.  Translation  by  Dryden,  edited  by  Clough.  5  vols.  Little, 
Brown  and  Co.;   or  by  Stewart  and  Long.     4  vols.     Bohn. 

Shuckburgh.  History  of  the  Greeks.  Macmillan  Co.  Conventional 
in  arrangement  but  clearly  and  concisely  written. 

Tarbell.  a  History  of  Greek  Art.  Chautauqua  Press.  The  best 
single  book  on  the  subject. 

Tucker.  Life  in  Ancient  Athens.  Macmillan.  "An  excellent  and 
simply  written  little  book." 

ZiMMERN.  Greek  History.  Longmans.  Emphasizes  the  picturesque 
sides  of  Greek  History;  written  in  a  simple  style  for  elementary 
students. 


1.— THE  ^GEAN  WORLD  AND  THE 
BEGINNINGS  OF  GREECE 

2500-1000  B.C. 

90.  The  Neolithic  Age. — The  region  of  the  yEgean 
sea  was  the  home  of  the  earliest  civilization  which  has 
left  behind  it  material  objects  in  the  land  of  the  Greeks. 
This  was  a  stone  civilization  (neolithic),  and  by  the  ai/i 
of  the  many  islands  which  make  the  iEgean  seem  to  the 
navigator  a  series  of  land-locked  channels  and  little 
lakes,  it  became  fairly  uniform  in  all  the  region  from 
Troy  to  Crete.  Indeed,  it  is  probable  that  in  the  long 
ago,  between  5000  and  2500  B.C.,  the  stone  utensils  and 
weapons — the  knives,  spear  and  arrow  heads,  the  needles 
and  other  instruments  used  in  the  ^gean  were  not  dis- 
similar to  those  which  in  general  characterize  the  neo- 
lithic age  of  Europe.  Their  most  distinctive  feature  is 
the  use  of  the  hard,  black  stone  called  obsidian,  which  is 
found  on  the  island  of  Melos. 


1 


J. 


i>v 


Crete  71 

91.  Egypt  and  Crete. — To  this  world,  probably  for  a 
long  time  stagnant,  came  a  strong  impulse  forward  from 
Egypt,  with  which,  at  the  time  of  the  Old  Kingdom,  it 
came  into  contact.  The  entrance  from  the  east  and 
south  into  the  ^gean  sea  is  blocked  by  the  great,  long- 
ranging  island  of  Crete,  which  is  thus  determined  by 
geographical  position  as  'the  first  of  the  lands  of  Europe 
to  receive  the  culture  of  the  East.  Crete  was  accord- 
ingly the  forerunner  of  Greece,  and  the  Cretans,  called 
by  the  Egyptians  the  Keftiu,  were  for  about  a  thousand 
years  (2500-1500  B.C.)  the  rivals  of  the  Egyptians  and 
Babylonians  in  the  arts  and  sciences  and,  indeed,  in 
some  respects,  their  masters. 

92,  Crete  and  the  Greeks. — The  Cretans  were  ap- 
parently not  Greeks,  but  may  have  been  kinsmen  of  the 
early  inhabitants  of  Asia  Minor.  They  wrote  their 
language  by  the  means  of  pictographs  like  those  of 
Egypt,  and  of  linear  characters  like  those  of  the  Phoeni- 
cians. We  are  as  yet  unable  to  read  either  system,  but  systems  oi 
it  seems  quite  probable  that  what  they  conceal  is  a  non-  "  '°^' 
Greek  speech  like  that  of  the  Et'eo-cre'tans,  who  in  later 

times  dwelt  on  part  of  the  island.  The  Greeks  may  have  The  First 
advanced  from  the  region  of  the  lower  Danube  into  the  grauon!^'' 
peninsula  of  Greece  as  early  as  2500-2000  B.C.,  but  it  was 
not  till  about  1500  B.C.  that,  after  a  long  period  of  rude 
barbarism,  they  assimilated  the  high  culture  radiating 
from  Crete;  and  it  was  not  till  the  Cretan  age  had  come 
to  an  end  that  they  spread  over  the  insular  world  and 
eventually  occupied  the  western  coast  line  of  Asia  Minor. 
In  fact,  the  decay  of  Crete  and  the  destruction  by  fire  of 
its  palaces  and  towns  at  about  1350  B.C.  may  be  connected 
with  the  stormy  advent  of  the  Greeks  in  what  from  that 


72 


The  jEgean  World 


The 

Mycenaean 

Age. 


Middle 
Minoan  II. 


Late 
Minoan  II. 


Frescoes. 


Porcelain. 


day  to  this  has  been  their  natural  home.  The  high  civi- 
h'zation  common  to  the  entire  ^Egean  world  between  1500 
and  1 150  B.C.  we  term  My'ce-nae'an  from  Mycenae  in 
Argolis,  where  was  its  most  vigorous  centre. 

93.  Cretan  Culture. — The  Cretan  age  may  be  divided 
into  three  periods,  called  Mi-no'an,  which  correspond 
closely  in  time  with  the  Old,  Middle  and  New  King- 
doms in  Egypt.  Of  these  the  second  (ca.  2200-1600 
B.C.)  reached  its  acme  in  what  we  may  term  the  Ka-ma'- 
res  epoch  (ca.  2200  B.C.)  from  the  style  of  vase  painting 
which  characterizes  it,  while  the  bloom-time  of  the  third, 
commonly  called  the  Palace  epoch,  coincides  with  the 
eighteenth  Egyptian  dynasty  (1580-1350  B.C.). 

94.  Cretan  and  Mycenaean  Pottery. — The  Kamares 
epoch  is  distinguished  from  the  ages  which  it  followed 
and  preceded  by  the  production  of  a  shapely,  thin,  wheel- 
turned  pottery  with  an  exclusively  linear  decoration,  and 
use  of  many  colors — such  as  reds  and  whites.  The 
fondness  of  the  period  for  grotesque  and  striking,  though 
rich,  effects  was  but  a  temporary  fashion,  however,  and 
it  soon  yielded  to  the  taste  for  the  sober  black  through 
brown  to  yellow  color  scheme  which  characterizes  the 
pottery  of  the  Mycenaean  age.  This  later  ware  went 
directly  to  nature  for  its  designs,  and  displaced  spirals, 
circles,  scrolls  and  arabesques  with  wonderful  sketches 
of  animal  and  vegetable,  and  especially  marine  life. 
Along  with  painting,  the  art  of  frescoing  prospered,  and 
with  it  the  art  of  working  and  coloring  low  relief  on 
pottery,  stone  and  metal.  A  fine  porcelain  made  its  ap- 
pearance, the  several  pieces — such  as  crosses,  cows  and 
goats  suckling  their  young,  flying  fishes — being  used  for 
the  ornamentation  of  the  interior  walls  of  the  houses. 


Crete  73 

95.  The  Palace  at  Cnossus. — All  these  various  arts 
combined  with  that  of  the  architect  to  give  shape  and 
beauty  to  the  great  palace  at  Cnossus,  which,  constructed 
first  at  ca.  2200  B.C.,  was  rebuilt  in  ca.  1900  B.C.,  and 
thoroughly  remodelled  at  about  1800  B.C.  in  the  form 
in  which  it  stood  when  wiped  out  by  the  final  conflagra- 
tion. Like  all  the  Cretan  palaces  it  was  unfortified.  It 
formed  a  great  complex  of  rooms,  corridors  and  closets 
set  about  a  vast  central  court,  and  rambled  in  all  direc- 
tions over  an  area  of  five  acres.  Possessing,  as  it  did, 
all  the  conveniences  of  modern  sanitation,  it  was  obvi- 
ously a  comfortable  place  to  live  in.  Light  and  airy,  it  Labyrinth 
had  the  same  general  characteristics  as  the  "Labyrinth"  ^^^  crete 
of  the  twelfth  dynasty,  in  imitation  of  which  it  was 
doubtless  erected.     In  beauty  of  interior  decoration,  as 

well  as  in  size,  it  probably  surpassed  all  residences  built 
afterward  in  Greece  before  the  Hellenistic  Age.  After 
the  conflagration  the  basement  and  part  of  the  first 
story  stood  half  ruined  and  covered  with  debris,  a  maze 
of  passages  and  chambers — the  Labyrinth  of  the  legend 
of  Minos  (§  122). 

96.  The  Lords  and  Ladies  of  Cnossus. — Wc  have  to 
conceive  of  it  in  the  Palace  period  as  the  home  of  a  gay 
and  rich  court.  Then  it  was  tenanted  by  low-statured 
slender  men  with  Caucasian  features,  clad  only  in  a 
loin-cloth  richly  decorated  but  carrying  a  dagger  with 
inlaid  blade  in  a  belt  close  drawn  round  the  waist.  Then  Cretan 
it  was  adorned  by  a  company  of  ladies  dressed  in  strangely 
modern,  low-necked,  short-sleeved,  close-fitting  bodices 
with  flounced  skirts,  long  flowing  and  richly  embroidered. 

Its  lord  was  a  monarch  whose  fleets  ruled  the  sea  and 
whose  merchant-men  went  in  safety  whither  they  pleased. 


74  The  ^gean  World 

^iirefCen-  97.  The  Mycenaean  World. — Already  in  the  Palace 
lire.  "  '  epoch  the  culture  of  Crete  had  been  carried  north  and 
west  into  Greece;  so  that  the  Mycenasan  world  reached 
from  Py'los  and  A-my'clae  north  past  Tir'yns,  Mycenae, 
Attica  and  Orch-om'en-us  to  the  gulf  of  Pag'a-sae,  and 
in  its  later  days  included  the  islands  on  the  west  coast  of 
Greece  and  not  only  Troy,  but  also  the  Cyclades  and  the 
entire  western  fringe  of  Asia  Minor;  while  its  pottery 
and  other  wares  not  only  reached  Egypt,  hke  those  of 
the  Cretans,  but  were  also  carried  as  far  west  as  Sicily 
and  Spain.  The  most  important  outside  contact  of  this 
world  was  with  Egypt  of  the  New  Empire,  of  which 
many  monuments  have  been  found  at  its  various  cen- 
tres. Ultimately,  moreover,  it  developed  an  active  com- 
mercial and  colonizing  activity  in  Cyprus  and  Asia  Minor, 
thus  tapping  in  both  its  Syrian  and  Anatolian  channels 
the  stream  of  culture  which  had  its  source  in  Babylonia. 
98.  Fortifications  and  Communications. — Its  civili- 
zation is  in  general  that  of  Crete  of  the  Palace  epoch. 
It  had  the  same  dress,  weapons  and  habits  of  life,  but, 
since  power  was  divided  between  a  great  many  little  mon- 
archies, each  town  had  to  be  strongly  fortified.  Hence 
the  massive  walls  twenty  to  sixty  feet  thick — with  cun- 
ningly contrived  portals — set  around  low  hills  which  for 
greater  safety  were  selected  a  short  distance  from  the 
sea,  have  no  parallel  in  Crete.  Within  these  rugged  for- 
tifications stood  the  palace  of  the  ruler  and  the  houses 
of  his  courtiers;  outside  lay  the  huts  of  his  subjects. 
Imperial      The  wholc  Community  centred  in  the  autocrat,  who,  on 

Position  of  .  •iiiiic  »  t  ^  mi 

Mycenae,  occasion,  might  be  the  lord  of  a  wide  realm.  Thus  at 
one  time  the  despots  of  Mycenae  bound  all  the  territory 
from  their  capital  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth  by  a  system 


PLATE  XIII 


THE  LIOX  GATE:     MYCEN^ 


BEE  HUE    iu:.ii,.     lK....,i.Ki    OF   AIREUS 


The  Mycenaean  World  75 

of  massive  and  durable  roads.  Their  use  was  economic 
rather  than  military,  since  they  seem  to  have  been  too 
narrow  for  the  chariots  on  which  the  king  and  his  sol- 
diers drove  to  battle.  The  land  was,  accordingly,  the 
scene  of  a  lively  traffic;  on  the  sea  boats  shot  like  shut- 
tles between  the  islands.  Far  beyond  the  confines  of  Articles  of 
the  iEgean  sea  sped  the  articles  of  Mycenaean  commerce.  °™™""- 
The  graves  disclose  what  these  were;  for  in  them  have 
been  found  masks  of  gold,  cups  of  gold  and  silver,  arm- 
lets, bracelets,  beads,  chains,  diadems,  ear-rings,  neck- 
laces, rings,  and  vases — all  of  gold.  There  were  bronze 
swords  with  inlaid  work.  There  were  glazed  and  painted 
pottery  of  various  and  striking  patterns,  decorated  with 
scenes  from  land  and  sea.  There  were  vases  of  alabaster, 
of  marble  and  of  terra-cotta.  Into  the  /Egean  tract  came, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  products  of  far-distant  countries, 
tin,  jade,  amber,  for  examples.  Like  every  high  culture 
the  Mycensean  had  a  strong  power  of  attraction  for  com- 
modities and  men,  and  we  may  be  sure  that  the  faces  of 
many  strange  peoples  were  familiar  in  the  country  at  this 
time. 

99.  The  Beehive  Tombs. — In  the  earlier  age  it  was  Respect  foi 
doubtless  a  general  custom  to  pay  respect  to  the  dead,  ^^^  ^^^'^' 
but  it  was  not  till  now  that  provision  for  the  after-life 
of  the  kings  became  one  of  the  chief  public  interests  of 
the  living.  Monarchs  now  strove  to  secure  great  tombs, 
beehive  in  shape,  comparable,  though  far  from  equal,  to 
the  pyramids  of  Egypt,  to  which  a  similar  regard  for  the 
welfare  of  the  departed  gave  rise.  The  spirits  of  the 
dead  were  thought  to  need  a  habitation  near  the  body 
and  to  receive  from  the  living  the  arms,  weapons,  utensils, 
food  and  drink  without  which  living;  was  unthinkable. 


76 


The  Beginnings  of  Greece 


Sacred 
Trees  and 
Pillars. 


Cretan  and 
Mycenaean 
Deities. 


Causes. 


100.  Religion. — Quite  different  from  this  cult  of  the 
dead  was  the  worship  of  the  gods,  as  to  the  character  of 
which  many  relics  testify.  Primitive  man  regards  nat- 
ure not  merely  as  a  complex  of  things  and  processes,  but 
as  the  abode  of  spirits  (§  112).  These  he  tries  to  con- 
trol by  magic.  He  also  tries  to  placate  and  propitiate 
them,  and  thus  singles  out  specific  deities  whose  char- 
acteristics— desires  and  dislikes — he  comes  to  know. 
Such  deities  the  Cretans  and  Mycenaeans  worshipped, 
not  as  idols  of  human  form,  but  as  sacred  trees  and 
pillars,  in  which  they  thought  their  deities  were  perma- 
nently or  temporarily  resident;  and  long  after  they  came 
to  think  of  these  deities  as  human  in  shape  they  continued 
to  revere  the  stocks  and  stones  which  were  from  of  old. 
set  behind  the  altars  and  in  the  precincts  or  caves  where 
offerings  were  placed.  The  most  notable  of  the  Cretan 
and  Mycenaean  deities  were  a  male  god  of  the  Sky, 
Thunder  and  War,  the  prototype  of  the  Greek  Zeus, 
whose  attribute  was  the  double  axe  with  which  he  slew 
his  enemies;  and  a  female  goddess  whose  attribute  was 
the  dove,  whose  province  was  the  mystery  of  birth,  and 
whose  popularity  is  witnessed  by  myriads  of  little  clay, 
stone  and  metal  images  which  were  placed  in  her  shrines 
by  her  votaries. 

loi.  The  Decline  of  the  Mycenaean  "World. — About 
1 1 50  B.C.  this  rich  Mycenaean  civilization  declined  rapidly. 
The  blight  which  simultaneously  ended  a  culture  epoch 
in*  Egypt  and  Babylon  (§§  17,  39)  affected  the  ^gean 
district  also.  The  cause  was  no  doubt  in  each  instance 
internal  decay;  but  this  was  accompanied,  as  in  the 
similar  case  of  the  Roman  empire  over  fifteen  hundred 
years  later,  by  external  invasions. 


The  ''Dorian''  Migration  11 

102.  The  Second  Greek  (Dorian)  Migration. — It  was 

about  this  time  that  the  so-called  northwest  Greeks,  who 
had  been  left  behind  in  the  mountains  when  their  kinsmen 
possessed  the  areas  of  Mycenaean  culture,  and  who  re- 
tained the  barbarism  which  their  more  fortunate  van- 
guard had  lost  through  contact  with  Crete,  now  ad- 
vanced to  the  south  and  east.  Subsequently  Thessalians 
appear  in  Thessaly,  Boeotians  in  Boeotia,  Elians  and 
Dorians  in  the  Peloponnesus  and  Dorians  in  all  the 
large  islands  of  the  south  ^Egean — Crete  inclusive — as 
well  as  in  the  southwestern  part  of  Asia  Minor.  At  Italians, 
the  same  time,  it  may  well  be,  the  Italians  pushed  into 
the  peninsula  to  which  they  gave  their  name,  and  the 
Phrygians  branched  off  from  their  kinsmen  in  Thrace  Phrygians, 
and  advanced  violently  into  the  heart  of  Asia  Minor. 

103.  The  Decline  of  the  Ancient  Eastern  Culture. —  The  End  of 

(ho.  pirst 

It  was  this  avalanche  pressing  on  from  behind  which  cuiti 


tUlt 


dislodged  Etruscans,  Shardani,  Danaei,  Lycii,  Peleset  ^po«=*^ 
and  other  peoples  from  their  /Egean  homes  and  forced 
them  to  seek  new  abodes  for  themselves  and  their  fam- 
ilies and  possessions  in  Syria,  Egypt  and  the  far  west 
(§§  39>  54j  344)-  It  was  this  avalanche  which  over- 
whelmed the  Mycenaean  world,  and  forced  fugitives  from 
the  east  coast  of  Greece  to  scurry  across  the  ^Egean, 
thus  reinforcing  their  kinsmen  who  had  earlier  settled  in 
central  and  northern  Asia  Minor.  There — in  /Eolia  and 
Ionia — Mycenaean  Greek  life  lingered  on  through  the 
dark  age  which  followed  to  reach  a  new  bloom  in  the 
time  of  Homer. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  part  do  the  following  play  in 
the  physical  geography  of  Greece  :  the  j^gean,  the  Pindus,  the 
gulf  of  Corinth?    2.  For  what  are  the  following  places  noted: 


78  The  ^gean  World 

Mycenae,  Troy,  Cnossus?  3.  Locate  from  memory  on  an  out- 
line map  the  chief  points  at  which  remains  of  Mycenaean 
civilization  have  been  found.  4.  At  about  what  time  was  the 
Mycenaean  civilization  at  its  height?  5.  At  about  what  time 
did  the  Dorian  invasion  occur?  6.  Describe  the  conditions 
in  the  jEgean  world  at  the  time  of  the  advent  of  the  Greeks. 
7.  What  was  the  position  of  Crete  in  this  world?  8.  Charac- 
terize the  Cretan  pottery.  9.  Describe  the  palace  at  Cnossus 
and  the  people  who  occupied  it.  10.  Compare  Cretan  and 
Mycenaean  architecture.  11.  What  were  the  characteristics 
of  the  Cretan  religion?  12.  Describe  the  Dorian  invasion  and 
its  effect  upon  the  distribution  of  Mycenaean  civilization. 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  What  was  going  on  in  the  ori- 
ental world  during  the  bloom-time  of  Crete?  2.  Compare 
the  articles  of  commerce  of  the  Mycenaean  Greeks  with  those 
of  the  Phoenicians  (§  50).  3.  Compare  the  effect  of  the  Do- 
rian invasion  of  Greece  with  that  of  the  Hyksos  invasion  of 

Egypt  (§§  35-36). 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Geography  of  Greece. 
Bury,  pp.  1-5.  2.  The  Mycenaean  Age :  (a)  Its  Remains,  Bury, 
pp.  11-30.  (&)  Its  History  in  Greece,  Bury,  pp.  31-43.  (c)  Its 
Expansion,  Bury,  pp.  43-53.  3.  Phoenician  Influence  on  Greece, 
Bury,  pp.  76-78.  4.  Early  Cretan  Civilization,  Bury,  pp.  7-1 1. 
5.  The  Dorian  Invasion  and  Its  Effect  upon  Greek  Migration. 
Bury,  pp.  57-63.  6.  The  Effect  of  the  Illyrian  Pressure  upon 
Thessalians,  ^Etolians  and  Boeotians,  Bury,  pp.  53-57. 

TOPICS  FOR  READENG  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Story 
of  Theseus.  Plutarch,  Life  of  Theseus.  2.  The  Hill  of  Hagia 
Triada:  Its  Treasures.  Burrows,  pp.  29-39.  3*  The  Geog- 
raphy of  Greece.  Moray,  pp.  72-77.  4.  The  Mycenaean  Age : 
(a)  Its  Remains,  Morey,  pp.  86-91.  (J)  Its  History  in  Greece, 
Moray,  pp.  91-94.  {c)  Its  "Expansion,  Botsford,  pp.  8-10.  5. 
The  Earliest  History  of  Greece.  Bury,  pp.  6-1 1.  6.  Myths 
and  Legends  of  the  Heroic  Age.  Morey,  pp.  83-86.  7.  The 
Epic  Poets.  Botsford,  pp.  lo-i  I ;  Moray,  pp.  94-96;  Capps,  pp. 
14-20.  8.  Palaces  and  Their  Contents  in  the  Middle  Minoan 
Period.     Burrows,  pp.  55-65,  85-92. 


tions. 


Social  and  Political  ElemeiiU  79 

2.— THE   MIDDLE   (HOMERIC)   AGE 

1000-550  B.C. 

104.  The  New  Beginning. — In  the  new  Greece  that 
came  into  being  when  the  turmoil  of  the  migrations  had 
subsided  civilization  must  in  a  sense  begin  all  over  again. 
The  incomers  were  numerous;  the  old  civilization  was 
too  weak  to  absorb  and  win  its  peaceful  victory  over 
them,  as  was  the  case  in  so  many  similar  situations  in 

the  ancient  east  (§§16,36).  They  came  with  their  occup»- 
flocks  and  herds  and  for  a  time  continued  the  old  pas- 
toral life.  Apart  from  the  raising  and  pasturing  of  their 
cattle,  hunting  and  fighting  were  their  favorite  activities. 
But  as  they  settled  down,  agriculture  was  taken  up; 
fields  were  sown;  vineyards  planted;  the  fig  and  the 
olive  cultivated.  In  time  industries  came  in.  At  first, 
everything  needed  was  made  at  home,  but  gradually  the 
various  trades  appeared,  the  blacksmith,  the  potter,  the 
carpenter,  the  leatherworker,  the  bowmaker  and  the 
spinner.  For  a  long  time  any  kind  of  industry  was  looked 
upon  as  unworthy  of  freemen.  Even  heralds,  physi- 
cians, seers,  singers,  poets  and  jugglers  were  together 
counted  as  workmen  and,  though  respected,  had  no  so- 
cial standing.  First  the  warrior,  and  then  the  farmer, 
were  the  gentlemen  of  Greece. 

105.  Social  and  Political  Elements. — The  new-comers 
brought  the  tribal  system  with  them  into  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. In  the  tribe  the  chief  subdivision  is  the  The  Broth- 
brotherhood  (phra'try)  the  members  of  which  are  bound 
together  by  a  tie  of  blood-relationship.  Each  is  the 
equal  of  his  brother.     He  eats  at  the  common  table. 


erhood. 


80  The  Middle  Age  of  Greece 

He  must  be  ever  ready  in  arms  at  the  call  of  the  tribe  to 
battle.  If  slain  by  an  enemy,  it  rests  upon  his  fellow- 
brothers  to  avenge  him  by  killing  any  and  all  of  the 
hostile  tribe  or  brotherhood  whose  member  took  his 
life.*  At  the  head  of  the  tribe  is  the  king,  the  chief 
among  equals,  surrounded  by  his  council,  the  elders, 
men  of  valor  over  sixty  years  old.  He  leads  the  tribe 
in  war;  he  is  the  judge  and  the  priest  in  peace.  The 
tribesmen,  gathered  in  close  array,  armed  for  war,  con- 
stitute the  public  assembly  for  the  settlement  of  tribal 
affairs. 

1 06.  Rise  of  Aristocracy. — When  these  wandering 
tribes  settled  down  in  the  narrow  valleys  of  Greece, 
tribal  unity  was  broken  up.  Each  petty  community 
began  to  live  for  itself.  The  land  was  definitely  occupied 
and  each  family  to  which  a  "lot"  was  assigned  came  to 
own  it  and,  where  possible,  added  more.  Some  fami- 
lies grew  great  and  strong  and  began  to  claim  superior- 
ity thereby.  Other  families  grew  poor  and  became  de- 
pendent upon  their  richer  neighbors.  The  strong  be- 
came proud  and  called  themselves  Ar'is-toi,  "the  best" 
people.  Thus  an  "aristocracy"  grew  up  with  its  depend- 
ents. The  noble  head  of  an  aristocratic  family  led  his 
people  in  war  and  protected  them  in  peace.  He  lived 
on  his  estates  in  rude  luxury,  surrounded  by  his  family 
The  Clan,  and  dependents.  An  aggregation  such  as  this  consisting 
of  a  noble  or  a  group  of  nobles  and  their  dependents 
who  were  at  once  their  serfs  and  their  retainers  we 
call  a  clan  (ge'nos).  The  memlicrs  thought  they  were 
sprung  from  a  god  or  demi-god  peculiar  to  themselves 
and  to  him  as  the  progenitor  of  their  race  they  attached 

*  This  is  called  the  law  of  blood-revenge. 


The  City-state  81 

themselves  by  a  pedigree,  and  in  his  honor  they  per- 
formed special  religious  rites  in  which  none  but  mem- 
bers could  participate.  The  king  soon  began  to  find  that 
these  great  noble  families  were  too  strong  for  him;  in 
time  he  lost  his  powers,  one  after  the  other,  keeping  at 
last  only  his  religious  functions.  The  aristocracy  stepped 
into  his  place  and  ruled  the  state  by  a  council  of  chiefs, 
administering  justice  and  making  war.  In  this  new  sit- 
uation the  old  tribal  equality  faded  away.  The  public 
assembly,  though  still  existent,  had  no  power  in  the  new 
aristocratic  state.     The  nobles  were  the  state. 

107.  The  City-State. — The  usual  and  characteristic 
form  taken  by  these  states  was  the  city,  just  as  in  the 
primitive  east  (§  11).  The  Greek  city  came  into  exist-  its  origia 
ence  by  a  union  of  the  petty  villages  of  a  district.  The 
inhabitants  for  the  most  part  migrated  to  a  common 
spot  and  there  took  up  their  residence.  The  political 
powers  of  the  several  communities  were  given  to  the  new 
state.  There  the  officials  lived  and  administered  justice; 
there  the  public  assembly  met;  there  the  citizen  exer- 
cised his  rights.  There  was  the  centre  of  political  life. 
There  was  set  up  the  worship  of  the  common  gods.  It 
thus  resulted  that  everywhere  throughout  progressive 
Greece  the  agricultural  population  was  made  urban  in 
its  character.  The  ordinary  city  was  in  fact  essentially 
an  aggregate  of  farmers  who  tilled  the  land  in  its  vicinity. 
In  this  way  the  social  and  political  advantages  of  city  life  its  Unique 
were  brought  within  the  reach  of  everybody.*     Thus  a 

*  The  case  of  Athens  is  not  typical;  for  Athens  is  peculiar  in  that  be- 
cause of  the  size  of  its  territory  (Attica)  it  absorbed  the  village  population 
less  completely  than  any  other  city-state  in  Greece.  Hence  in  Attica 
many  villages  inhabited  by  citizens — such  as  Acharn:e  and  Sunium — 
continued  to  exist. 


82  The  Middle  Age  of  Greece 

fundamental  difference  appears  between  the  eastern  and 
the  Greek  city-state.  In  the  former  all  power  was  lodged 
in  a  king,  and  his  people  were  subject  to  him  and  depend- 
tfreedom  cnt  upon  him  for  all  things  (§  21).  But  in  the  Greek 
kens!  ''"  city-state  there  was  always  a  measure  of  popular  free- 
dom; to  be  a  citizen  was  to  have  some  political  rights  and 
duties.  The  king  was  never  a  despot,  nor  did  the  rule  of 
the  aristocracy  destroy  the  old  rights  of  the  freeman, 
although  it  often  limited  his  exercise  of  them.  But  they 
were  always  capable  of  being  revived  and  enlarged  should 
the  proper  occasion  offer  itself.  The  Greek  city  was  also 
economically  independent.  The  citizens  produced  their 
own  wealth  and  employed  it  for  the  city's  interest,  not 
for  those  of  a  king  and  his  court. 

Thucydides,  the  Athenian  historian,  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  city-state  of  Athens: 

"In  the  days  of  Ce'crops  and  the  first  kings,  down  to  the  reign  of 
The'seus,  Athens  was  divided  into  communes,  having  their  own 
town-halls  and  magistrates.  Except  in  case  of  alarm  the  whole  peo- 
ple did  not  assemble  in  council  under  the  king,  but  administered 
their  own  affairs,  and  advised  together  in  their  several  townships. 
Some  of  them  at  times  even  went  to  war  with  him,  as  the  Eleusin- 
ITieseus.  ians  under  Eu-mol'pus  with  E-rech'theus.  But  when  Theseus  came 
to  the  throne,  he,  being  a  powerful  as  well  as  a  wise  ruler,  among 
other  improvements  in  the  administration  of  the  country,  dissolved 
the  councils  and  separate  governments,  and  united  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Attica  in  the  present  city,  establishing  one  council  and  town- 
hall.  They  continued  to  live  on  their  own  lands,  but  he  compelled 
them  to  resort  to  Athens  as  their  metropolis,  and  henceforward  they 
were  all  inscribed  on  the  roll  of  her  citizens.  A  great  city  thus  arose 
which  was  handed  down  by  Theseus  to  his  descendants,  and  from 
his  day  to  this  the  Athenians  have  regularly  celebrated  the  national 
festival  of  the  Syn-oi'ki-a,  or  union  of  the  communes,  in  honor  of  the 
goddess  Athena." 


The  "  Iliad  "  and  "  Odyssey  "  83 

io8.  A  New  Impulse:  Commerce. — The  history  of  the 
Greek  world  is  henceforth  and  chiefly  the  history  of 
these  city-states  in  their  growth  and  relations  to  one 
another.  The  first  to  become  prominent  were  those  The  East- 
on  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  ^Egean  sea.  They  had  been  "^° 
the  least  disturbed  by  the  migrations;  indeed,  by  the 
advent  of  those  who  fled  out  of  Greece  from  before  the 
new-comers  they  had  been  distinctly  benefited.  An 
activity,  new  for  this  age,  began  to  be  cultivated  among 
them — commerce.  It  made  them  vigorous,  enterprising 
and  wealthy.  Miletus  was  the  leader,  followed  by  its 
rivals,  Ephesus,  Colophon,  Magnesia,  Samos,  Chios  and 
Myt-i-le'ne.  Soon  the  impulse  spread  to  the  western 
side  of  the  sea  and  commercial  cities  appeared  there — 
Chalcis  and  E-re'tri-a  upon  the  island  of  Euboea,  as 
well  as  Meg'a-ra,  Corinth  and  .E-gi'na.  A  lively  trade, 
especially  in  natural  products,  sprang  up  between  these 
cities  and  gave  a  stimulus  to  manufacturing,  and  occa- 
sionally some  manufactured  article  was  exported.  Thus 
Miletus  was  famous  for  its  woollen  garments,  Euboea  for 
its  purple  cloths,  Chalcis  and  Corinth  for  pottery,  other 
cities  for  metal-work  and  chariots. 

109.  Beginnings  of  Literature. — But  for  all  this  com- 
merce was  still  in  its  infancy.  Both  in  the  most  pro- 
gressive cities  which  took  part  in  maritime  enterprises 
and  in  the  great  number  of  smaller  states  which  did  not 
the  dominant  interest  remained  agricultural,  and  it  was 
a  nobility  of  country  gentlemen  which  everywhere  formed 
the  highest  social  class.  The  nobles  and  the  wealthy 
sought  entertainment  for  their  leisure  and  found  it  in 
music  and  song.  In  these  cities  appeared  a  class  of  The 
singers  who,  accompanying  their  song  with  the  lyre, 


84  The  Homeric  Age 

produced  the  first  literature  of  Greece.  They  sang  of 
gods  and  heroes,  of  battles,  sieges  and  adventures  by 
land  and  sea,  of  the  loves  and  hates,  the  sins  and  virtues 
of  men  and  gods,  of  the  worlds  above  and  below  this 
earth  and  of  all  the  splendid  life  of  the  mighty  of  old. 
They  laid  under  contribution  all  of  religion  and  history 
that  had  come  down  to  them  from  the  dim  past. 

Such  was  the  singer  described  in  tlie  "Odyssey,"  viii,  62:  "Then 
the  henchman  drew  near,  leading  with  him  the  beloved  minstrel,  whom 
the  ]\Iuse  loved  dearly,  and  she  gave  him  both  good  and  evil;  of  his 
sight  she  reft  him,  but  granted  him  sweet  song.  Then  Pon-ton'ous, 
the  henchman,  set  for  him  a  high  chair  inlaid  with  silver,  in  the  midst 
of  the  guests,  leaning  it  against  the  tall  pillar,  and  he  hung  the  loud 
lyre  on  a  pin,  close  above  his  head,  and  showed  him  how  to  lay  his 
hands  on  it.  The  Muse  stirred  the  minstrel  to  sing  the  songs  of 
famous  men,  even  that  lay  whereof  the  fame  had  then  reached  the 
wide  heaven,  namely,  the  quarrel  between  Odysseus  and  Achilles, 
son  of  Peleus;  how  once  on  a  time  they  contended  in  fierce  words  at 
a  rich  festival  of  the  gods,  but  Agamemnon,  king  of  men,  was  inly 
glad  when  the  noblest  of  the  Achaeans  fell  at  variance.  This  song  it 
was  that  the  famous  minstrel  sang." 

110.  The  Epics. — In  time  these  songs  came  to  be 
woven  together  into  a  series  of  greater  poems,  in  hexam- 
eter verse,  dealing  with  particular  events,  like  the  story 
of  the  ship  "Argo"  and  its  crew  of  bold  heroes  led  by 
Jason  (§  127),  or  that  of  the  "Seven  against  Thebes" 
(§  123),  or  that  of  the  "Siege  of  Troy"  and  the  "Wan- 
derings of  Odysseus."  These  are  called  epics,  and  the 
most  famous  of  them  are  said  to  have  been  the  work  of 
Homer  and  arc  known  to  us  as  the  "Iliad"  and  the 
"Odyssey."  For  centuries  these  cycles  of  song  passed 
down  from  singer  to  singer  unwritten,  until  finally,  when 


of  Achilles, 


The  Greek  Religion  85 

the  age  of  the  singers  was  passing,  they  were  written 
down. 

111.  Life  of  the  Times. — From  these  epics  comes  a  The  shield 
vivid  picture  of  the  Hfe  of  the- times,  nowhere  more  strik- 
ingly exhibited  than  in  the  description  of  the  scenes  on 
the  shield  of  Achilles  in  the  eighteenth  book  of  the  ''  Iliad  " 
(lines  483-606).  There  appears  city-life,  the  marriages 
and  the  leading  of  the  brides  through  the  city  with  songs, 
the  public  assembly  where  the  judges  give  justice  between 
the  slayer  and  the  slain,  the  siege  and  battle,  fell  Death 
in  the  midst,  her  raiment  red  with  the  blood  of  men, 
the  field  ploughed  with  oxen,  the  sweet  wine  given  to  the 
laborer,  the  binding  of  the  sheaves  at  harvest,  the  vine- 
yard with  its  black  and  luscious  grapes  and  the  gatherers 
listening  to  the  "Linos"  song,  the  cattle  in  the  pasture 
attacked  by  lions,  the  sheep  and  the  sheepfolds,  the  dance, 
the  maidens  clad  in  fine  linen  with  wreaths  on  their 
heads,  and  the  youth  in  well-woven  doublets  with  golden 
daggers  in  silver  sheaths,  the  great  company  standing 
round  the  lovely  dance  in  joy.* 

112.  Religion. — As  we  have  already  seen  (§  100),  the 
Mycenaean  Greek,  like  the  oriental  (§34),  thought  of 
the  world  as  peopled  by  divine  powers  that  influenced 
human  life.  Every  spring,  every  forest,  every  height, 
the  wind  and  the  storm,  the  lights  flaming  in  the  sky, 
the  deep  and  rolling  sea  and  the  bright  heaven  revealed 

*  Other  passages  in  which  grapliic  pictures  of  life  in  Homeric  times 
are  set  forth  are  the  following:  "Iliad,"  ii,  211  ff.  (Thersites — the  lirst 
demagogue);  iii,  120  (Helen  describes  Greek  leaders  to  Priam);  vi. 
369  ff.  (Parting  of  Hector  and  Andromache):  "  Odysse}',"  xv,  403  ff. 
(Phoenician  traders);  vii,  81  jf.  (Palace  and  estate  of  a  king);  xiv,  191 
ff.  (Career  of  an  adventurer);  vi,  iff.  (Story  of  Nausicaa);  xi,  iff.  (Ulysses 
in  the  lower  world). 


86 


The  Homeric  Age 


Its  Human 
Element. 


The 

Olympian 

Gods. 


The  Gods 
Non-moral. 


the  presence  and  activity  of  the  gods.  But  in  the  age 
of  the  Epics  he  was  not  satisfied  until  he  had  formed 
clear-cut  and  vivid  ideas  of  these  powers.  Above  all,  he 
thought  of  them  as  looking  and  acting  like  himself,  only 
on  a  grander  scale.  The  best  that  he  could  desire  him- 
self to  be,  that  he  imagined  the  gods  were.  When  the 
singers  sang  of  the  gods,  they  pictured  them  as  glorified 
and  beautiful  beings.  Thereby  they  gave  to  Greek  re- 
ligion its  most  characteristic  stamp;  they  made  it  a  re- 
ligion of  supreme  human  beauty.  Another  thing  they 
did.  They  organized  this  vast  and  confused  variety  of 
gods.  They  sang  of  the  family  of  the  great  gods,  twelve 
or  more  in  number,  dwelling  in  the  far  north  on  Mt. 
Olympus,  from  whose  snow-crowned  summit  they  di- 
rected the  universe.  Zeus,  the  mighty  father,  was  the 
ruler  of  gods  and  men.  His  wife  was  He'ra;  his  brothers, 
Po-sei'don,  whose  domain  was  the  sea,  and  Pluto,  lord  of 
the  underworld  and  the  dead;  his  children,  A-pol'lo,  god 
of  light,  A-the'na,  goddess  of  wisdom,  Aph'ro-di'te,  god- 
dess of  love,  A'res,  god  of  war,  Ar'te-mis,  goddess  of  the 
forest  and  the  hunt,  Her'mes,  the  divine  messenger,  and 
He-phaes'tus,  the  lame  god  of  fire  and  the  forge;  and 
other  notable  figures,  Her'a-cles,  the  hero  of  many  la- 
bors, E'ros,  god  of  desire,  De-me'ter,  goddess  of  the 
earth  and  its  fruits,  her  daughter  Cora  (or  Per-seph'o-ne), 
wife  of  Pluto,  and  Di'o-ny'sus,  god  of  the  vine.  The 
singers  did  not  much  care  about  the  moral  character  of 
these  divine  beings.  They  are  sometimes  represented 
as  quarrelling,  lying  or  deceiving;  even  worse  actions 
are  told  of  some  of  them.  What  the  poets  saw  in  them 
was  their  human  interests,  with  artistic  sense  they  made 
them  always  beautiful  and  only  sometimes  good.     Yet 


Greek  Colonization  87 

Zeus  was  the  judge  of  human  and  divine  deeds;  Apollo 
punished  wrong-doing  and  was  the  type  of  moral  beauty. 
And  in  those  days  it  was  no  small  boon  to  turn  men's 
minds  away  from  stocks  and  stones,  and  present  for 
their  worship,  instead  of  objects  of  nature,  human-like 
forms,  gloriously  gracious.  Thus  one  could  approach, 
and  know  them  as  those  who,  even  if  higher,  were  yet 
like  himself,  who  enjoyed  what  he  enjoyed  at  its  best, 
and  who  bade  him  imitate  them  in  measure  and  har- 
mony of  life.  It  is  true  that  this  region  was  only  for  the 
present  life.  In  the  dim  light  of  existence  beyond  the  TheOthet 
grave,  in  the  place  which  they  called  Ha'des,  the  Greeks 
saw  little  that  was  attractive.  The  saying  of  Achilles 
long  remained  true  of  their  feeling:  "Rather  would  I 
live  upon  the  earth  as  the  hireling  of  another,  with  a 
landless  man  who  had  no  great  livelihood,  than  bear 
sway  among  all  the  dead  that  be  departed." 

113.  Beginnings  of  Colonization. — The  population  of 
Greece  kept  increasing  steadily  after  the  Dorian  migra- 
tion, and  by  750  B.C.  it  exceeded  the  power  of  the  little 
patches  of  arable  land  to  sustain  it.  The  over-popula- 
tion manifested  itself  in  dissatisfaction  with  the  harsh 
rule  of  the  nobles  and  in  the  severity  of  the  struggle  for 

bare  existence.     Men  needed  more  land  and  went  abroad  Causes  of 
to  seek  it.     It  was  natural  for  them  to  assemble  at  the  sea-  ^°'°°'^^* 

(ion. 

ports,  where  alone  they  could  get  transportation  to  a  new 
world  in  the  north  and  west  which  adventurers  and  mer- 
chants were  now  discovering.  Hence,  though  land  hunger 
was  doubtless  the  main  motive  of  the  emigrants,  the  com- 
mercial cities  had  a  leading  part  in  this  colonizing  activity. 

114.  The  Organization  of  the  Colonies. — It  was,  of 
course,  impossible  for  men   to   go    independently  into 


88  Dawn  of  a  New  Age 

strange  and  often  hostile  districts.  Hence  the  colony 
needed  to  be  founded  and  organized  before  leaving 
The  CEcist.  Grccce.  A  founder  (oecist)  was  accordingly  chosen  from 
the  citizens  of  the  port  from  which  the  colonists  sailed 
and  to  him  was  given  absolute  power  during  the  forma- 
tive period  of  the  new  settlement.  It  was  usual  for  him 
to  take  with  him  fire  from  the  hearth  of  his  native  city 
and  to  secure  from  the  oracle  of  Apollo  at  Delphi  ap- 
proval of  his  enterprise. 

115.  The  Relation  to  the  Mother  City. — There  was 
no  political  connection  between  the  mother  city  and  the 
colony,  but  only  a  weak   bond  of  piety  and  religion 
Each  Col-     bound  the  two  together.     The  world  of  Greek  religion, 
sute^  ^^^    language   and    culture  was    enlarged    manifold   by  the 
founding  of  these  new  communities,  but  the  new  states, 
like  the  old  ones,  were  cities,  small  for  the  most  part,  and 
■  scattered  often  far  apart  along  the  edge  of  the  sea.     On 
the  sea  ran  the  ways  which  kept  them  in  contact  with 
one  another. 
The  Greeks       1 1 6.  The  Distribution  of  the  Colonies. — The  colonists 
tte^sea-       ^^  ^^^  eastcm  ^gean  sailed  up  into  the  Hel'les-pont  and 
coasts.         onward,  and  made  the  shores  of  the  Black  sea  Greek 
territory.     Miletus  founded  Cyz'i-cus,  Si-no'pe,  Tra-pe'- 
zus,  Olbia  and  a  host  of  other  colonies  there.     Byzan- 
tium, afterward  so  famous,  was  Megara's  colony.     The 
northern  iEgean  was  settled  mainly  by  men  from  Chal- 
cis,  Eretria  and  Andros.     In  the  east  and  south  the 
Greeks  pushed  out  into  Cilicia  and  over  to  Cyrene.     The 
Euboeans  and  Corinthians  went  westward;  they  founded 
cities  in  Sicily,  the  chief  of  which  was  Syracuse,  a  colony 
of  the  latter.     They  reached  the  lower  coasts  of  eastt/n 
Italy,  where  they  were  followed  by  Achaeans  who  founded 


Greece  arid  the  Orient  89 

Croton  and  Syb'a-ris,  Locrians  who  founded  Locri,  and 
Spartans  who  founded  Tarcntum,  until  so  completely 
was  the  region  occupied  that  it  was  called  Magna  Gnecia, 
"  Greater  Greece."  Even  on  the  western  coast  of  Italy 
the  enterprising  Chalcidians  settled  the  city  of  Cy'me, 
while  on  the  coast  of  Gaul  the  Pho-cje'ans,  the  most  vent- 
uresome of  all  early  Greek  navigators,  founded  the  city 
of  Massilia,  and  pressed  still  farther  westward  as  far  as 
Spain. 

117.  Beginnings  of  New  Relations  to  the  Orient. — In 
Sicily  and  Spain  the  Greeks  came  into  sharp  compe- 
tition with  the  Phoenicians  and  Carthaginians  (§  50). 
Likewise  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  commerce  and 
colonial  expansion  soon  brought  them  into  contact  with 
the  oriental  world.  The  former  lively  intercourse 
(§  97),  broken  off  by  the  Dorian  invasion  for  some 
centuries,  was  now  revived.  Particularly  the  native 
kingdoms  of  Asia  Minor  cultivated  relations  with  the 
new  Greek  world.  About  700  B.C.  King  Midas  of 
Phrygia  dedicated  to  Apollo  of  Delphi  his  golden  throne 
and  Gyges  of  Lydia  a  number  of  costly  gold  and  silver  Lydia. 
vessels.  Under  the  successors  of  Gyges  the  Lydian 
kingdom  may  almost  be  said  to  have  entered  into  the 
circle  of  Greek  life  (§  75).  It  began  to  seek  control  over 
the  Greek  coast  cities  of  Asia  Minor;  King  Croesus  was 
practically  the  lord  of  them  all,  and  the  closest  com- 
mercial bonds  united  them.  Soon  Greek  traders  and  Egypt, 
travellers  began  to  go  to  Egypt,  where  King  Amasis 
(§  46)  received  them  most  graciously  and  gave  them  the 
city  of  Naucratis  as  their  lra(ling-])ost.  lie  himself  also 
gave  gifts  to  Apollo  of  Delphi.  Alt  these  relations  came 
to  be  of  the  greatest  moment  to  the  Greeks  both  in  stim- 


90  Dawn  of  a  Nexv  Age 

ulating  their  own  culture  and  in  bringing  them  within 
the  circle  of  world-politics.  What  this  latter  meant  to 
them  we  shall  see  later. 


REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  places 
noted:  Miletus,  Chalcis,  Delphi?  2.  Who  were  Amasis, 
Croesus,  Gyges?  3.  What  is  meant  by  hexameter,  epic. 
Magna  Graecia?  4.  Locate  from  memory  on  an  outline  map 
the  chief  centres  of  Greek  colonization. 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  Egyptian  idea  of 
the  divine  world  (§  34)  with  that  of  the  Greeks.  2.  In  what 
respects  does  the  religion  of  the  Greeks  differ  from  that  of  the 
Hebrews  (§§  55)? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Story  of  the  Argonauts. 
Bury,  pp.  223-231.  2.  The  Migrations.  Bury,  pp.  53-64.  3, 
The  Homeric  Question.  Bury,  pp.  65-69.  4.  The  Rise  of  the 
Greek  City  Republics.  Bury,  pp.  73-75.  5-  Greek  Stories  of 
Early  Greek  History.  Bury,  pp.  79-84.  6.  Life  and  Institu- 
tions of  the  Middle  Age.  Bury,  pp.  69-75.  7.  Greek  Colo- 
nization, Causes,  Character  and  Reaction  upon  the  Mother- 
Country.  Bury,  pp.  86-89,  108-110.  8.  The  Greek  Colony  of 
Cyme.     Bury,  pp.  94-95- 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Labyrinth 
and  the  Minotaur.  Burrows,  pp.  107-110,  1 21-132.  2.  The 
Homeric  Question.  Morey,  pp.  94-97;  Capps,  pp.  20-22,  114- 
118.  3.  Origin  and  Early  History  of  the  City-State.  Morey, 
pp.  10S-109;  Botsford,  pp.  20-21;  Fowler,  pp.  5-64.  4.  The 
Life  and  Institutions  of  the  Middle  Age.  Botsford,  pp.  11-17; 
Morey,  pp.  98-111;  Fowler,  pp.  64-112.  5.  Greek  Colonization. 
Botsford,  pp.  30-40.  6.  Legends  of  Prehistoric  Crete.  Baikie, 
Sea-Kings  of  Crete,  pp.  5-16.  7.  Life  under  the  Sea-Kings. 
Baikie,  pp.  21 1-23 1.  8.  Footgear  in  the  Time  of  Minos.  Mos- 
so,  The  Palaces  of  Crete  and  Their  Builders,  pp.  324-342.  9. 
The  Excavations  on  Crete.    Mosso,  pp.  17-44. 


The  Sense  of  Greek  Unity  91 

3.— THE   DEVELOPMENT    OF    CONSTITU- 
TIONAL STATES 

700-500  B.C. 

Ii8.  The  Age  of  Change. — Thus  through  commerce, 
colonization  and  contact  with  the  larger  life  of  the  old 
world  the  Greeks  were  on  the  thresliold  of  a  new  and 
stirring  activity.  We  have  seen  in  p^irt  how  these  stim- 
ulating experiences  were  changing  their  life  at  home. 
Now  we  turn  to  trace  them  more  in  detail.  These 
changes  are  seen  {a)  in  the  new  sense  of  the  oneness  of 
the  Greek  world,  (&)  in  the  growth  of  Greek  civilization 
(§§  129-134),  {c)  in  the  political  upheaval  that  brought 
the  common  people  to  the  front  (§§  135-140). 

119.  (a)  The  Sense  of  Greek  Unity. — The  physical 
character  of  Greece  made  the  union  of  its  states  into  one 
political  body  a  difficult  thing.  But  during  these  centu- 
ries of  quiet  organization  there  had  been  growing  up 
a  common  type  of  life  and  a  body  of  ideals  and  ways 
of  looking  at  things  which  went  far  toward  taking  the 
place  of  a  political  unity.  Now,  when  the  Greek  cities 
extended  their  horizon  and  came  into  contact  with  peo- 
ples outside,  they  woke  up  to  realize  their  oneness,  their 
difference  in  all  these  respects  from  the  others.  They 
began  to  feel  the  value  of  what  they  had  gained  and  to 
develop  and  improve  it.  Thus,  what  we  may  call  their 
consciousness  of  themselves  appeared.  It  comes  out  in 
various  ways.  A  school  of  thinkers  flourished,  who  set  seen  in 
about  organizing  the  stories  of  the  past  into  definite  and  Literature, 
intelligible  shape.  The  most  remarkable  man  among  Hesiod. 
them  was  He'si-od    (about   700  B.C.).     His   two  chief 


92  Greek  Myths 

works  are  the  Tlie-og'o-ny,  in  which  he  traces  the  his- 
tory  of  Greek  gods  from  the  beginning,  and  the  Works 
and  Days,  in  which  he  arranges  the  successive  ages  of 
gods  and  men,  preaches  the  gospel  of  salvation  by  work 
and  tells  men  how  to  get  on  in  the  world.  The  stories 
of  the  past,  as  formulated  by  illiterate  and  learned  men 
of  these  and  later  times,  constitute  the  wonderful  Greek 
mythology.     The  following  are  a  few  of  its  many  tales: 

120.  The  Greek  Races. — The  early  Greeks  firmly  believed  that 
at  first  truth  and  right  prevailed  in  the  world,  then  gradually  wicked- 
ness of  every  sort  came  into  being.  Finally  the  whole  world  became 
so  contaminated  with  iniquity  that  the  gods  in  punishment  swept 
the  earth  with  a  mighty  deluge.  The  lofty  summit  of  Mt.  Par- 
nassus alone  overtopped  the  waves.  Hither  floated  the  ark  contain- 
ing the  only  two  faithful  followers  of  the  gods,  Deucalion  and  his 
wife,  Pyrrha.  Their  offspring  were  two  sons,  Helien  and  Am- 
phictyon.  From  this  common  ancestor,  Helien,  who  gave  his  name 
to  the  Hellenic  or  Greek  race,  the  Greeks  usually  traced  their  ori- 
gin. Hellen's  sons,  /E'o-lus  and  Dorus,  and  his  grandsons,  Ion  and 
Achaeus,  became  the  ancestors  of  four  great  Greek  races,  the  Cohans, 
the  Dorians,  the  lonians  and  the  Achaeans.  The  Cohans  occupied 
the  northern  parts  of  eastern  Greece  and  of  western  Asia  Minor. 
The  Dorians  coming  from  the  highlands  of  central  Greece  pushed 
southward,  and  overran  the  greater  portion  of  southern  Greece. 
They  drove  out  the  descendants  of  Achasus,  or  the  Achaeans,  who 
fell  back  into  the  district  afterward  known  as  Achaea.  The  Dori- 
ans found  their  way,  too,  to  Asia  Minor.  The  lonians  settled  cen- 
tral Greece  and  the  corresponding  strip  east  of  the  ^gean  sea. 
Amphictyon  first  caused  men  to  come  together  in  fraternal  groups 
for  trade  and  social  intercourse,  and  in  this  way  the  Greeks  explained 
the  origin  of  the  name  of  their  early  leagues,  or  amphictyonies 
(§  128).  Some  of  the  Greeks,  indeed,  believed  that  they  were 
sprung  from  the  soil  itself,  or  autochthonous,  thinking  of  their 
ancestor,  whom  they  reverently  worshipped,  as  a  child  of  some 
god  and  nymph. 


Danau.s  and  Theseus  913 

121.  Danaus.* — We  shall  see  that  the  Greeks  believed  th.at  those 
stained  with  crime  in  this  world  received  just  punishment  for  their 
sins  in  the  world  of  the  dead.  None,  perhaps,  suffered  more  severely 
than  the  fifty  daughters  of  Dan'a-us,  an  Egyptian  king.  His  brother 
^gyptus  had  fifty  sons  who  were  ardent  suitors  for  the  fifty  daughters 
of  Danaus  in  spite  of  the  latter's  indifference.  Danaus  fled  with  his 
fifty  daughters  to  Argos,  but  Ji^gyptus  and  his  sons  followed  swiftly. 
Escape  seemed  impossible,  and  Danaus  pretended  to  consent  to  the 
marriages.  On  their  wedding  night  he  gave  each  daughter  a  sharp 
dagger  and  bade  them  slay  their  mates.  Thus  perished  forty-nine 
of  the  husbands.  One  bride,  Hy'perm-nes'tra,  fond  of  her  husband, 
Lyn'ceus,  was  unwilling  to  commit  the  murder.  The  gods,  displeased 
with  the  maidens,  condemned  them  to  carry  through  all  the  ages  urns 
of  water  up  a  steep  and  slippery  bank  in  the  vain  attempt  to  fill  a 
bottomless  cask.  Hypermnestra  at  first  incurred  the  displeasure  of 
her  father,  but  later  he  forgave  her.  At  his  death  Lj-nceus  succeeded 
Danaus  upon  the  throne  of  Argos.  In  later  times  Lynceus  and  Hy- 
permnestra were  revered  at  Argos  as  heroes,  and  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  the  Argives  were  often  called  Dana^i. 

122.  Athenian  Myths. — It  was  under  the  direction  of  an  autoch- 
thonous king,  called  Cecrops,  half  man,  half  serpent,  that  the  At^ieni- 
ans  fixed  their  abode  on  the  rocky  hill  known  as  the  acropolis.  The 
land  was  called  after  him,  Cecropia.  Cecrops  grouped  the  people 
into  twelve  communities,  and  introduced  the  beginnings  of  civilized 
life.  During  his  reign  there  arose  a  dispute  between  Athena  and 
Poseidon  for  the  possession  of  the  city.  The  strife  was  to  be  decided 
by  a  contest  as  to  which  could  produce  the  more  useful  gift  to  mor- 
tals. The  gods  were  to  act  as  jurors.  Poseidon  struck  the  acropolis 
with  his  trident  and  produced  a  well  of  salt  water;  while  Athena 
planted  an  olive  tree.  The  gods  gave  judgment  that  Athena  had 
rendered  the  greater  service  and  awarded  to  her  the  city  which  was 
named  after  the  goddess,  Athens.  Both  the  olive  tree  and  the 
well,  situated  on  the  acropolis,  were  revered  by  the  Athenians.  In 
later  times  Erechtheus,  half  serpent  like  Cecrops,  ruled  Attica.  In 
his  youth  he  had  been  reared  by  Athena,  and  so  they  were  both 

*  The  following  myths,  in  which  a  general  impression  that  is  true  is 
embodied,  point  to  early  Greek  connection  with  Egypt,  Crete,  Phoenicia 
and  Lydia. 


94  Greek  Myths 

worshipped  in  a  temple  on  the  acropoHs,  named  the  Erechtheura 
after  Erechtheus. 

The  deeds  of  Theseus,  son  of  King  ^geus  of  Athens,  rivalled 
those  of  Heracles  in  destroying  wicked  men  and  monsters  of  all  sorts. 
None  of  his  exploits  was  more  famous  than  that  of  slaying  the  dread- 
ful Min'o-taur.  Athens  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  as  tribute  to 
Minos,  king  of  Crete,  seven  maidens  and  seven  youths  at  stated  in- 
tervals. These  were  sacrificed  to  the  Minotaur,  a  monster,  half 
man,  half  bull,  kept  in  a  labyrinth  at  Cnossus.  TReseus  went  of  his 
own  accord  as  one  of  the  seven  youths.  Upon  his  arrival  in  Crete, 
A'ri-ad'ne,  the  daughter  of  King  Minos,  fell  in  love  with  Theseus  and 
gave  him  a  sword— with  which  he  slew  the  Minotaur — and  a  clue  of 
thread  by  which  he  made  his  way  out  of  the  confusing  windings  of 
the  labyrinth.  Upon  his  return  Theseus  became  king  of  Athens. 
Previously  Attica  had  been  broken  up  into  independent  townships, 
Theseus  put  an  end  to  this,  for  he  abolished  the  separate  council 
chambers  and  governments  making  of  Attica  one  state.  In  recogni- 
tion of  this  the  Athenians  celebrated  yearly  a  festival  in  memory  of 
the  man  who  made  Athens  the  chief  city  of  a  united  state  (§  107). 
.  123.  Theban  Myths. — A-ge'nor,  king  of  Phoenicia,  could  not  be 
reconciled  to  the  loss  of  his  daughter,  Europa,  whom  Zeus  had 
stolen  away.  For  many  years  his  son,  Cadmus,  searched  for  her 
without  success.  Finally  in  obedience  to  the  Delphic  oracle  Cad- 
mus gave  up  the  quest  and  followed  the  wanderings  of  a  cow.  The 
cow  led  him  a  long  distance  and  at  last  lay  down  in  Boeotia.  Accord- 
ing to  the  direction  of  the  oracle  he  founded  here  the  city  of  Thebes, 
but  not  till  he  had  sown  dragon's  teeth  in  the  earth  as  a  voice  com- 
manded him  to  do.  Gradually  there  appeared  from  the  surface  a 
strange  crop, — v/arriors  all  armed.  Straightway  they  fell  to  fighting 
till  all  save  five  were  slain.  These  made  peace  and  joined  with  Cad- 
mus in  building  the  city  of  Thebes.  In  later  times  the  first  Theban 
families  proudly  claimed  descent  from  these  five  warriors.  Cadmus 
is  said  to  have  introduced  the  alphabet  from  Phoenicia  and  to  have 
taught  his  countrymen  to  read  and  write. 

A  curse  of  the  gods  upon  CEd'i-pus,  king  of  Thebes,  brought  bitter 
grief  upon  his  family.  King  Qidipus  married  Queen  Jocasta  un- 
aware that  she  was  his  mother.  When  the  queen  became  aware  of 
the  truth,  she  hanged  herself  in  grief  j    while  King  QEdipus  putting 


Pelops  and  Heracles  95 

out  his  eyes  left  his  kingdom  and  never  returned.  But  the  wrath  of 
the  gods  still  rested  on  this  unhappy  family,  for  the  king's  two  sons, 
E-te'o-cles  and  Pol'y-nei'ces,  quarrelled  about  the  succession  to  the 
throne.  Eteocles  expelled  his  brother,  Polyneices.  Polyneices  in- 
vited help  from  A-dras'tus,  king  of  Argos,  who  equipped  an  army,  led 
by  seven  famous  chiefs.  From  this  fact  the  expedition  is  called  that 
of  "the  seven  against  Thebes."  Fearful  were  the  combats  before 
the  walls  of  the  city.  The  two  brothers  perished  in  a  deadly  duel, 
and  an  edict  was  issued  by  Creon,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  Gildipus,  forbidding  the  burial  of  their  bodies.  All  obeyed  this 
harsh  command  save  An-tig'o-ne,  a  sister  of  Eteocles  and  Polyneices. 
But  Antigone  braved  the  wrath  of  Creon  and  buried  the  body  of 
Polyneices.  The  story  of  Antigone  forms  the  subject  of  a  play  of 
that  name  by  the  Athenian  dramatist,  Soph'o-cles. 

124.  Pelops. — The  Argive  myths  tell  of  a  Lydian  hero,  Pelops, 
who  won  the  hand  of  Hip'po-da-mei'a,  daughter  of  CEn'o-ma'us, 
king  of  Pisa,  in  a  chariot  race  extending  from  Olympia  to  the  Co- 
rinthian isthmus.  The  terms  were:  a  suitor  to  be  successful  must 
defeat  the  king,  but,  if  vanquished  in  the  race,  one  must  forfeit  his 
life.  Thirteen  defeated  charioteers  had  perished  when  Pelops  made 
trial  of  his  skill.  Pelops  was  much  disheartened  when  he  saw  the 
heads  of  his  conquered  predecessors  fixed  above  the  door  of  the  king, 
and  so  he  devised  the  plan  of  enlisting  the  help  of  ]Myr'til-us,  the 
charioteer  of  Q^nomaus.  Myrtilus  did  not  properly  fasten  the  wheels 
of  the  chariot  of  the  king,  who  was  in  this  way  upset  during  the  race. 
Thus  Pelops  won  the  race  and  his  bride,  and  later  he  became  the 
founder  of  a  family  that  ruled  in  more  than  one  Argolic  city.  Among 
his  grandsons  were  the  famous  Greek  chieftains,  ^len'e-la'us  and 
Agamemnon.  The  fame  of  Pelops  spread  far  and  wide,  and  men 
took  delight  in  calling  southern  Greece  the  Peloponnesus,  after  the 
hero,  Pelops,  who  had  driven  his  victorious  chariot  from  the  centre 
of  the  Peloponnesus  to  the  isthmus  of  Corinth. 

125.  Heracles. — Another  hero  whom  the  Greeks  greatly  admired 
and  generally  worshipped  was  Heracles,  a  son  of  Zeus.  Hera  plot- 
ted continually  to  overthrow  the  offspring  of  her  rival.  Two  ser- 
pents were  sent  by  the  goddess  to  destroy  the  baby  in  his  cradle,  but 
the  infant  Heracles  strangled  each  with  his  tiny  hands.  Later  the 
hero  was  bound  out  to  serve  his  cowardly  cousin,  Eu-rys'theus,  king  of 


9G  Greek  Myths 

Argos.  Before  he  could  again  be  free  he  must  accomplish  twclvi 
great  tasks  placed  upon  him  by  Eurystheus.  These  all  called  for 
courage,  strength  and  skill  and  were  such  as  would  have  daunted 
any  mortal  man.  They  included  the  slaying  of  wicked  men  and 
dreadful  monsters.  The  last  task  required  that  Heracles  should  de- 
scend to  Hades  and  bring  to  the  surface  the  triple-headed  dog,  Cer- 
berus. With  the  successful  completion  of  the  twelve  labors  the 
hero  was  free  from  his  bondage  to  Eurystheus.  He  performed 
many  other  brave  deeds  during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and  when 
he  died  he  was  borne  away  to  Mt.  Olympus  to  live  forever  with  the 
immortal  gods. 

126.  The  Heracleidae. — The  descendants  of  Heracles  were  kept 
out  of  their  hereditary  throne  of  Argos  for  three  generations.  The 
sons  and  grandsons  of  Heracles  failed  to  regain  their  ancestral 
possessions,  but  the  hero's  three  great-grandsons,  Te'men-us,  Cres- 
phontes  and  A'ris-to-de'mus  were  more  successful.  As  the  leaders 
of  a  great  horde  of  Dorians  they  crossed  the  Corinthian  gulf  at  Nau- 
pactus  and  overran  the  Peloponnesus.  By  the  casting  of  the  lot  Te- 
menus  received  Argos,  Cresphontes  Messenia,  Aristodemus  Laconia. 
Aristodemus  soon  died  leaving  twin  sons,  Eu-rys'the-nes  and  Procles. 
The  Spartans  decreed  that  the  sons  should  rule  jointly  and  so  Sparta 
came  to  have  two  kings. 

127.  The  Argonauts.— A th'a-mas,  a  Thessalian  king,  put  away 
his  wife,  Neph'e-le,  who,  fearing  danger  to  her  son  and  daughter, 
invoked  the  help  of  Hermes.  The  god  gave  her  a  ram  with  a  golden 
fleece  to  convey  the  children  out  of  harm's  way.  The  ram  with  the 
children  upon  his  back  flew  eastward.  All  went  well  till  they  were 
crossing  over  the  strait  separating  Europe  and  Asia  when  the  girl, 
Hel'le,  frightened  at  the  sight  of  the  waves  far  beneath,  fell  from  the 
ram's  back  into  the  body  of  water  since  called  the  Hellespont. 
Her  brother,  Phrixus,  reached  Colchis  where  he  was  kindly  received 
by  king  ^E-e'tes.  Phrixus  sacrificed  the  ram  to  Jupiter.  He  hung 
the  golden  fleece  on  a  tree,  placing  it  under  the  care  of  a  sleepless 
dragon.  Now  it  happened  that  king  ^son,  who  also  ruled  over  a 
kingdom  in  Thessaly,  had  surrendered  temporarily  the  cares  of  gov- 
ernment to  his  brother,  Pelias,  on  the  understanding  that  he  should 
hold  the  power  only  till  Jason,  son  of  ^son,  came  of  age.  When  the 
years  were  fulfilled  and  the  time  for  Jason  to  rule  was  at  hand,  the 


The  Argonauh  97 

young  prince  hastened  to  his  uncle  and  boldly  demanded  tlie  crown. 
Pclias  did  not  deny  his  request,  but  suggested  that  it  would  be  a 
glorious  adventure  for  the  young  man  to  recover  the  golden  fleece, 
which  he  artfully  pretended  belonged  to  Jason's  family.  Jason  ac- 
cepted the  challenge,  and  began  the  construction  of  a  vessel,  called 
the  "Argo"  (the  Swift),  capable  of  holding  fifty  men.  He  invited 
heroes  from  all  Greece  and  many  bold  youths  joined  him.  There 
were  Heracles,  Theseus,  Orpheus  and  many  others.  From  the  name 
of  their  vessel  they  were  called  Argonauts.  After  many  adventures 
and  troubles  they  reached  the  distant  shores  of  Colchis.  King  ^Eetes 
promised  to  give  up  the  golden  fleece  if  Jason  should  plough  a  field 
with  two  fire-breathing  bulls  and  sow  it  with  dragon's  teeth.  The 
king's  daughter,  ]N.Ie-de'a,  who  was  a  sorceress,  helped  Jason,  the  un- 
derstanding being  that  he  should  marry  her.  When  the  terrible  bulls 
rushed  forth  breathing  out  fire,  Jason,  following  Medea's  directions, 
soothed  their  rage  and  forced  them  to  go  beneath  the  yoke.  Next, 
when  he  had  planted  the  dragon's  teeth,  a  crop  of  giants,  all  clad  in 
armor,  came  forth.  The  hero  was  for  an  instant  filled  with  dismay, 
but  he  rushed  on  the  warriors  with  sword  and  shield.  Following  the 
advice  of  Medea  he  cast  a  stone  into  their  midst  with  the  result  that 
the  giants  attacked  one  another  and  soon  none  were  left  alive.  Finally 
^^edea  showed  Jason  how  by  magic  skill  to  outwit  the  dragon  that 
kept  guard  over  the  golden  fleece.  In  the  night  she  led  Jason  to  the 
fleece  and  sent  the  dragon  to  sleep,  and  when  his  great  eyes  were  shut 
in  slumber,  the  hero  seized  the  prize.  With  his  companions  and 
Medea  Jason  hastened  to  his  good  ship  "Argo,"  and,  although  the 
swift  oarsmen  of  king  /Eetes  tried  to  overtake  them,  they  were  not 
successful.  After  many  wanderings  and  adventures,  Jason  and 
Medea  and  their  companions  came  in  safety  to  Thessaly. 

128.  The  Epics  Serve  the  Cause  of  Unity. — The  work 
of  the  Epic  poets  (»:;  109J  had  done  much  to  cement 
Hellenic  unity.  The  dialect  in  which  they  sang,  the 
heroic  figures  and  deeds  they  pictured  and  the  gods  they 
celebrated  became  the  common  property  of  the  Greek 
world.  Some  of  the  splendid  divine  beings  of  the  epics 
were   hfjnored    everywhere.     Zeus   and    Ajjolio   became 


98 


Growth  of  States 


DelphL 


Olympia. 


Amphicty- 
onies. 


universal  Hellenic  gods.  The  shrine  of  Apollo  at  Delphi 
was  a  kind  of  centre  of  religious  life.  The  noblest  re- 
ligious leadership  of  the  time  was  given  by  his  priests 
there;  it  became  the  custom  to  obtain  from  him  his  sanc- 
tion for  many  enterprises.  At  Delphi  the  god  spoke 
through  his  priestess  in  utterances  called  oracles.  No 
colony  could  be  sent  out  without  Apollo's  oracle;  kings 
from  the  world  without  sought  his  wisdom  and  sent  him 
rich  gifts  (§  117).  What  Apollo  did  for  Greek  unity  at 
Delphi,  Zeus  in  a  different  way  did  at  Olympia.  There 
every  four  years  a  festival  in  honor  of  the  god  was  cele- 
brated from  the  earliest  times,  in  connection  with  which 
athletic  contests  were  held.  All  the  Greek  cities  sent  con- 
testants thither.  The  list  of  the  victors  was  preserved. 
The  tradition  makes  this  list  date  from  776  B.C.,  which  is 
the  first  year  of  the  first  Olympiad,  or  four  years'  period, 
on  which  Greek  chronology  was  based  for  a  long  time. 
During  the  festival,  literary  works  by  poets  and  historians 
were  read  in  public  and  works  of  art  exhibited.  Any 
Greek  was  eligible  to  compete.  Though  the  reward  was 
only  a  crown  of  olive  leaves,  the  glory  of  the  victor  was 
the  applause  of  all  Greece.  Religion  also  encouraged  the 
union  of  districts  in  what  was  called  an  am-phic'ty-o-ny. 
Usually  a  sanctuary  was  the  meeting-point  where  depu- 
ties met  at  regular  intervals  in  an  amphictyonic  council, 
and  the  affairs  of  the  god  and  his  worshippers  were  the 
matters  discussed.  During  its  sessions  peace  ruled  over 
the  whole  territory.  In  connection  with  these  amphicty- 
onies  appear  the  names  of  many  states  afterward  famous. 
In  middle  Greece  the  Boeotian  amphictyony  was  formed; 
on  the  island  of  Delos  that  of  the  lonians;  most  famous 
of  all  was  that  which  met  at  Delphi  and  in  which  the 


Money  and  Writing  99 

Thessalians  were  the  leading  spirits.  Of  the  influence 
of  this  union  we  learn  from  the  two  obligations  resting 
on  its  members:  no  city  belonging  to  it  was  to  be  de- 
stroyed, nor,  in  case  of  siege,  could  running  water  be  cut 
off  from  a  city.  Thus  a  kind  of  beginning  of  interna- 
tional law,  applying  in  a  limited  circle,  was  made. 

129.  (b)  Growth  of  Civilization. — The  second  way  in 
which  the  new  life  appeared  (§  118)  was  in  the  progress  of 
thought  and  manners — what  we  call  Civilization.     Two  Use  of 

1  .  /-(  1  1  Money. 

most  important  thmgs  came  to  Greece  through  com- 
mercial life — the  use  of  money  and  the  art  of  writing. 
The  old  form  of  exchange  was  by  natural  products. 
Cattle  were  often  the  standard  of  value,  as  the  Latin  word 
for  money  indicates,  pe-cu'ni-a  (from  pecus,  "cattle"). 
But  such  means  will  not  do  for  commercial  life.  Metals 
soon  came  in — at  first  bars  of  copper  or  iron.  Later 
the  precious  metals  were  used,  as  in  the  east  (§  23),  and 
soon  they  were  coined  into  money.  The  Lydians  are 
said  to  have  first  coined  money,  in  the  seventh  century. 
The  state  guaranteed  the  weight  and  fineness  according 
to  a  fixed  scale  and  stamped  the  piece  of  gold  or  silver 
with  a  sign  or  mark  of  genuineness.  From  Lydia  the 
custom  crossed  to  Greece;  in  i^gina,  it  is  said,  the  first 
Greek  coins  were  made.  In  the  case  of  writing  it  seems  Art  of 
that  the  Greek  merchants  also  introduced  that  art  into  "  '"^' 
Greece.  They  borrowed  the  alphabet  from  the  Phoeni- 
cians (§  53)  and  improved  it.  At  first  it  assumed  a  va- 
riety of  forms  according  to  the  commercial  cities  that 
adopted  it.  Finally  the  Ionic  alphabet  became  the 
standard.  In  the  eighth  century  men  began  to  employ 
writing  for  public  purposes — for  the  lists  of  officials  and 
of  the  Olympian  victors  (§  128).     A  century  after  it  ap- 


100 


Growth  of  States 


Lyric  Poets. 


Music. 


pears  on  gifts  to  the  gods  and  on  monuments.  Finally, 
toward  the  close  of  the  age  comes  its  general  use  in  lit- 
erature. 

130.  Interest  in  Living  Men  and  Their  Doings. — An- 
other mark  of  the  higher  hfe  of  the  time  is  seen  in  the 
greater  interest  felt  in  the  present,  and  in  the  thoughts 
and  feelings  of  living  men.  Homer  sang  of  the  deeds 
of  the  heroes  of  old;  he  says  not  a  word  about  his  own 
time.  But  Hesiod,  although  he  laments  the  misery  of 
his  day,  calling  the  present  the  "iron  age,"  still  talks 
and  reflects  upon  it.  And  now  appeared  poets  who,  in 
verse  called  e-le-gi'ac  or  iambic,  dwelt  upon  events  of  their 
own  day,  expressing  in  satire  their  disgust  at  their  rulers, 
calling  to  a  nobler  life  or  urging  some  political  reform. 
Such  poets  were  Ar-chiFo-chus  of  Paros  (648  B.C.),  and 
Thc-og'nis  of  Megara  (540  B.C.).  Others  became  famous 
by  their  poetic  expression  of  feeling,  in  lyrical  songs  of 
love  and  marriage,  of  feasting  and  social  joys,  of  war 
and  victory  or  of  praise  to  the  gods.*  Accompanying 
this  outburst  of  reflective  and  passionate  poetry  was  a 
development  of  the  art  of  music  by  the  discovery  of  the 
octave  and  the  lyre  of  seven  strings  which  opened  up  a 
great  variety  of  harmonies.  All  this  means  that  knowl- 
edge was  broadening,  thought  was  awakened,  pleasures 
were  becoming  finer  and  higher,  life  was  growing  fuller 
and  man  felt  himself  of  more  worth  in  the  world. 

131.,  Interest  in  the  Problem  of  Origins. — As  we  have 
seen  (§  119),  men  had  already  begun  to  think  more  about 
the  world  in  which  they  lived — how  it  came  to  be  and 


*  The  most  celebrated  were  Al-cce'us  (600  B.C.)  and  Sappho  the  poetess 
(610  B.C.),  both  of  Lesbos,  A-nac're-on  of  Ionia  (530  B.C.)  and  Alcman  of 
Sparta  (660  B.C.). 


Religion  and  Science  101 

what  kept  it  in  being.  Religion,  naturally,  was  first  called 
on  for  the  answer  to  these  questions,  and  told  how  the 
power  and  will  of  the  gods  made  all  things  to  be.  To 
Hesiod  all  beginnings  were  divine.  First  came  Chaos  and 
Earth  and  Heaven  and  Night  and  Day,  and  Sea,  and  Time 
and  Love — all  gods.  Earth  was  peopled  with  mighty  de- 
structive beings  called  Titans,  against  whom  Zeus  waged 
war  and  won  the  victory,  thus  bringing  order  and  harmony 
into  the  world.  Then  the  gods  created  man  and  endowed 
him  with  pow^r  to  rule  all  things  on  earth.  The  earth  Cosmog- 
was  thought  of  as  a  curved  disk  with  Greece  in  the  mid- 
dle and  Mt.  Olympus,  where  the  gods  dwelt,  in  the  exact 
centre.  It  was  divided  into  two  parts  by  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  all  round  it  flowed  the  Ocean  stream.  The 
earth  was  the  centre  of  the  universe;  above  it  was  the 
ethereal  region  of  Olympus;  beneath  it  was  Hades,  the 
underworld;  at  a  yet  deeper  depth  was  Tar'tar-us,  where 
were  imprisoned  the  wicked  immortals,  chief  among 
whom  were  the  Titans.  The  resemblance  of  this  scheme 
to  that  of  the  eastern  world  is  obvious  (§  t^t^)  ;  it  may  have 
been  in  part  derived  from  that  source. 

132.  Dawn  of  Science  and  Philosophy. — But  when 
Greeks  began  to  travel,  to  come  into  contact  with  strange 
countries  and  peoples  outside  of  the  former  horizon  of 
Greek  life,  they  w^rc  not  satisfied  with  this  purely  religious 
explanation.  They  began  to  study  nature  itself  and  find 
the  secrets  of  its  origin  and  life  in  material  things.  Thus, 
in  the  Greek  world  appeared  philosophers  and  scientific 
men  who  drank  in  eastern  wisdom  and  exercised  their 
own  keen  wits  on  the  problems  of  nature.  Tha'les  of  Thaiesof 
Miletus  (600  B.C.)  was  a  student  of  mathematics  and 
physics;  he  calculated  an  eclipse,  measured  the  height  of 


102 


Growtli  of  States 


Heraclitus. 


The  Spirit 
of  Inquiry. 


The  Seven 
Wise  Mea 


the  pyramids  of  Egypt  by  their  shadow,  and  knew  the 
lore  of  the  heavens.  He  held  that  everything  in  the 
universe  came  from  Water.  To  An-ax-im'e-nes  (550  B.C.) 
this  foundation  principle  was  Air.  To  Her'a-cli'tus  (500 
B.C.)  it  was  Fire.  He  did  not  believe  that  there  was  any- 
thing permanent  In  the  world.  "All  things  flow,"  he 
said,  or,  "all  things  are  burning."  The  only  reality  is 
the  fact  of  change.  These  Ionic  thinkers  found  worthy 
companions  in  the  philosophers  of  Greater  Greece,  where 
Py-thag'o-ras  (540  B.C.)  sought  the  source  of  all  things  in 
Number,  and  Xe-noph'a-nes  of  E'le-a  (575  B.C.)  saw  at 
the  heart  of  the  universe  one  God  directing  all  things  by 
the  might  of  his  reason.  In  all  these,  to  us,  crude  ways 
of  thinking,  we  may  see  the  working  of  the  fine  Greek 
intelligence.  These  thinkers  were  not  satisfied  with  ideas 
that  prevailed  only  because  they  were  handed  down  from 
of  old.  They  must  find  for  themselves  what  was  really 
and  finally  true. 

133.  Interest  in  Practical  Life. — As  these  Greeks  be- 
gan to  study  nature,  so  they  also  came  to  study  man 
and  his  duties.  Hesiod  in  his  Works  and  Days  wrote 
on  how  to  be  a  successful  farmer.  Others  followed  him 
in  this  teaching  of  wisdom,  of  practical  life  in  state  and 
society.  About  the  year  600  B.C.  in  the  Greek  world 
the  most  distinguished  of  these  teachers  were  known  as 
the  "Seven  Wise  Men."*  Sometimes  they  expressed 
their  thought  in  proverbs  like  "Nothing  too  much," 
"Unlucky  is  he  who  cannot  bear  ill-luck."  "Wisdom  is 
the  finest  possession,"  "Know  thyself." 


*  They  were  Thales  of  Miletus,  Pit'ta-cus  of  My  tilene,  Bias  of  Pri-e'ne, 
Solon  of  Atliens,  Cle'o-bu'lus  of  Lindos,  Cheilon  (Ki'Ion)  of  Sparta  and 
Periander  of  Corinth. 


New  Pojpidar  Faiths  103 

134.  Changes  in  Religion. — We  may  be  sure  that  rc- 
Hgion  also  partook  of  the  new  spirit  of  the  times.  The 
Olympian  gods  became  everywhere  the  guardians  of 
state  and  society.  Temples  began  to  be  built  in  their  Temples, 
honor  and  richly  decorated;  their  praise  in  song  and 
dance  became  more  stately  and  splendid;  the  sculptures 
in  tomb  and  temple  show  increasing  mastery  of  art  in 
the  service  of  this  religion  of  divine  life  and  beauty.  But  The  New 
by  the  side  of  this  public  or  official  religion  appears  pafth.^^ 
another  which  appealed  to  the  individual  and  sought  to 
meet  his  need  of  divine  favor.  This  faith  centres  about 
deities  who  had  not  been  prominent  in  the  Olympian 
circle — Di'o-ny'sus  and  De-me'ter.  To  Dionysus,  the  god 
of  the  vine,  giver  of  joy  and  ecstasy,  and  to  Demeter, 
the  nourishing  mother-earth,  bestower  of  life  and  food 
to  all,  an  enthusiastic  popular  devotion  was  poured  out. 
One  great  reason  for  their  worship  was  its  outlook  into 
the  life  beyond  the  grave.  The  changes  that  were  com- 
ing over  the  face  of  the  times  did  not  in  all  respects  bring 
happiness  and  peace  to  men;  they  created  problems  the 
solution  of  which  was  uncertain  and  unpromising. 
Naturally,  men  sought  consolation  in  the  hope  of  the 
world  beyond.  Little  there  was  of  this  in  the  old  faith. 
But  the  new  faith  had  a  new  message  on  this  subject. 
To  him  who  with  a  pure  heart  took  part  in  the  cere- 
monial of  worship  of  these  gods  was  promised  a  brighter 
world  beyond,  where  there  was  freedom  from  care  and 
sin.  This  ceremonial  was  called  the  Mysteries.  What  The 
it  consisted  of  we  do  not  know  exactly,  but  we  do  know 
that  those  who  took  part  in  it  were  pledged  to  a  life  of 
purity  and  enjoyed  the  hope  of  an  immortal  life.  It  was 
an  appeal  to  the  heart,  not  to  the  head;   it  was  a  religion 


104  Growth  of  States 

for  the  people;  mystical  and  enthusiastic  as  it  was,  it 
became  a  power  for  good  and  a  spring  of  some  of  the 
noblest  forms  of  Greek  life. 

135.  (c)  Political  Changes. — We  have  kept  the  political 
changes  of  the  time  to  the  last  (§  118).  They  show  most 
simply  and  clearly  the  influence  of  the  new  forces;  it  was 
in  them  and  through  them  that  the  other  changes  could 
come  to  the  surface  and  work  themselves  out.  They 
form  also  the  connecting  link  between  this  and  the  fol- 
lowing periods.  We  have  seen  how  everywhere  the  aris- 
tocracy had  gained  possession  of  Greek  politics  (§  106). 
In  many  states  they  not  merely  ruled  the  citizens;  they 
were  the  citizens.  But  commerce  had  now  made  many 
besides  the  aristocracy  wealthy  and  influential.  It  had 
brought  individuals  everywhere,  no  matter  what  their 
station  in  life  was,  to  a  larger  knowledge  of  the  world 
and  their  own  place  in  it  (§  130).  While  some  had  grown 
rich,  others  had  become  poor;  the  farmers,  especially, 
suffered  through  borrowing  money  from  usurers  at  ruin- 
ous rates  of  interest;  for  being  scarce  and  much  in  de- 
mand money  was  exceedingly  dear,  and  an  unpaid  loan 
rapidly  doubled  and  tripled  in  amount.  Thus  disturb- 
ances and  difficulties  appeared  on  every  hand  in  Greek 
political  life.  The  aristocracy,  feeling  its  power  threat- 
ened, did  as  those  frequently  do  who  feel  that  their  posi- 
tion is  growing  weaker — they  used  all  means  to  keep  it; 
they  acted  unjustly  and  despotically.  This  only  made 
matters  worse,  and  they  were  finally  forced  to  yield  to 
the  storm. 

136.  Rise  of  the  Lawgivers. — One  chief  cause  of  com- 
plaint was  that  they  alone  knew  the  law  and  adminis- 
tered it  according  to   their  own   will.     Hence,  the  de- 


Rise  of  Tyrants  10.5 

mand  arose  for  the  publication  of  the  law.  It  was 
secured  in  a  truly  Greek  fashion.  One  man  was  chosen, 
the  best  man  in  the  state,  to  whom  all  power  was  given 
that  he  might  prepare,  publish  and  administer  a  code 
of  law  which  should  be  binding  upon  the  people.  Thus,  The  Cod- 
almost  every  Greek  state  of  the  time  had  its  lawgiver, 
or  in  later  days  traced  its  law-code  back  to  some  great 
man  who  was  thought  to  be  its  author.  Such  famous 
names  were  Za-leu'cus  of  Locri,  Lycurgus  of  Sparta,  Pit- 
tacus  of  Mytilene,  Solon  of  Athens.  As  a  result,  people 
knew  what  the  law  was  and  could  fix  the  responsibility 
for  crime  and  injustice.  The  broad  and  deep  meaning 
of  such  a  measure  should  not  be  overlooked.  That  the 
state  owed  it  to  the  citizens  to  do  justice  on  the  basis  of  a 
public  code  of  laws,  that  the  best  man  in  the  state  should 
prepare  these  laws,  and  that,  once  put  forth,  it  was  the 
citizen's  duty  to  obey  them — these  were  principles  which 
no  ancient  people  had  before  so  fully  realized. 

137.  Appearance  of  the  Tyrants. — The  publication  of 
the  laws  had  saved  the  aristocratic  rule  for  the  time, 
but  it  had  not  been  accompanied  with  any  larger  politi- 
cal rights  to  those  outside  the  circle  of  the  nobles.  Hence 
arose  a  new  struggle.  All  who  were  dissatisfied  with 
aristocratic  rule  joined  together  in  opposition  to  it;  the 
whole  body  was  called  the  dz'mos,  the  "people,"  and 
their  aim  was  the  overflow  of  the  ruling  powers.  They 
succeeded.  Here  and  there  men  put  themselves  at  the 
head  of  the  revolutionary  movement  and  by  it  gained  the 
supreme  power  for  themselves.  These  men  were  called 
tyrants.  They  were  really  kings,  reviving  the  old  mon- 
archy, with  larger  powers.     They  destroyed  the  rule  of  Splendor  of 

.  ,  1       ,     .  •  ,         •  Their  Rule 

the  aristocracy  and  governed   their  states  with   vigor 


106  Growth  of  States 

and  splendor.  All  over  the  Greek  world,  so  far  as  it  was 
progressive,  in  these  days  (about  650  B.C.)  tyrants  ap- 
peared and  in  some  states  continued  to  rule  down  to  the 
last  Greek  age.  They  favored  commerce  and  trade, 
grew  rich  from  their  skilful  management  of  affairs, 
adorned  their  cities  with  magnificent  buildings,  en- 
couraged art  and  literature,  and  with  much  political  wis- 
dom guided  their  states  in  new  paths  of  progress. 
The  people,  by  whose  aid  they  had  gained  their  place, 
were  not,  indeed,  given  any  political  rights,  but  the  sat- 
isfaction of  having  rid  themselves  of  aristocratic  rule 
and  the  enlarged  prosperity  and  comfort  enjoyed  were 
sufficient  for  the  time  to  satisfy  them. 

138.  Some  of  the  Tyrants. — One  of  the  first  tyrants 
was  Thras'y-bu'lus  of  Miletus,  a  shrewd  and  energetic 
ruler,  who  was  able  to  keep  his  city  independent  of 
Lydia  (§§  75,  117).  In  Corinth  the  aristocracy  was  over- 
thrown by  Cyp'se-lus,  whose  father  was  a  commoner, 
but  his  mother  of  a  noble  family.  His  son  Periander 
followed  him  (625-585  B.C.).  He  was  a  friend  and  ally 
of  Thrasybulus. 

Herodotus  relates  a  characteristic  story  of  their  relations;  "He  sent 
a  messenger  to  Thrasybulus  and  asked  what  settlement  of  affairs  was 
the  safest  for  him  to  make,  in  order  that  he  might  best  govern  his 
state:  and  Thrasybulus  led  forth  the  messenger  who  had  come  from 
Periander  out  of  the  city,  and  entered  into  a  field  of  growing  corn; 
and  as  he  passed  through  the  crop  of  corn,  while  inquiring  and  ask- 
ing questions  repeatedly  of  the  messenger  about  the  occasion  of  his 
coming  from  Corinth,  he  kept  cutting  off  the  heads  of  those  ears  of 
corn  which  he  saw  higher  than  the  rest;  and  as  he  cut  off  their  heads 
he  cast  them  away,  until  he  had  destroyed  in  this  manner  the  finest 
and  richest  part  of  the  crop.  So  having  passed  through  the  place  and 
having  suggested  no  word  of  counsel,  he  dismissed  the  messenger. 


Fall  of  J'yrants  107 

"When  the  messenger  returned  to  Corinth,  Periander  was  anxious  to 
hear  the  counsel  which  had  been  given;  but  he  said  that  Thrasybulus 
had  given  him  no  counsel,  and  added  that  he  wondered  at  the  deed 
of  Periander  in  sending  him  to  such  a  man,  for  the  man  was  out  of  his 
senses  and  a  waster  of  his  own  goods — relating  at  the  same  time  that 
which  he  had  seen  Thrasybulus  do.  So  Periander,  understanding 
that  which  had  been  done  and  perceiving  that  Thrasybulus  coun- 
selled him  to  put  to  death  those  who  were  eminent  among  his  subjects, 
began  then  to  display  all  manner  of  evil  treatment  to  the  citizens  of 
the  state;  for  whatsoever  Cj'pselus  had  left  undone  in  killing  and 
driving  into  exile,  this  Periander  completed." 

139.  Corinth  under  Periander. — But  Periander  was 
more  than  a  despot  and  a  butcher.  He  raised  his  city 
to  the  leading  place  among  the  states  of  his  day  in  con- 
tinental Greece.  Her  power  on  the  sea  was  mighty.  Maritime 
The  first  war-ships  with  three  banks  of  oars — called  o^Corinm. 
triremes — were  built  at  Corinth.  With  his  fleet  Perian- 
der subdued  Corcyra  in  the  first  recorded  sea-fight  of 

Greek  history.  He  was  a  patron  of  letters.  The  poet 
Arion  was  said  to  have  been  an  ornament  of  his  court,  and 
tradition  has  made  the  tyrant  one  of  the  "Seven  Wise 
Men"  of  Greece  (§  133).  Another  famous  tyrant  was 
Cleisthenes  of  Sicyon  who  freed  his  city  from  the  influence 
of  Argos,  put  down  the  nobles  with  a  strong  hand  and 
took  vigorous  part  in  the  general  affairs  of  Greece. 

140.  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Tyrants. — The  new  spirit 
of  Greece,  which  had  raised  the  tyrants  to  the  throne, 
would  not  let  them  remain  there  long.  The  nobles 
were  always  hostile  to  them;  the  demos,  still  deprived 
of  political  rights,  grew  dissatisfied.  Then  the  tyrants  * 
in  their  turn  grew  more  despotic,  and  ruled  by  force 

*  Owing  to  thi<;  later  form  of  the  tyranny  our  word  "  tyrant"  has  a 
bad  meaning. 


108 


Growth  of  States 


and  fear,  until  all  parties  united  to  put  them  down. 
The  tyranny  usually  lasted  no  longer  than  the  second 
generation.  It  had  accomplished  one  result^the  uni- 
versal rule  of  the  aristocracy  had  perished  and  the  way 
Timocracy.  was  Opened  for  the  advance  of  the  people.  When  it  fell, 
its  place  was  taken  usually  by  citizens  prominent  because 
of  their  property,  and  the  change  was  accompanied  by 
making  more  of  the  people  citizens.  Such  a  govern- 
ment was  called  a  timocracy  (from  the  Greek  ti-mey 
"value")  and  was  a  step  toward  putting  the  control  of 
affairs  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens — the  form  of  govern- 
ment called  democracy  (from  the  Greek  demos,  "peo- 
ple"). Democracy,  the  special  contribution  of  Greece 
to  political  progress,  was  worked  out  in  the  next  period. 


Rise  of 
Democracy 


REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  famous: 
Theognis,  Thales,  Hesiod,  Pythagoras,  Alcaeus,  Amasis,  Anac- 
reon?  2.  What  is  meant  by  amphictyony,  mysteries,  Hel- 
lenes, elegiac,  penteconter,  trireme?  3.  What  is  the  date 
of  the  First  Olympiad? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  early  Greek  idea 
of  the  form  of  the  world  with  that  of  the  Egyptians  and  Baby- 
lonians (§  2)?,)-  2.  Compare  the  political  effects  of  commerce 
and  trade  upon  the  Greeks  with  their  effect  upon  oriental 
peoples  (§§  20,  23,  50-53). 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READIHG.  i.  Greek  Ships.  Bury,  pp.  109- 
iio.  2.  The  Games  and  the  Oracles.  Bury,  pp.  139-144. 
3.  The  Greek  Temple.  Bury,  p.  152.  4.  The  Lyric  Poets. 
Bury,  pp.  118-119.  5.  Hesiod  and  His  School.  Bury,  pp.  107- 
108.  6.  The  Lawgivers.  Bury,  pp.  144-146.  7.  The  Tyrants. 
Bury,  pp.  146-157. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  Greek  Ships. 
Diets,  of  Antiquities,  articles  "Ship"  or  "Navy."  2.  The  Games 
and  the  Oracles.  Morey,  pp.  150-153;  Botsford,  pp.  98-103; 
Zimmern,  ch.  2.  3.  How  Reduce  Olympiads  to  Terms  of  Our 
Chronology?     Abbott,   Skeleton    Outline,   p.    18.     4.  The   Ionic 


The  Helots  109 

Philosophers.  Morey,  pp.  161-164;  Botsford,  pp.  92-96.  5.  The 
Greek  Temple.  Morey,  pp.  154-158.  6,  The  Lyric  Poets. 
Morey,  pp.  159-161;  Botsford,  pp.  S9-90;  Capps,  pp.  141-172; 
Shuckburgh,  pp.  27-29;  Jebb,  p.  491.  7.  Hesiod  and  His  School. 
Botsford,  pp.  87-88;  Murray,  pp.  53-62;  Capps,  pp.  129-140; 
Jebb,  pp.  40-46.    8.  The  Tyrants.     Botsford.  pp.  64-70. 


4.— SPARTA  AND  ATHENS 

141.  The  Two  Leading  States  of  the  Time. — Among 
the  city-states  that  from  time  to  time  have  appeared  in 
the  history  of  these  centuries,  two  come  forward  prom- 
inently as  we  draw  near  the  close  of  this  age — Sparta 
and  Athens.  They  show  the  influence  of  the  forces  which 
have  been  described,  and  they  became  later  the  leading 
states  of  Greece.  The  story  of  their  rise  and  early  his- 
tory, therefore,  properly  preludes  the  period  of  Greek 
greatness. 

142.  Sparta    Conquers    Laconia. — The    Dorians  who  Mixture  of 
occupied  Laconia  (§  102)  settled  down  in  villages,  e.xtirpat-  p*°p'"- 
ing  the  earlier  Greek  population  here,  fusing  with  it  there. 

The  old  centre,  Amyclae,  was  not  occupied,  but  not  far 
off  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Eu-ro'tas  river  five  little 
villages  developed  in  close  proximity  to  one  anothe'* 
These  five  formed  the  city  of  Sparta;  and  in  a  few  gen- 
erations prior  to  about  720  B.C.  its  inhabitants  subdued 
all  the  other  villages  of  Laconia. 

143.  The  Helots. — The  people  whose  property  lay  in  serfs, 
the  rich  river  valley  the  Spartans  reduced  to  serfdom,  tak- 
ing from  them  their  lands  and  arms  and  denying  to  them 
liberty  to  organize  or  to  move  away  from  the  plots  which 
they  tilled.  About  one-half  of  the  yield  the  conquerors 
took  for  themselves.     The  subject  people  were  called 


110  Rhe  of  Sparta 

Helots,  and  lived  a  life  of  miserable  dependence  upon  the 
moods  of  their  conquerors. 

Dependent  144.  The  Petioeci. — With  the  villages  which  lay  on  the 
hill  slopes  around  "hollow  Lac-e-dce'mon "  the  Spartans 
dealt  quite  generously.  They  left  them  their  private  prop- 
erty, their  communal  organization  and  citizen  rights. 
They  could  engage  in  whatever  occupation  they  pleased 
and  possessed  full  liberty  of  movement.  On  the  other 
hand  they  were  required,  like  the  Roman  colonies,  to 
serve  in  war  with  the  Spartans  at  the  call  of  the  latter 
and  could  not  enter  into  negotiations  with  foreign  cities 
except  through  Sparta.  From  the  way  in  which  their 
towns  and  land  lay  in  a  circle  all  round  the  valley  in 
which  the  Helots  were  massed  they  were  called  Per'i-ce'ci 
— dwellers  round  about.  They  served  at  once  to  keep 
the  Helots  from  escaping  abroad  and  foreigners  from  giv- 
ing arms  to  them  or  inciting  them  to  revolt.  They  shared 
in  the  glory  of  the  Spartans  and  always  supported  them 
loyally. 

145.  First  Messenian  War. — About  720  B.C.  the  Spar- 
tans conquered  Messenia  and  transferred  over  the  Ta- 
yg'e-tus  mountains  the  system  of  classes  already  in  ex- 
istence in  Laconia.  The  Messenians  in  the  river  valley 
became  Helots.  Perioec  towns  surrounded  them  on  all 
sides  except  on  the  coast  near  the  island  of  Sphacteria. 

Spartan  Hcrc  was  a  stretch  of  rough  grazing  land  where  straggling 
xpansion.  jjgj^i^g  tended  the  Spartan  herds.  The  final  annexations 
made  by  Sparta  were  in  the  district  at  the  headwaters 
of  the  Eurotas  (Sciritis)  and  the  tract  beyond  Parnoa 
(Cynuria).  When  this  was  accomplished  there  were 
about  12,000  Spartans,  60,000  Perioeci  and  180,000 
Helots.     The  Spartan  state  was  thus  an  inverted  pyramid. 


Helot  Revolts  111 

146.  Revolt  of  Messenians. — In  the  third  generation 
after  the  conquest  the  Helots  of  Messenia  tried  to  over- 
turn this  ill-balanced  combination.  In  their  revolt  they 
had  the  support  of  all  the  Peloponnesian  cities  which  felt 
menaced  by  the  expansion  of  Sparta.  Of  these  the  most 
important  was  the  Dorian  city  Argos.  At  this  time  a  Pheidcn 
vigorous  king  called  Phcidon  was  on  the  Argive  throne  °  ^°^' 
(about  660  B.C.).     He  was  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the 

new  life  of  the  day,  as  is  shown  by  a  system  of  weights 
and  measures  introduced  by  him,  which  spread  all  over 
Greece;  it  was  called  the  /E'gi-net'an  system.  To  check 
Sparta's  victorious  progress,  he  joined  with  two  other 
Peloponnesian  states,  Arcadia  and  Pisatis,  and,  in  con- 
nection with  the  rebellion  of  the  Messenians,  entered  on 
a  conflict  with  Sparta,  which  is  called  the  Second  Mes- 
senian  War  (about  650  B.C.).  Yet,  though  the  struggle 
was  long  and  fierce,  Sparta  was  finally  victorious  here 
also. 

147.  Spartans  Become  Professional  Soldiers. — But 
though  the  extremity  of  the  danger  was  safely  past,  the 
number  of  the  Spartans  was  so  small  and  the  number  of 
their  Helots  so  great  that  the  slightest  relaxation  would 

bring  about  a  recurrence  of  the  peril.  Hence  the  Spar-  Krypteia. 
tans  continued  for  year  after  year  to  declare  war  upon 
their  serfs,  and  required  young  men,  organized  as  a  secret 
police  (Kryp-tei'a),  to  move  about  among  them  and  slay 
all  who  seemed  restless  or  over-ambitious.  This  did  not 
suffice,  however.  Henceforth,  the  whole  Spartan  popu- 
lation of  military  age  remained  constantly  in  readiness  to 
take  the  field  at  a  moment's  notice.  Their  tents  were 
pitched  on  Hyacinth  street  midway  between  the  five 
villages. 


112  Rise  of  Sparta 

Tent  Life.  148.  The  Messes. — Each  tent  was  occupied  by  a  mess 
(syssitia).  In  the  tents  the  several  companies  of  the  army 
lounged  and  slept,  and  ate  the  famous  black  broth.  There 
they  had  their  arms.  At  a  moment's  notice  they  could 
form  in  battle  line  and  meet  all  attempts  of  the  Helots, 
however  well  contrived,  "  to  rush  their  lager."  Out  in  the 
villages  lived  the  women,  the  young  girls,  the  men  over 
sixty  who  were  past  the  time  of  active  service  and  the 
infants  of  both  sexes  under  seven  years  of  age. 

149.  The  Spartan  Women. ^Since  their  fathers,  hus- 
bands and  brothers  were  constantly  absent  in  the  barracks 
and  dare  not  be  seen  by  daylight  in  the  village,  the  women 
moved  about  freely  and  had  a  chance  to  manage  things 

Heroism,  in  a  Way  not  known  elsewhere  in  Greece.  The  military 
Ideal  dominated  their  life  also;  they  were  doubtless  a 
rough  burly  lot,  but  they  produced  a  race  of  vigorous 
warriors,  and  were  wont  to  tell  those  dearest  to  them  on 
their  departure  for  war  to  return  "with  their  shields  or 
on  them." 

Spartan  150.  Spartan  Educatlon. — At  the  age  of  seven  the  boys 

were  taken  from  their  homes  and  put  with  other  youths 
of  their  own  age  in  "pens"  and  "herds"  whom  the  grown 
men  between  twenty  and  thirty  years  of  age  drilled  and 
"fagged."  They  had  to  live  by  their  wits.  They  got 
scraps  from  the  men's  tables,  but  were  left  without  a  roof 
at  night  so  that  they  had  to  make  for  themselves  out-of- 
door  beds  of  Eurotas  reeds.  What  they  lacked  for  food 
they  got  by  stealing,  and  the  thief  who  was  not  detected 
was  held  to  have  done  nothing  dishonorable. 

151.  The  Dorian  Phalanx. — All  their  lives,  both  while 
boys  and  after  they  were  elected  into  the  ranks  of  the  men, 
and  after,  at  the  age  of  thirty,  they  had  become  full  citi- 


Ideals. 


Decay  of  Spartan  Culture  113 

zens,  the  Spartans  spent  in  gymnastic  exercises  and  in 
drill;  for  they  had  to  take  their  [)laccs  in  the  compact  Do- 
rian phalanx,  the  great  military  machine  which  the  Spar- 
tans invented  and  which  proved  so  eflfiicient  that  the  loose- 
formation  single-combat  mode  of  fighting,  characteristic 
of  the  age  of  the  nobles,  became  rapidly  antiquated.     The  The 
heroes  and  knights  disappeared  and  the  closely  massed  in-  ciasset 
fantry  of  spearmen  in  which  the  middle  classes  ser\'ed  be-  "^^^^  '•*« 
came  the  main  dependence  of  all  prosperous  states.     No- 
where was  the  new  system  so  effective  as  at  Sparta.* 

152.  The  Decay  of  Spartan  Culture. — Now  that  the  ah  inter- 


ests Cease 


cept 


Spartans  had  become  professional  soldiers,  in  camp  from  ^^^ 
twenty  to  sixty,  they  ceased  to  have  other  occupations  or  warfare, 
interests.  Up  to  about  650  B.C.  Sparta  had  not  been 
different  from  other  Greek  cities;  it  had  intimate  com- 
mercial relations  with  the  outside  world;  it  produced 
poets  like  Alcman  and  Tyr-tae'us;  it  patronized  musical 
innovators  like  Terpander;  it  had  sculptors  and  architects. 
A  great  temple  to  Athena — Athena  of  the  brazen  house — 
was  constructed,  and  the  state  was  hospitable  to  all  the 
new  ideas  and  inventions  which  were  breaking  down  the 
regime  of  the  Middle  Age.  Henceforth,  however,  the 
ring  wall  of  Perioeci  shut  out  all  foreign  life.  Foreigners 
who  worked  their  way  through  were  rounded  up  at  inter- 
vals and  forcefully  ejected.  The  only  money  current  in 
Sparta  was  of  iron  and  of  small  denomination.  The  only 
music  tolerated  was  the  march,  the  only  poetry  the  war- 
song.     Their   words   were   few;    they  preferred  deeds. 

*  In  later  times  the  Spartans  ascribed  this  constitution  of  theirs  to  a 
lawgiver  named  Lycurgus  and  wove  a  story  about  him  and  his  doings. 
In  fact  he  was  a  god  whom  they  had  once  worshipped  and  whom  they 
turned  into  a  man  and  made  the  founder  of  ihc  sj'stem.  It  really  sjirang 
up  in  the  natural  way  just  described. 


114  Rise  of  Sparta 

There  were  no  more  poets  or  sculptors  or  architects.  The 
laws  remained  unwritten,  since  few  could  read  them. 
Sparta  ceased  to  be  a  place  of  high  culture  and  relapsed 
into  primitive  barbarism,  redeemed  only  by  the  habit  of 
unhesitating  obedience  to  the  officials. 

Kings.  153.  The  Government  of  Sparta. — The  supreme  au- 

thorities in  Sparta  were  two  kings,  the  office  being  he- 
reditary in  rival  families — the  leaders  in  time  of  war, 
once  the  chief  civil  magistrates  also;  the  council  of  elders 

Gerusia.  (gcrusia),  made  up  of  thirty  members,  including  the 
kings.  The  elders  were  chosen  from  the  retired  veterans 
on  the  basis  of  popularity  as  shown  by  the  applause  with 
which  they  were  greeted  when  they  presented  themselves 

Ephors.  before  the  army.  In  addition  there  were  the  ephors,  whose 
original  duty  was  to  see  that  all  the  citizens,  the  kings  in- 
cluded, obeyed  the  prescriptions  of  the  common  military 
life,  but  who  used  the  power  thus  given  to  direct  the  whole 

Apeiia.  domestic  and  foreign  policy  of  the  state.  The  army  met 
as  a  body  in  the  Apella  and  had  power  neither  to  discuss 
nor  to  amend,  but  simply  to  say  yea  or  nay  to  the  proposals 
submitted  to  it  by  the  kings,  ephors  and  elders. 

154.  The  Peloponnesian  League.— Next  we  find  Sparta 
pushing  northward  up  the  Eurotas  valley  against  the 
neighboring  city  of  Te'ge-a.  Against  these  Arcadian 
mountaineers  not  much  headway  was  made;  whereupon 
Sparta  adopted  a  new  political  policy.  A  treaty  was 
made,  whereby  Tegea,  in  return  for  being  left  in  peace, 
agreed  to  contribute  a  force  to  the  Spartan  army  when 
an  offensive  or  defensive  war  had  been  undertaken  by 
mutual  consent  and  to  make  Sparta's  friends  her  friends. 
Otherwise  she  remained  a  free  city  and  had  entire  con- 
trol over  her  own  action  even  in  foreign  affairs.     This 


Attic  Geography  115 

plan  worked  so  well  that  Sparta  proceeded  to  extend  it  inde- 
to  other  cities,  until  finally,  on  these  conditions,  a  league  Ames." 
of  all  the  Peloponnesian  states  except  Argos  was  formed 
under  Spartan  leadership.     By  550  B.C.  Sparta  was  the  Spartathe 
greatest  Greek  state;    besides  her  own  territories,  Elis,  Powerln 
Corinth,  ^gina,  Megara  and  Sicyon  were  members  of  ^^eece. 
the  league.     Foreign  powers  coming  into  contact  with 
Greece  sought  her  alliance.     Thus  she  joined  with  Lydia 
and  the  other  eastern  states  against  Cyrus  (§  75).     Out- 
side the  Peloponnesus  she  was  involved  in  relations  with 
other  Greek  communities,  particularly  with  the  growing 
state  of  Athens.     To  understand  these  larger  complica- 
tions we  must  turn  aside  to  follow  the  rise  and  early  his- 
tory of  Athens. 

155.  Athens. — Attica,  of  which  Athens  was  the  chief 
city,  was  a  rough,  poorly  watered  and  unproductive  penin- 
sula, jutting  out  into,the  i^gean  and  cut  off  from  the  rest 
of  Greece  by  Mt.  Par'nes,  an  offshoot  of  the  Cith-ae'ron 
range.  The  city  lay  in  a  little  valley  through  which  the  Position. 
Ce-phis'sus  flowed  to  the  southwest  into  the  Saronic  gulf. 
Dwellers  in  the  plain  had  early  gathered  about  a  lofty 
isolated  mass  of  rock,  the  Acropolis,  so  easy  of  defence  as 

to  be  marked  out  for  the  centre  of  a  city.  The  plain 
sloped  gently  to  the  sea  and  was  itself  protected  by  moun- 
tains on  either  side.  The  community  worshipped  the 
goddess  Athena,  its  patron  and  defender,  who  gave  the 
name  to  the  city.  The  prevailing  race-type  was  Ionian.  People. 
At  the  end  of  the  Middle  Age  Athens  had  united  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  peninsula  in  one  city-state  (§  107). 

156.  Early  Organization. — Moreover,  when  we  come 
to  know  Athens,  the  aristocracy  was  already  in  control. 
Traditions  told  how  kings  had  once  ruled,  but  these  had 


in  Control. 


116  Rise  of  A  thens 

gradually  been  restricted  in  powers  and  in  dignities,*  until 
hardly  more  remained  to  remind  one  of  them  than  the 
name  "king"  applied  to  the  chief  minister  of  religion. 
In  their  place  came  yearly  officials  called  archonSj  nine 
in  number,  for  the  conduct  of  civil,  military,  religious 
and  financial  administration.  The  tribal  council  took 
two  forms:  (i)  a  body  composed  of  forty-eight,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  local  districts,  each  of  which  supplied  a  war- 
ship (naus),  and  hence  was  called  a  Nau-cra'ri-a,  and  (2) 
a  body  made  up,  it  seems,  of  ex-officials  charged  chiefly 
with  judicial  powers,  called  the  Council  of  the  A-re-op'a- 
Aristocrats  gus  (the  "  Hill  of  Curscs").  Of  course,  both  officials  and 
councils  were  limited  to  aristocrats,  who  also  controlled, 
if  they  did  not  make  up,  the  public  assembly.  As  else- 
where, so  especially  in  Athens,  there  was  a  large  number 
of  freemen  who,  under  aristocratic  administration,  were 
entirely  outside  of  public  activities  The  members  of 
noble  houses,  like  the  Me-don'ti-dse  and  the  Alc-mas-on'i- 
dae,  were  all-powerful;  none  could  break  into  their  close 
circle.  Their  heads  were  leaders  and  their  members  were 
citizens  of  the  state.  The  army  was  organized  in  three 
divisions:  first,  the  knights  (hippeis),  the  aristocrats  who 
could  afford  to  have  war-horses  and  fine  weapons;  sec- 
ond, the  heavy-armed  footmen  (zeugitae,  i.e.,  who  had 
farms  big  enough  to  employ  a  yoke  of  oxen);  third,  the 
light-armed  troops  (thetes,  i.e.,  petty  land-owners  and 
farm  laborers).     All  the  people  of  Attica  were  divided 

*  Another  version  tells  how  the  Athenians  abolished  the  kingship  con- 
sidering no  one  worthy  to  succeed  Codrus.  At  the  time  of  a  Pelopon- 
nesian  invasion,  King  Codrus,  they  said,  visited  the  enemy's  camp  dressed 
in  peasant  clothes,  and,  provoking  a  quarrel,  was  slain.  This  sacrifice 
of  his  own  life  he  made  to  save  At'iens,  for  an  oracle  had  affirmed  that 
either  the  king  or  the  city  must  perish.     This  story  is  a  late  invsntion. 


Draco  and  Solon  117 

into  four  phylae,  each  with  its  chief,  each  at  once  a 
regiment  and  an  electoral  division  of  the  popular  as- 
sembly. 

157.  Tyrants  and  Lawgivers. — But,  in  time,  the  aristo- 
cratic state  was  affected  by  the  new  life.  A  certain  noble, 
Cylon  by  name,  a  son-in-law  of  The-ag'e-nes,  tyrant  of 
Megara,  attempted  to  make  himself  tyrant  (about  635 
B.C.),  but  without  success.  Commerce  was  making  some 
men  rich  and  others  poor;  farmers  were  in  debt  and  many 
were  being  sold  into  slavery.  The  demos  was  rising.  A  Draco, 
lawgiver  (§  136),  Dra'co,  was  appointed  (about  624  B.C.). 
His  legislation  gave  Athens  written  provisions  for  settling 
business  and  other  disputes,  thus  limiting  the  power  of 
the  magistrates  in  recognizing  cases,  conducting  trials  and 
imposing  penalties.  The  most  durable  of  these  drew  a 
noteworthy  distinction  between  the  penalty  for  different 
sorts  of  murder.  Heretofore,  all  killing  had  been  mur- 
der and  its  penalty  death  at  the  hands  of  the  relatives  of 
the  dead  man  (§  105).  Now,  accidental  or  justifiable 
homicide  was  distinguished  in  its  punishment  from  wilful 
murder.  As  Draco's  laws  were  chiefly  a  collection  of  the 
old  customs  of  the  land,  they  seemed  to  the  later  Atheni- 
ans exceedingly  severe  and  were  said  to  have  been  "  writ- 
ten in  blood."  Another  trial  of  a  lawgiver  was  made  in  Soion. 
594  B.C.,  by  the  choice  of  Solon  as  sole  archon  of  the  state 
with  unlimited  authority  in  the  settlement  of  affairs;  and 
to  him  Athens  owed  in  addition  to  a  new  constitution  a 
second  code  of  civil  law  which  was  a  vast  improvement 
on  that  of  Draco. 

158.  Early  Athenian  Expansion. — Athens  had  already  Commerce 
begun  to  enter  heartily  into  the  commercial  activity  of  the 
time.     Pottery  was  manufactured;    olive  oil — the  chief 


118 


Rise  of  Athens 


The 

Council 
of  400. 


natural  product  of  Attica — exported  and,  possibly,  grain 
imported;  colonizing  entered  upon.  An  important  sta- 
tion on  the  trade  route  to  the  Black  sea  was  secured — • 
Si-ge'um  on  the  northwestern  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  A 
great  hindrance  was  Megara's  possession  of  Salamis,  the 
island  at  the  very  gates  of  Athens.  A  struggle  to  secure 
it  for  Athens  had  been  crowned  with  victory  through  the 
inspiring  war-poetry  of  Solon.  He  was,  therefore,  a  prom- 
inent man;  an  aristocrat,  but  a  friend  of  the  people,  eager 
to  deliver  them  from  their  distresses  and  to  give  them  a 
place  and  a  part  in  the  state. 

159.  Constitution  of  Solon. — The  measures  of  Solon 
were  vital  and  thorough-going.  The  fundamental  thing 
he  did  was  to  make  all  free  native-born  people  really  citi- 
zens. Second,  he  relieved  them  from  their  chief  burdens 
by  remitting  all  debts  contracted  on  their  lands  or  se- 
cured on  the  person  or  family  of  the  debtor.  Third,  he 
gave  all  some  part  in  the  conduct  of  the  state.  All  the 
citizens,  rich  and  poor  alike,  were  made  members  of  the 
public  assembly.  All  over  thirty  years  old  and  of  good 
moral  character  were  eligible  to  membership  in  a  new 
court  of  justice  called  the  Hel-i-ae'a,  which  was  the  final 
court  of  appeal.  The  Council  of  the  Areopagus  was  con- 
stituted as  a  criminal  court  and  given  supervision  of  the 
laws.  The  other  council  was  transformed  by  being  in- 
creased to  four  hundred  members  and  called  the  Boule 
or  senate.  Its  chief  function  was  to  prepare  business  for 
the  public  assembly.  The  higher  magistracies,  those  of 
archon,  treasurer,  etc.,  were  open  only  to  men  of  the  largest 
wealth;  the  lesser  offices  could  be  occupied  by  the  less 
wealthy  citizens.  The  distribution  of  administrative  po- 
sitions, while  in  principle  based  on  wealth,  resulted  in 


Pisistratus  119 

actual  practice  in  giving  the  highest  offices  to  the  most 
influential  hippeis,  and  in  dividing  the  rest  of  the  places 
between  the  other  hippeis  and  the  zeugitse.  No  thetes 
were  eligible  for  the  magistracy.     The  state,  therefore,  The 

,        .  .     .  ,       .     .  •  ,1  ,1  Moderate 

remamed  aristocratic  in  administration,  although  the  peo-  spirit  of 
pie  at  large  were  given  political  rights  never  before  pos-  ^°'°g"jj^_ 
sessed;  these  in  time  were  certain  to  be  emphasized  and  tion. 
enlarged.     It  may  be  truly  said  that  Solon  was  the  founder 
of  the  Athenian  democracy. 

i6o.  Pisistratus,  Tyrant. — The  constitution  made  by 
Solon  prepared  the  way  for  progress,  but  it  did  not  act- 
ually bring  relief  to  the  state.  Conflict  and  distress  con- 
tinued. Finally,  by  the  aid  of  the  peasants  (chiefly 
thetes),  a  nobleman  called  Pi-sis'tra-tus  was  able  to  usurp 
the  government  in  561  B.C.,  and  though  driven  from 
power,  regained  it  about  545  B.C.,  and  was  tyrant  until 
his  death  in  528  B.C.  By  him,  the  poor  peasants,  who  His  Admin- 
had  been  relieved  of  their  debts  and  given  citizenship  by 
Solon,  were  granted  land  and  money  to  set  up  farming 
and  to  become  self-supporting  and  useful  citizens.  They 
could  not  exercise  political  rights,  but  became  econom- 
ically comfortable.  Pisistratus  favored  commerce,  which 
brought  increasing  wealth  to  the  state.  His  court,  like  His  Court, 
those  of  the  other  tyrants  (§  137),  was  brilliant;  literature 
and  art  were  encouraged.  It  is  said,  probably  without 
warrant  of  fact,  that  Homer's  poems  were  first  written 
down  under  his  patronage  and  that  he  established  a  li- 
brary at  Athens.  A  temple  to  Athena,  the  patron  god- 
dess of  the  city,  was  built,  another  to  Zeus  begun,  and  in 
general  he  fostered  the  worship  of  the  national  Homeric 
gods  at  the  expense  of  the  local  clan  cults.     An  important  Religious 

^  ^  ^  Festivals. 

part  of  the  religion  of  the  Athenian  peasants  had  long  - 


120  Rise  of  A  thens 

been  the  village  festivals  of  the  god  Dionysus  (§  134),  and 
there  existed  already  in  Athens  the  Flower  Festival  of 
the  early  spring  (in  February)  and  the  Vintage  Festival 
of  the  winter  (in  December).  To  these  Pisistratus  added 
another,  the  Great,  or  City,  Dionysia  (in  April),  at  which 
he  introduced  the  sacred  play  in  which  scenes  in  the  life  of 
the  god  were  exhibited — the  Tragedy  or  Goat-song.  It 
is  worth  remembering  that  in  535  B.C.  Thespis  produced 
the  first  tragedy  at  Athens  in  connection  with  this  festival. 
The  theatre  there  was  a  part  of  religious  worship.  The 
foreign  politics  of  Pisistratus  were  successful  in  making 
Athens  a  power  in  the  Greek  world.  He  controlled  the 
approaches  to  the  Hellespont  and  was  in  alliance  with  the 
Thessalians  and  with  Argos.  By  his  services  to  the  sanct- 
uary of  Apollo  on  the  island  of  Delos,  a  favorite  Ionian 
centre,  he  became  a  leader  among  the  lonians  of  the 
/Egean.  On  his  death  (528  B.C.)  he  was  succeeded 
without  opposition  by  his  son,  Hip'pi-as,  who  ruled 
in  close  partnership  with  his  younger  brother,  Hip- 
par'chus. 

i6i.  Tyranny  Overthrown. — But  the  tyranny  was  to 
have  as  short  a  life  at  Athens  as  it  had  enjoyed  elsewhere 
(§  140).  The  same  reasons  for  its  overthrow  existed 
there.  The  first  blow  for  liberty,  however,  was  struck  as  a 
consequence  of  a  private  quarrel  in  which  Hipparchus  was 
assassinated  by  Harmodius  and  Ar-is-to-gei'ton.  There- 
after Hippias,  in  fear  of  a  like  fate,  ruled  suspiciously  and 
tyrannically.  Exiled  nobles,  at  their  head  the  Alcmae- 
onidae,  intrigued  constantly  against  him,  and  on  one  oc- 
casion they  tried  to  expel  him  from  Athens  by  their  own 
strength.  Failing  in  this  they  turned  to  Sparta,  whose 
league  had  now  reached  the  frontiers  of  Attica,  and  by 


Cleisthenes  121 

the  influence  of  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  which  the  Alcmie- 
onidae  had  won  over  by  great  generosity  in  the  rebuilding 
of  the  temple  of  Apollo,  this  ambitious  state  was  induced 
to  send  an  army  under  King  Cleomenes  to  drive  Hippias 
out  (510  B.C.).  After  he  was  gone  the  Spartans  at- 
tempted to  set  up  an  aristocratic  government,  but  after 
a  struggle  the  Athenian  people  under  the  leadership  of 
Cleisthenes,  the  head  of  the  family  of  the  Alcmaeonidae, 
a  friend  of  the  demos,  was  able  to  gain  control  of  the 
state  (508  B.C.).  Cleisthenes  immediately  set  about  a  Legislation 
reorganization  of  the  state  on  the  basis  of  the  constitu-  "j^eneT" 
tion  of  Solon  with  the  purpose  of  correcting  the  defects 
and  guarding  against  the  dangers  of  the  former  legisla- 
tion. Two  evils  had  not  been  met  by  the  Solonian  con- 
stitution— the  people  could  not  exercise  the  rights  given 
them  because  of  aristocratic  influence,  and  parties  based 
on  local  self-interest  rent  the  state.  To  meet  these  diffi- 
culties Cleisthenes  made  some  fundamental  changes.  He  The  New- 
organized  the  people  into  ten  tribes.  Each  tribe  was  pemTs.^" 
made  up  of  three  parts  taken  by  lot  from  each  of  the  three 
local  divisions  of  Attica,  the  upland,  the  plain  and  the 
coast,  where  dwelt  respectively  the  peasants,  the  landed 
proprietors  and  the  merchants.  Thus  all  interests  and 
all  parties  were  likely  to  be  represented  in  each  tribe.  The 
unit  of  each  tribe  was  the  deme,  or  township;  to  be  a  citi- 
zen one  must  be  enrolled  in  a  deme;  it  elected  its  officials, 
who  revised  its  list  of  citizen  members  from  time  to  time 
and  probably  cared  for  the  taxes.  At  the  same  time  a 
large  body  of  new  citizens  was  created  by  the  admission 
of  strangers  (metics)  and  freedmen  resident  in  the  land. 
The  council  (Boule)  was  increased  to  five  hundred  mem- 
bers, fifty  from  each  tribe,  chosen  in  the  denies  according 


122 


Rise  of  Athens 


The 
Prytany. 


Ostracism. 


to  the  number  of  citizens  in  each  deme.  The  year  was 
divided  into  ten  parts,  and  each  body  of  fifty  senators  pre- 
sided over  pubHc  business  for  a  Httle  over  a  month.  As 
such  it  was  called  a  prytany  and  was  lodged  and  fed  at 
the  public  expense  during  that  time.  Ten  generals  (strat- 
egoi)  were  chosen  (501  B.C.),  one  from  each  tribe.  The 
other  ofhcials  were  appointed  as  before.  A  new  device 
for  guarding  against  tyranny  was  ostracism.  Every  year 
the  citizens  were  given  the  privilege  of  voting  as  to  whether 
any  prominent  man  was  dangerous  to  the  state.  If  six 
thousand  citizens  voted,  a  majority  of  votes  recorded 
against  any  one  upon  the  pieces  of  tile  {os'tra-ka)  used  for 
the  purpose,  compelled  him  to  leave  the  state  for  ten 
years,  though  neither  his  property  nor  his  citizen  rights 
were  lost. 

162.  The  Victory  of  Liberal  Government  at  Athens. — 
Thus  Athens  became  a  definitely  constitutional  state. 
Solon  had  established  the  citizen  body  in  its  political 
rights;  Pisistratus  had  given  the  poor  people  opportunity 
to  become  self-supporting  and  respectable;  Cleisthenes 
made  it  possible  for  the  great  middle  class  of  farmers  and 
merchants  to  use  their  power  in  the  actual  conduct  of  the 
state,  and  since  the  tyrant's  guiding  hand  was  now  re- 
moved the  ecclesia  asserted  its  right  henceforth  to  deter- 
mine for  itself  the  chief  questions  of  public  policy.  A  nota- 
ble political  experiment  was  now  tried  for  the  first  time  in 
history.  The  opportunity  was  soon  to  come  in  which  it 
would  be  seen  whether  liberal  government  was  equal  to 
meeting  the  strain  of  war  and  suffering.  The  Persian 
war-cloud  was  hanging  over  the  eastern  horizon  (§  84). 
With  its  swift  approach  the  era  of  Greek  beginnings  drew 
to  its  close  (500  B.C.). 


Sparta  and  A  thens  123 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  is  meant  by  deme,  gerusia, 
prytany,  Helot,  Acropolis,  Perioeci,  Helisea,  Boule?  2.  Who 
were  Pheidon,  Thespis,  Dionysus,  Cleomenes,  Lycurgus?  3. 
Locate  from  memory  on  an  outline  map  all  the  cities  and 
countries  mentioned  in  §§  141-163.  4.  What  is  the  date  of 
the  Second  Messenian  War?  of  Solon?  5.  What  was  the 
character  of  the  conquest  of  Laconia  by  Sparta?  6.  Describe 
the  condition  of  the  Helots  and  Perioeci.  7.  What  was  the 
cause  of  the  decay  of  Spartan  culture? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES.  Compare  the  manner  in  which 
Sparta  built  up  her  power  in  the  Peloponnesus  with  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  eastern  states  built  up  their  power  (§§  11-15, 
37.  62-64). 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Cylon's  Rebellion.  Bury,  pp. 
175-179.  2.  The  Cretan  Constitution  Compared  with  that 
of  Sparta,  pp.  136-139.  3.  Sparta's  Origin,  Organization  and 
Expansion.  Bury,  pp.  120-129.  4'  Early  History  of  Athens. 
Bury,  pp.  163-180.     5.  Solon's  Constitution.     Bury,  pp.  1S0-1S9. 

6.  Pisistratus.     Bury,  pp.  192-202.    7.  The  Reforms  of  Cleis- 
thenes.     Bury,  pp.  210-215. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Story  of 
Solon.  Pluiarch,  Life  of  Solon.  2.  Sparta's  Beginnings  and 
Organization.  Morey,  pp.  n 2-1 17;  Botsford,  pp.  27-29,  56-63; 
Shuckburgh,  pp.  30-45;  Zimmern,  ch.  3.  3.  Sparta's  Expansion. 
Morey,  pp.  1 18-120;  Botsford,  pp.  77-80.  4.  Early  History  of 
Athens.  Moray,  pp.  120-125;  Botsford,  pp.  25-27,  41-48;  Shuck- 
burgh, pp.  55-68.  5.  Solon's  Constitution.  ]Morey,  pp.  125- 
129;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  68-86;  Boisford,  pp.  48-56.  6.  Pisistratus. 
Morey,  pp.  1 29-131;    Botsford,  pp.  70-77;    Shuckburgh,  \)\i.  81-S8. 

7.  The  Reforms  of  Cleisthenes.     Alorey,  pp.  131-134;    Shuck- 
burgh, pp.  88-93;    Botsford,  pp.  81-S6. 

163.  Summary  of  the  Period. — The  beginnings  of 
life  in  the  ^Egean  world  are  unknown.  The  oriental 
peoples  were  already  far  advanced  in  civilization  when 
the  first  light  breaks  on  this  region.  But  by  2000  B.C.  a 
high  culture  was  produced  in  Crete  under  Egyptian  in- 
fluence, probably  by  a  pre-Greek  people.     About  1500 


124  Summary 

B.C.  this  culture  was  diffused  over  the  /Egean  world, 
modified  in  many  respects,  and  possessed  by  the  Greeks 
who  had  migrated  into  Greece  from  the  north.  This 
so-called  Mycenaean  age  was  brought  to  an  end  by  the 
descent  of  rude  tribes  from  the  north,  which  is  called 
the  Dorian  migration.  This  cut  off  Greece  from  the 
outer  world  and  set  in  motion  new  forces  of  political 
and  social  organization.  Changes  from  tribal  life  to 
local  settlement  created  the  city-state  and  put  at  its  head 
the  aristocratic  government.  When  the  new-comers  had 
adjusted  themselves  to  their  new  homes,  commerce  began 
to  revive  on  the  shores  of  the  ^gean.  The  cities  on  the 
Asia  Minor  coast  came  forward.  New  relations  with  the 
orient  arose.  Wealth  gave  leisure  and  opportunity  for 
the  new  growth  of  literature  and  art  and  religion.  Epic 
poetry  reached  its  height  in  Homer.  The  Greeks  began 
to  know  themselves  as  one  people,  the  Hellenes,  and  to 
form  their  ideals  of  social,  religious  and  political  life. 
The  Olympic  gods  (§  112),  the  religious  games  (§  128). 
the  Delphic  oracle,  the  amphictyonies,  were  signs  of  the 
times.  Commerce  led  to  a  wide  and  enterprising  colo- 
nial activity  in  the  Mediterranean  world.  All  this  new 
life  reacted  upon  the  Greeks  to  produce  (i)  dissatisfac- 
tion with  aristocratic  rule,  leading  to  the  appointment 
of  lawgivers,  the  appearance  of  tyrannies  and  the  rise  of 
constitutional  government;  and  (2)  larger  relations  with 
the  outside  world,  particularly  with  the  oriental  empires 
now  being  rapidly  merged  into  the  Persian  empire. 
Two  states  rose  above  the  others  as  the  age  drew  to  an 
end.  Sparta  illustrates  the  tendency  to  maintain  and 
harden  the  old  tribal  system  with  its  equality  and  its 
military  bent.     It  grew  by  conquest,  until  it  occupied 


Sparta  and  Athens  125 

two-fifths  of  the  Peloponnesus  and  formed  a  political 
league  embracing  almost  all  the  rest.  Thus  it  was  the 
leading  Greek  state.  Athens  went  to  the  other  extreme. 
Its  lawgivers,  Solon  and  Cleisthenes,  led  the  way  in  the 
establishment  of  popular  government.  Pisistratus,  the 
Athenian  tyrant,  gave  the  state  a  leading  place  among 
the  commercial  powers  of  the  time.  Thus  by  500  B.C. 
the  Greek  world  had  reached  a  point  at  which,  its  polit- 
ical institutions  fixed  and  its  states  firmly  established,  it 
was  prepared  to  take  its  place  and  do  its  work  in  world 
politics.  This  place  and  work  in  the  world  were  opened 
to  it  in  the  rapidly  approaching  complications  with  the 
Persian  empire, 

GENERAL  REVIEW  OF  PART  II,  DIVISIONS  I-IV 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  Trace  the  development 
of  political  institutions  through  the  first  three  epochs  of  this 
period  (§§  qS,  105-10S,  114-115,  135-140).  2.  Note  the  various 
stages  in  the  development  of  literature  and  art  in  this  period 
(§§94-95,98-99,  109,  110,  119,  128,  152,  160).  3.  Show  how  the 
literature  and  art  of  each  epoch  corresponds  to  the  political 
history  of  that  epoch.  4.  Give  a  history  of  the  Greek  king 
(§§  9S-99,  105,  106,  107,  137,  i5<')).  5.  Compare  the  history  of 
Sparta  and  Athens  as  they  were  affected  by  the  general  politi- 
cal development  of  Greece  (§§  152-153,  i57-i()2).  6.  Trace  the 
influence  of  commerce  on  the  life  of  the  Greeks  during  this 
period  (§§  97-9S,  108,  113,  129,  135,  152,  15S).  7.  On  what  oc- 
casions during  this  period  did  the  Greeks  come  into  contact 
with  outside  peoples?  Who  were  these  peoples  and  what  did 
the  contact  mean  for  Greece  (§§  91,  97,  103,  116,  117(75),  i.p)? 
8.  Enumerate  the  influences  (i)  that  kept  the  Greeks  sepa- 
rate, and  (2)  that  united  them,  during  this  period  (§§  87,  106, 
107,  115,  119,  12S). 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES,  i.  On  an  outline  map  of 
Greece  place  (i)  the  physical  features  of  Greece,  (2)  the  peo- 
ples and  cities  of  the  first  epoch,  (3)  those  of  the  second  epoch, 
(4)  those  of  the  third  epoch — using,  if  possible,  different 
colored  pencils  or  inks  to  distinguish  the  epochs — (5)  then,  with 


126  The  Persian  Peril 

the  general  map  of  Greece  before  you,  note  the  peoples  and 
cities  which  have  not  yet  played  a  part  in  the  history.  2. 
Compare  the  oriental  scenes  in  Plates  III,  IV  and  VIII  with  the 
Greek  scene  found  in  Plates  XIV  and  XV  and  make  observa- 
tions from  the  point  of  view  of  grace,  strength,  simplicity, 
technical  skill,  etc.  Compare,  for  further  illustration,  the 
plates  in  Tarbell,  pp.  132,  137,  146,  151,  156. 

SUBJECTS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,     i.  The  Olympian  Games. 

Bury,  pp.  140-142;  Grant,  (jreece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles,  pp. 
26-33;  Duruy,  History  of  Greece,  II,  pp.  378-394;  Diehl,  Excur- 
sions in  Greece,  ch.  7.  2.  Greek  Oracles,  especially  Delphi. 
Bury,  pp.  159,  161;  Grant,  Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles,  pp.  20- 
26;  Duruy,  History  of  Greece,  II,  pp.  318-330.  3.  Mycenaean 
Art.  Tarbell,  ch.  2;  Bury,  pp.  11-30;  Tsountas  and  Manatt, 
Mycenaean  Age,  chs.  5,  9.  4.  The  Story  of  the  Founding  of  a 
Greek  Colony.  Botsford,  ch.  3;  Bury,  ch.  2;  Duruy,  History  of 
Greece,  II,  pp.  165-173;  Greenidge,  pp.  36-45.  5.  Write  the 
story  of  the  "Iliad"  in  a  thousand  words.  Capps,  pp.  22-74. 
6.  Write  the  story  of  the  "Odyssey  "  in  the  form  of  an  auto- 
biography of  Odysseus.  Capps,  pp.  75-110.  7.  History  of  a 
Tyrant;  Cleisthenes  of  Sicyon.  Herodotus,  V,  67-69;  VI,  126- 
131;  or,  Polycrates  of  Samos.  Herodotus,  III,  40-47,  54-56, 
120-125.  8.  The  Legends  of  the  Chief  Gods  of  Greece.  Grant, 
Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles,  pp.  12-18;  Guerber,  Myths  of  Greece 
and  Rome;  Fairbanks,  Mythology  of  Greece  and  Rome.  9.  Hera- 
cles and  the  Dorian  Invasions.  Bury,  pp.  80-82;  Duruy,  History 
of  Greece,  I,  pp.  273-281.  10.  The  Greek  Temple.  Mahaffy, 
Old  Greek  Life,  pp.  19-24;   Tarbell,  ch.  3. 


5.— THE   GREEK  EMPIRES  :     ATHENIAN, 

SPARTAN,   THEBAN  AND 

MACEDONIAN 

500-336  B.C. 

164.  The  Menace  of  Persia. — The  victory  of  Cyrus 
over  Lydia  (§  75)  had  brought  the  Ionian  cities  under  the 
Persian  power.  This  authority  had  been  strengthened 
and  extended  over  the  islands  by  succeeding  rulers  until 
practically  the  whole  coast  was  subject.     The  Scythian 


The  Ionia7i  Revolt  127 

expedition  of  King  Darius  (§  84)  had  been  followed  by 
the  extension  of  Persian  authority  throughout  the  north- 
ern iEgean,  where  a  new  satrapy  was  formed.  It  was 
clear  that  the  Great  King  would  not  stop  until  all  the 
Greek  peninsula  acknowledged  his  sceptre.  Some  Greek 
communities  were  already  reconciled  to  this  prospect  and 
had  sought  the  aid  of  Persia  in  the  settlement  of  their 
difficulties.  Among  these  were  Thebes  and  Argos;  the 
Delphic  oracle  steadily  favored  submission,  and  even 
Athens  in  the  year  497  B.C.  offered  to  do  homage.  It 
seemed  that  the  lack  of  Greek  unity,  set  over  against 
the  mighty  centralized  power  of  Persia,  would  make 
successful  defence  impossible. 

165.  The  Ionian  Revolt. — But  events  beyond  the  con-  The  Greeks 
trol  of  the  Greek  states  made  a  conflict  unavoidable.    ^^^^*^'^- 
In  499  B.C.  the  Greek  cities  of  Ionia  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Miletus  rebelled  against  the  Persians  and  sought 
help  from  Sparta  and  Athens.     The  former  refused,  but 
Athens  sent  twenty  ships  and  Eretria  live. 

The  story  of  the  rejection  of  the  petition  in  Sparta  is  told  by 
Herodotus  as  follows: 

"Ar-is-tag'o-ras  spoke  thus,  and  Cleomenes  answered  him  saying: 
'Guest-friend  from  Miletos,  I  defer  my  answer  to  thee  till  the  day 
after  to-morrow.'  Thus  far  then  they  advanced  at  that  time;  and 
when  the  appointed  day  arrived  for  the  answer,  and  they  had  come 
to  the  place  agreed  upon,  Cleomenes  asked  Aristagoras  how  many 
days'  journey  it  was  from  the  sea  of  the  lonians  to  the  residence  of 
the  king.  Now  Aristagoras,  who  in  other  respects  acted  cleverly 
and  imposed  upon  him  well,  in  this  point  made  a  mistake;  for  whereas 
he  ought  not  to  have  told  him  the  truth,  at  least  if  he  desired  to  bring 
the  Spartans  out  to  Asia,  he  said  in  fact  that  it  was  a  journey  up  from 
the  sea  of  three  months;  and  the  other  cutting  short  the  rest  of  the 
account  which  Aristagoras  had  begun  to  give  of  the  way,  said: 


128 


The  Persian  Pe?'tl 


Sparta  Re- 
fuses to 
Help  the 
lonians. 


'Guest-friend  from  Miletos,  get  thee  away  from  Sparta  before  the 
sun  has  set;  for  thou  speakest  a  word  which  sounds  not  well  in  the 
ears  of  the  Lacedemonians,  desiring  to  take  them  a  journey  of  three 
months  away  from  the  sea.'  Cleomenes,  accordingly,  having  so 
said  went  away  to  his  house;  but  Aristagoras  took  the  suppliant's 
branch  and  went  to  the  house  of  Cleomenes;  and  having  entered 
in  as  a  suppliant,  he  bade  Cleomenes  send  away  the  child  and  listen 
to  him;  for  the  daughter  of  Cleomenes  was  standing  by  him,  whose 
name  was  Gorgo,  and  this  as  it  chanced  was  his  only  child,  being  of 
the  age  now  of  eight  or  nine  years.  Cleomenes,  however,  bade  him 
say  that  which  he  desired  to  say,  and  not  to  stop  on  account  of  the 
child.  Then  Aristagoras  proceeded  to  promise  him  money,  beginning 
with  ten  talents,  if  he  would  accomplish  for  him  that  for  which  he 
was  asking,  and  when  Cleomenes  refused,  Aristagoras  went  on  in- 
creasing the  sums  of  money  offered,  until  at  last  he  had  promised  fifty 
talents,  and  at  that  moment  the  child  cried  out:  'Father,  the  stranger 
will  do  thee  hurt,  if  thou  do  not  leave  him  and  go.'  Cleomenes 
then,  pleased  by  the  counsel  of  the  child,  departed  into  another  room, 
and  Aristagoras  went  away  from  Sparta  altogether,  and  had  no  fur- 
ther opportunity  of  explaining  any  further  about  the  way  up  from 
the  sea  to  the  residence  of  the  king." 


Battle  of 
Lade. 


Destruction 
of  Miletus. 


The  allies  opened  the  campaign  by  seizing  and  burning 
Sardis,  the  Persian  capital  of  Asia  Minor,  but  while  re- 
turning to  the  coast  they  were  defeated  near  Ephesus  by 
the  Persians;  whereupon  the  Athenians  abandoned  the 
enterprise.  A  long  and  desperate  struggle  ensued.  The 
decisive  factor  was  the  dissension  which  arose  among  the 
Greek  cities  and  it  was  to  this  that  the  great  defeat  which 
they  sustained  in  the  naval  battle  of  La'de  (494  B.C.)  was 
due.  Even  in  the  midst  of  the  engagement  the  Sa- 
mians  and  Lesbians  sailed  away,  abandoning  their  com- 
rades. Another  disaster  of  appalling  magnitude  followed. 
Miletus — at  that  time  the  largest  and  most  cultured  city 
in   the  entire   Greek  world — was  taken  by  storm  and 


Marathon  129 

razed  to  the  ground.  Persia  immediately  set  about  pun- 
ishing the  Greeks  of  the  peninsula  for  their  interference, 
while  Sparta  and  Athens,  with  a  boldness  born  rather  of 
ignorance  and  assurance  than  of  real  knowledge,  awaited 
the  attack.  The  first  expedition  commanded  by  Mar-  First  Per- 
donius,  the  king's  son-in-law,  consisted  of  a  land  army  pe"d°tion". 
and  a  fleet.  It  started  southward  from  the  Persian  pos- 
sessions on  the  north  ^Egean  through  Macedonia  in  492 
B.C.  But  the  fleet  was  shipwrecked  ofT  Mt.  Athos  and 
the  expedition  returned  in  disgrace.  A  second  attack  Second 
was  made  in  490  B.C.  by  a  force  which  sailed  straight  Expedition, 
across  the  sea  bound  for  Athens.  It  consisted  of  about 
20,000  men,  chiefly  foot-soldiers.  After  stopping  at  the 
island  of  Euboea  and  sacking  Eretria,  the  army  was 
landed  on  the  Attic  coast  in  the  hill-girt  plain  of  Mara- 
thon. The  Athenian  citizen  force  of  10,000  heavy  armed 
men  (hoplites),  aided  by  1,000  troops  of  the  neighboring 
city  of  Pla-taj'a,  occupied  the  heights  through  which  the 
road  passed  before  descending  to  the  city.  The  ten 
strategoi,  with  the  war  archon  at  their  head,  were  uncer- 
tain whether  to  meet  the  Persians  there  or  to  await  them 
behind  the  walls  of  Athens.  The  Persians  were  equally 
in  doubt  as  to  what  to  do.  Finally,  after  some  days,  Ihc  Miitiades. 
persuasions  of  one  of  the  strategoi,  Mil-ti'a-des,  were  suc- 
cessful in  inducing  the  Athenians  to  remain.  The  Per- 
sians also  decided  to  advance.  On  the  decisive  day  the 
war  archon  handed  over  the  chief  command  to  Miitia- 
des, He  extended  his  force  until  it  equalled  the  Per- 
sian front,  strengthening  his  wings  at  the  expense  of  the 
centre,  and  hurled  the  army  on  a  run  against  the  ad- 
vancing Persians.  The  strategy  was  successful,  for,  while 
his  centre  was  broken,  the  wings  wx're  victorious  and 


130 


The  Persian  Peril 


Marathon. 


Temporary 
Check  to 
Peisia. 


closed  in  upon-  the  Persians,  who  fled  to  their  ships.  The 
bows  and  arrows  and  Hght  wicker  shields  of  the  Persians 
proved  child's  weapons  against  the  spears  and  metal 
armor  of  the  Greeks.  Six  thousand  four  hundred  Per- 
sians were  slain  and  seven  ships  were  taken;  of  the  Athe- 
nians one  hundred  and  ninety-two  fell.  The  rest  of 
the  enemy  escaped  upon  the  ships,  and,  after  an  attempt 
to  surprise  Athens  while  denuded  of  its  defenders  had 
been  foiled  by  the  rapid  march  home  of  the  victors  of 
Marathon,  they  returned  to  Asia  Minor.  Two  days 
after  a  Spartan  force,  for  which  the  Athenians  had 
despatched  a  swift  messenger,  arrived  on  the  scene. 

1 66.  Significance  of  the  Victory. — 'The  victory  of 
Marathon  had  no  effect  upon  the  Persian  kirig  beyond 
making  him  more  determined  than  ever  to  conquer 
Greece.  To  him  it  was  only  a  temporary  check;  a  small 
force  had  been  defeated  in  a  somewhat  rash  enterprise. 
For  the  Greeks,  however,  the  victory  meant  everything, 
now  at  last  they  had  no  fear  of  Persia  and  were  ready 
to  meet  any  attack  however  formidable.  To  Athens 
especially  it  was  most  significant.  At  one  bound  she 
sprang  to  the  front  as  the  defender  of  Greek  freedom. 
Miltiades  shared  in  the  glory  and  became  the  first  citizen 
of  the  state.  Under  his  leadership  a  fleet  was  sent  out 
against  the  island  of  Pa'ros. 

167.  The  Ten  Years'  Respite. — The  Persians  were 
delayed  ten  years  before  attacking  again.  While  Darius 
was  making  his  preparations,  the  province  of  Egypt  re- 
belled (486  B.C.).  He  himself  died  the  next  year  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Xerxes.  During  this  time  impor- 
tant changes  were  taking  place  in  the  political  situation 
at  Athens.     A  failure  of  Miltiades  in  his  naval  expedition 


Policy  of  Themistocles  131 

brought  him  into  disgrace  with  the  Athenians;  he  died 
while  under  condemnation  by  the  people.  The  demo-  Democratic 
cratic  movement  was  greatly  aided  by  a  change  in  the  ^^^g"^^  *' 
constitution  by  which  the  archons  were  appointed  by  lot 
(487  B.C.).  In  this  arrangement  those  who  had  hitherto 
been  the  chief  administrative  officers  of  the  state  were 
henceforth  men  of  mere  average  attainment.  Hence  the 
people  found  new  leaders  in  the  strategoi  (§  161)  who 
were  still  elected,  not  chosen  by  lot.  It  was  arranged 
that  henceforth,  while  nine  strategoi  were  elected  by  the 
tribes,  one,  the  chief  strategos,  should  be  chosen  by  all 
the  people.  To  this  position,  therefore,  the  chief  man  The  Leader 
(the  demagogue,  "leader  of  the  demos")  in  the  state,  °^^^^^ 
was  usually  elected,  and  the  archons  fell  into  obscurity. 
168.  Aristides  and  Themistocles. — Under  this  arrange- 
ment two  men  came  prominently  forward  with  very  dif- 
ferent political  ideas.  Aristides,  a  man  of  exceptionally 
high  character,  thought  the  safety  of  Athens  and  her  great- 
ness lay  in  emphasizing  the  importance  of  her  heavy  armed 
citizen  soldiery  that  had  won  the  battle  of  Marathon. 
Themistocles,  the  opposing  statesman,  claimed  that  there  Policy  of 
was  no  hope  of  deliverance  except  in  the  creation  of  a  toci«r" 
naval  force  which  could  meet  the  Persians  on  the  sea  and 
beat  them  off.  He  urged  also  a  commercial  policy  as  the 
true  source  of  wealth  and  progress  for  Athens.  When 
in  493  B.C.  Themistocles  had  been  archon,  he  had  in- 
duced the  Athenians  to  change  their  harbor  to  the  roomy 
and  protected  bay  of  th*  Pi-rte'us,  and  now  he  urged  his 
naval  policy  more  vigorously.  He  persuaded  the  people 
to  devote  the  income  of  their  silver  mines  on  the  promon- 
tory of  Laurium,  usually  distributed  among  the  citizens, 
to  the  building  of  the  navy.     Opposition  was  overthrown 


132 


The  Persian  Peril 


by  the  "ostracism"  of  Aristides  in  482  B.C.,  and  in  480 
B.C.  a  fleet  of  nearly  two  hundred  triremes  was  ready. 
This  step  was  one  of  the  most  important  ever  taken  by 
Athens.  It  marked  out  her  future  career.  Had  Aris- 
tides won,  Athens  would  have  remained  a  state  in  which 
the  landholders  and  the  people  of  property,  who  made 
up  the  citizen  army,  would  have  been  the  chief  element  in 
the  state.  The  new  policy  turned  Athens  toward  the  sea. 
It  brought  into  prominence  and  importance  the  mer- 
chants and  tradesmen;  the  mass  of  the  poor  and  landless 
people,  hitherto  without  influence  in  the  state,  were  made 
as  necessary  for  the  fleet  as  the  hoplites  for  the  army. 
Hence,  the  policy  was  a  step  forward  toward  true  democ- 
racy within  the  state  and  toward  giving  Athens  a  leading 
place  in  the  greater  world  without. 

169.  The  Expedition  of  Xerxes. — The  preparations 
of  Xerxes  for  the  invasion  of  Greece  were  begun  by  483 
B.C.  The  plan  adopted  was  the  same  as  that  of  492  B.C. 
(§  165).  To  avoid  the  dangers  of  shipwreck  off  Mt. 
Athos  a  canal  was  cut  through  the  peninsula  on  which 
it  stood.  Bridges  were  thrown  across  the  streams  and 
magazines  of  stores  were  established.  An  army  and  a 
fleet,  which  represented  the  full  strength  of  the  empire, 
were  collected.  Xerxes  himself  took  the  command.  The 
Greeks  estimated  the  total  size  of  the  army  at  some- 
thing short  of  two  millions.  A  very  conserv^ative  esti- 
mate makes  the  number  of  first-class  fighting  men,  ex- 
clusive of  camp-followers,  about  one  hundred  thousand. 
The  fleet  numliered  abcnit  a  thousand  ships,  great  and 
small.  In  the  spring  of  480  B.C.  the  Hellespont  was 
crossed,  and  by  July  the  fleet  and  the  army  were  moving 
southward  to  the  borders  of  Thessaly. 


jyidoyalty  of  the  Oracle  1813 

170.  Dark  Outlook  for  the  Greeks. — The  outlook  for 
the  Greeks  was  dark.  To  the  demand  for  submission 
which  Xerxes  had  made,  through  heralds  sent  up  and 
down  the  land,  a  number  of  states  had  yielded.  The 
Thessalian  nobles,  Thebes  and  the  Boeotian  cities  under 
her  influence,  Argos  and  some  lesser  tribes,  were  either 
openly  or  secretly  on  the  Persian  side.  The  oracle  of 
Delphi  had  lost  all  hope  and  its  utterances  in  response 
to  anxious  inquiries  from  the  different  states  were  gloomy 
and  discouraging. 

Its  attitude  is  explained  by  Herodotus  in  the  following  passage: 

"For  the  Athenians  had  sent  men  to  Delphi  to  inquire  and  were  TheUn- 

preparing  to  consult  the  Oracle;  and  after  these  had  performed  the  P^'^iotic 

usual  rites  in  the  sacred  precincts,  when  they  had  entered  the  sanct-   of  Delphi. 

uary  and  were  sitting  down  there,  the  Pythian  prophetess,  whose 

name  was  Aristonike,  uttered  to  them  this  oracle: 

"  'Why  do  ye  sit,  O  ye  wretched?     Flee  thou  to  the  uttermost  limits, 
Leaving  thy  home  and  the  heights  of  the  wheel-round  city  behind 

thee! 
Lo,  there  remaincth  now  nor  the  head  nor  the  body  in  safety, — 
Neither  the  feet  below  nor  the  hands  nor  the  middle  are  left  thee,— 
All  are  destroyed  together;   for  fire  and  the  passionate  War-god, 
Urging  the  Syrian  car  to  speed,  doth  hurl  them  to  ruin. 
Not  thine  alone,  he  sliall  cause  many  more  great  strongholds  to  perish, 
Yea,  many  temples  of  gods  to  the  ravening  fire  shall  deliver, — 
Temples  which  stand  now  surely  with  sweat  of  their  terror  down- 
streaming. 
Quaking  with  dread;  and  lol  from  the  topmost  roof  to  the  pavement 
Dark  blood  trickles,  forecasting  the  dire  unavoidable  evil. 
Forth  with  you,  forth  from  the  shrine,  and  steep  your  soul  in  the 
sorrow ! ' 

"Hearing  tin's  the  men  who  had  been  sent  by  the  Athenians  to  cor 
suit  the  Oracle  were  very  greatly  distressed;   and  as  they  were  de- 
spairing by  reason  of  the  evil  wliicli  liad  been  prophesied  to  them, 


134 


The  Persian  Peril 


Timon  the  son  of  Androbulos,  a  man  of  the  Delphians  in  reputation 
equal  to  the  first,  counselled  them  to  take  a  suppliant's  bough  and  to 
approach  the  second  time  and  consult  the  Oracle  as  suppliants.  The 
Athenians  did  as  he  advised  and  said:  "Lord,  we  pray  thee  utter 
to  us  some  better  oracle  about  our  native  land,  having  respect  to  these 
suppliant  boughs  which  we  have  come  to  thee  bearing;  otherwise 
surely  we  will  not  depart  from  the  sanctuary,  but  will  remain  here 
where  we  are  now,  even  until  we  bring  our  lives  to  an  end."  When 
they  had  spoken  these  words,  the  prophetess  gave  them  a  second 
oracle  as  follows: 

"  'Pallas  cannot  prevail  to  appease  great  Zeus  in  Olympos, 
Though  she  with  words  very  many  and  wiles  close-woven  entreat  him. 
But  I  will  tell  thee  this  more,  and  will  clench  it  with  steel  adamantine: 
Then  when  all  else  shall  be  taken,  whatever  the  boundary  of  Kekrops 
Holdeth  within,  and  the  dark  ravines  of  divinest  Kithairon, 
A  bulwark  of  wood  at  the  last  Zeus  grants  to  the  Trito-born  goddess 
Sole  to  remain  unwasted,  which  thee  and  thy  children  shall  profit. 
Stay  thou  not  there  for  the  horsemen  to  come  and  the  footmen  un- 
numbered; 
Stay  thou  not  still  for  the  host  from  the  mainland  to  come,  but  re- 
tire thee. 
Turning  thy  back  to  the  foe,  for  yet  thou  shalt  face  him  hereafter. 
Salamis,  thou  the  divine,  thou  shall  cause  sons  of  women  to  perish. 
Or  when  the  grain  is  scattered  or  when  it  is  gathered  together.'  " 


Union  for 
Resistance. 


Gelon  of 
Syiacuse. 


A  council  of  the  states  that  proposed  to  offer  resist- 
ance met  at  Corinth,  The  Peloponnesian  league  under 
Sparta's  headship  was  naturally  the  chief  power;  Athens 
and  other  states  loyally  accepted  her  leadership.  The 
council  agreed  that  in  the  face  of  the  pressing  danger  all 
feuds  between  Greek  states  should  cease  and  a  general 
invitation  was  extended  to  all  to  unite  for  defence.  A 
special  request  for  help  was  sent  to  Gelon^  tyrant  of 
Syracuse,  who  ruled  over  the  cities  of  Sicily  and  possessed 
military  resources  beyond  those  of  any  other  state  in  the 


Thermopylce  135 

Greek  world.     But  Xerxes  had  made  an  alliance  with 
Carthage  (§§52,  117),  whereby  she  was  to  attack  the 
Greeks  of  Sicily.    Regained  thereby  a  valuable  ally.     For  Carthage 
Carthaere  had  now  drawn  under  her  control  all  the  Phoeni-  ^°^^^  ^"" 

f'  sia. 

cian  settlements  in  the  west,  and,  having  possession  of 
western  Sicily,  Sardinia,  the  coast  of  Spain  and  North 
Africa,  she  had  succeeded  in  converting  the  sea  which  they 
enclosed  into  a  Carthaginian  lake.  Within  these  waters 
she  had  established  a  commercial  monopoly  and  had 
drawn  from  it  fabulous  wealth.  This  enabled  her  to  main- 
tain a  powerful  fleet  and,  whenever  she  wished,  to  take  into 
her  employ  a  host  of  mercenary  troops.  She  now  ad- 
vanced to  the  conquest  of  all  Sicily.  Gelon  was,  therefore, 
unable  to  render  assistance  even  if  he  had  been  willing  to 
do  so.  The  plan  of  campaign  proposed  to  the  council  The  Greek 
of  Corinth  by  Themistocles  was  adopted;  it  was  simple  ^Im^a^i  a 
and  masterly.  On  land,  where  the  Persian  army  was 
so  much  larger,  a  battle  was  to  be  avoided  as  long  as 
possible;  a  naval  battle  was  to  be  sought  as  soon  as 
possible,  for  on  the  sea  the  opposing  forces  were  more 
nearly  equal.  It  was  thought  that,  if  the  Persian  fleet 
were  destroyed,  the  army  of  the  Great  King  would  not  be 
able  to  remain  in  Greece.  Having  made  these  prepara- 
tions, full  of  heroic  courage  and  undaunted  purpose,  the 
representatives  of  the  various  states  separated  and  the 
conflict  began. 

171.  Thermopylae.— In  accordance  with  the  plan,  a 
small  force  was  sent  forward  to  block  the  enemy's  ad- 
vance at  the  northern  mountain  border  of  Thessaly.  It 
was  found,  however,  that  there  were  too  many  passes 
thrbugh  the  mountains  to  make  a  defence  possible  at  this 
point,  and,  abandoning  Thessaly,  the  Greek  force  took 


136  The  Persian  Peril 

its  stand  on  the  heights  south  of  the  Thessalian  plain. 
Here  the  narrow  and  easily  defended  pass  of  Ther-mop'y- 
Leonidas  lai  forms  the  only  entrance  into  middle  Greece.  The 
300.  ^  Greeks  were  under  the  command  of  the  Spartan  king 
Le-on'i-das  and  consisted  of  about  seven  thousand  men, 
the  kernel  of  which  was  a  corps  of  three  hundred  Spartans. 
Xerxes  occupied  Thessaly  without  opposition,  and  by 
August,  480  B.C.,  advanced  to  Thermopylae  to  force  the 
pass.  The  battle  raged  for  two  days,  the  flower  of  the 
Persians  attacking  the  Greeks  in  the  narrow  defile  in 
vain.  On  the  third  day,  a  troop  was  sent  around  on  the 
heights  above  the  pass,  and  the  battle  was  renewed  from 
front  and  rear.  Retreat  had  been  possible  earlier  and 
the  bulk  of  the  defenders  had  retired,  but  Leonidas  and 
his  Spartans  remained  and  at  last  perished,  overpowered 
by  numbers.  After  the  war  was  over,  a  monument  was 
raised  upon  the  hillock  where  the  last  stand  was  made, 
a  lion  carved  in  stone  with  the  inscription: 

Stranger,  report  this  word,  we  pray,  to  the  Spartans,  that  lying 
here  in  this  spot  we  remain,  faithfully  keeping  their  laws. 

172.  The  Greek  Fleet. — Meanwhile  the  Persian  fleet, 
sailing  southward,  had  encountered  a  storm  which  de- 
troyed  some  four  hundred  ships.     The  remainder,  still 
Artemi.        ^  formidable  host,  advanced  to  the  Pag'a-sas^an  gulf.    The 
Eium.  Greek  fleet  was  gathered  at  Artemisium  on  the  north 

of  Euboea.  Several  encounters  took  place  without  de- 
cisive result,  when  the  news  of  Thermopylae  decided  the 
Greeks  to  withdraw  to  the  Saronic  gulf.  The  results 
thus  far  were  distinctly  unfavorable  to  the  Greeks.  The 
defeat  of  Thermopyke  opened  middle  Greece  to  the 
Persians,  while  the  Greek  fleet  had  not  gained  any  com- 


Salaviis 


137 


pensating  advantage.     The  decisive  struggle  still  to  come 
was  transferred  now  to  the  very  heart  of  the  peninsula. 

173.  Salamis. — Xerxes  moved  down  into  Bocotia  and 
took  possession  of  the  whole  middle  region.  The  Greeks 
still  pursuing  their  original  plan,  offered  no  resistance, 
but  awaited  the  Persians  at  the  isthmus  of  Corinth, 
where  they  built  a  wall  from  one  side  to  the  other  and 


stationed  the  Peloponnesian  army  under  the  command  of 
Cle-om'bro-tus  of  Sparta,  brother  of  Leonidas,     Athens,  Athenians 

.  .  •  1  1  •  Abandon 

therefore,  was  quite  unprotected,  and  measures  were  im-  Attica, 
mediately  taken  for  abandoning  the  country  and  trans- 
porting the  inhabitants  to  Salamis,  /Eguia  and  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus. Soon  the  Persians  came  down  and  occupied 
the  city.  The  Greek  fleet  of  about  three  hundred  ships 
was  now  drawn  up  between  Salamis  and  the  Attic  shore. 
There  was  great  uncertainty   among  the  commanders 


138  The  Persian  Peril 

whether  to  fight  the  oncoming  Persian  fleet  then  and 
there,  or  to  retreat  to  the  Peloponneslan  shore  in  order 
to  keep  in  touch  with  the  army.  Themistocles,  who  de- 
sired a  battle  where  the  Greeks  then  were,  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  Xerxes  to  warn  him  of  the  intended  flight  of  the 
Greeks.  The  Persian  king  immediately  sent  two  hun- 
dred Egyptian  vessels  to  block  up  the  western  outlets, 
while  the  main  fleet  was  stationed  in  front  of  the  Greeks 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  island.  When  the  news  was 
brought  by  Aristides,  who  had  been  recalled  from  exile, 
that  the  western  passage  was  occupied,  the  Greeks  saw 
themselves  forced  to  give  battle.  It  was  well  for  them 
that  the  battle  was  fought  here,  for,  in  the  narrow  straits, 
their  lighter  ships  and  smaller  numbers  counted  for 
much  more,  while  the  larger  Persian  fleet  was  crowded 
and  hampered.  About  the  28th  of  September,  480  B.C., 
the  fight  began  at  break  of  day,  and  by  night  the  Per- 
sians were  completely  beaten.  Xerxes,  whose  throne  had 
been  set  up  on  the  slope  of  Mt.  ^^-ga'le-os,  witnessed  the 
discomfiture  of  his  navy.  The  next  morning  the  remain- 
ing ships  bore  away  to  the  eastward  and  disappeared. 

174.  Effect  of  the  Battle.— Salamis  was  the  first  of  the 
battles  with  Persia  that  can  properly  be  called  a  deci- 
sive victory.  Its  consequences  appeared  at  once.  The 
Greeks  were  now  masters  of  the  sea.  The  Persian  army, 
without  the  support  of  a  fleet,  and  in  an  enemy's  country, 
must  depend  upon  itself  for  support  and  success.  A 
defeat  would  be  ruin.  Moreover,  should  the  Greeks  sail 
to  the  Hellespont,  they  could  cut  Xerxes's  communica- 
tions with  his  own  land,  stir  up  the  Ionian  cities  to  rebel- 
lion and  force  the  Persian  army  to  return  home.  That 
was  precisely  what  Themistocles  desired  the  fleet  to  do 


Platcea  139 

immediately  after  the  battle,  but  the  other  commanders  Exposure 
were  unwilling  to  venture  so  far  away  from  home.    Xerxes  grfg^k^N 
was  not  slow  in  grasping  the  situation.     He  decided  to  tack, 
go  back  at  once  to  Asia,  leaving  Mardonius  with  the  bulk 
of  the  army  to  push  forward  the  campaign  next  year. 

175.  Plataea. — The  Persian  army  withdrew  from  At- 
tica and  went  into  winter  quarters  in  Boeotia.  The  Athe- 
nians returned  to  their  fields  and  rebuilt  their  homes. 
As  spring  (479  B.C.)  came  on,  however,  it  was  clear  that 
unless  the  Peloponnesians  advanced  beyond  the  isthmus, 
Attica  would  again  be  laid  waste  by  the  Persians.  But  Athens 
in  spite  of  the  appeals  of  the  Athenians,  the  Spartans 
failed  to  move,  and  Athens  again  abandoned  was  burned 
to  the  ground.  Only  the  threat  of  the  Athenians  that 
they  would  make  peace  with  Mardonius,  who  had  given 
them  all  kinds  of  promises,  forced  the  advance  of  the 
Peloponnesians.  As  they  came  out  of  the  isthmus,  the 
Persians  retired  from  Attica  and  took  up  a  position  in 
the  vicinity  of  Plataea,  Mardonius  was  said  with  gross 
exaggeration  to  have  an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand 
men,  well  organized  and  equipped,  and  might  reasonably 
hope  for  victory  over  the  Greeks.  They  were  numbered 
at  about  one  hundred  thousand  men,  drawn  from  the  va- 
rious Peloponnesian  states  and  from  Athens,  under  the 
command  of  Pausanias,  the  Spartan.  The  two  opponents 
manoeuvred  for  some  days  before  Plataea,  both  sides  be- 
ing unwilling  to  lose  the  advantage  of  a  defensive  posi- 
tion. Finally,  however,  having  caught  Pausanias  in  the 
midst  of  a  movement  to  change  his  base  of  operations, 
Mardonius  hurled  his  finest  troops  upon  the  Spartan 
force.  But  the  Spartans  maintained  their  steadiness 
and  discipline  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  until  ordered 


140 


The  Persian  Perit 


to  charge.  As  at  Marathon,  so  heie,  the  onset  of  the 
hopHtes  was  irresistible.  They  tore  the  opposing  Per- 
sian force  in  pieces;  Mardonius  was  killed;  the  Persian 
camp  stormed.  The  Persian  general,  Ar-ta-ba^zus,  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  away  into  Asia  with  less  than  a  fifth  of 
the  army.  Thus,  as  Herodotus  said,  ''was  gained  by 
Pausanias  the  most  famous  victory  of  all  those  about 
which  we  have  knowledge." 

176.  Himera  and  Mycale.— During  these  years  two 
other  battles  were  fought  which  completed  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  Persians.  In  the  west,  Gelon  of  Syracuse 
(§  170),  who  was  attacked  by  the  Carthaginians  in  alliance 
with  Persia,  defeated  them  decisively  in  the  battle  of 
Him'e-ra  (480  B.C.),  said  to  have  been  fought  on  the  very 
day  of  Salamis.*  The  Greek  fleet,  which  had  been  in- 
active since  the  victory  of  Salamis,  sailed  in  479  B.C.  over 
to  Asia  Minor,  where  the  remnant  of  the  Persian  fleet  was 
protecting  the  coast.  On  the  approach  of  the  Greeks 
the  enemy's  fleet  was  drawn  up  under  protection  of  the 
army,  on  the  shore  of  the  promontory  of  Myc'a-le.  Here 
the  Greeks  attacked  them  and  won  a  complete  victory 
(479  B.C.)  .and  thus  gained  control  of  the  Ionian  coast. 
Not  a  Persian  ship  was  to  be  found  on  the  .^gean  sea. 
After  capturing  the  city  of  Sestos,  one  of  the  keys  to  the 
Hellespont,  the  fleet  returned  to  Greece. 


*  Gelon's  chief  ally  in  this  war  was  Theron  of  Ac'ra-gas.  Under  the 
rule  of  these  two  tyrants  and  that  of  Hi'e-ron,  who  succeeded  his  brother 
Gelon  in  478  B.C.,  Sicily  enjoyed  a  period  of  great  power  and  prosperity. 
There  was  no  more  brilliant  society  in  the  world  than  that  of  the  two 
island  courts.  To  them  went  the  most  distinguished  poets  of  the  eastern 
cities,  Pindar  and  ^s'chy-lus  (§  179),  Si-mon'i-des  and  Bac-chyl'i-des. 
The  greatest  exploit  of  Hieron  was  the  destruction  of  the  Etruscan  mari- 
time power  by  his  naval  victory  at  Cyme  In  474  B.C. 


Results  of  rirtory  141 

177.  Reasons  for  Greek  Success. — Thus  closed  the 
critical  years  which  resulted  in  warding  off  the  Persian 
attack  and  triumphantly  defending  the  independence  of 
Greece.  How  it  was  all  achieved,  the  Greeks  themselves 
hardly  knew.  We  see  that  (1)  the  Greek  infantry  with 
its  long  spears  was  more  than  a  match  for  the  Persian 
foot-soldiers  with  their  bows,  (2)  the  seamanship  of  the 
Greeks  was  better  than  that  of  the  Persians,  while  (3) 
the  strongest  part  of  the  Persian  army,  the  cavalry,  had 
no  chance  in  the  narrow  valleys  and  mountain  passes 
of  Greece.  (4)  The  union  of  the  Greeks,  limited  and 
defective  as  it  was,  and  (5)  the  consummate  statesman- 
ship of  Themistocles,  in  creating  and  enlarging  the  navy 
of  Athens  and  emphasizing  the  importance  of  the  con- 
trol of  the  sea,  had  no  small  part  in  securing  victory. 

178.  Twofold  Result  of  the  Struggle. — The  result  of  Greece  the 
the  conflict  may  be  said  to  have  been  twofold.     First,  pov^er  in 
it  emphasized  and  glorified  all  those  elements  of  Greok  '^^eWorid 
life  which  the  past  centuries  had  been  building  up — the 
consciousness  of  Greek  unity  in  the  face  of  the  outside 
world,   the   sentiments   of   independence,   of   patriotism 

and  of  freedom  that  had  come  to  be  the  life  of  every 
Greek  community.  Second,  it  made  Greece  a  world- 
power,  transferred  political  supremacy  from  the  east  to 
the  west  and  created  among  the  leading  Greek  states 
aspirations  after  wider  political  influence  and  authority 
for  which  opportunities  opened  on  every  side. 

179.  The  Literary  Echo.— Two  poets  of  the  time  re- 
vealed this  sense  of  the  power  and  glory  of  victorious 
Greece,     Pindar,  of  Boeotia  (about  522-448  B.C.),  might-  Pindar, 
iest  of  the  lyric  poets  (§  130),  gained  his  chief  fame  by 

his  choral  Odes,  glorifying   the  victors  in   the  national 


142  The  Persian  Peril 

games  (§  128).  They  were  sung  by  a  chorus  of  dancers 
on  the  return  of  the  hero  to  his  native  city.  In  them  he 
celebrated  all  those  characteristic  qualities  which  the 
Greek  revealed  in  the  Persian  struggle — his  manly  vigor, 
his  love  of  beauty,  his  deep  piety,  his  heroic  temper,  his 
joy  in  his  splendid  past,  his  freedom  and  moral  inde- 
pendence, his  serene  faith  in  the  higher  powers,  un- 
troubled by  doubt  or  fear.  yEschylus  (about  525-456 
B.C.),  the  tragedian  of  Athens,  himself  fought  at  Mara- 
thon and  Salamis,  and  celebrated  the  victories  in  his 
Persa,  a  tragedy  brought  out  In  472  B.C.,  in  which  he  de- 
picts the  doom  of  the  arrogant  king  who  sets  himself  up 
^schyius.  against  the  Almighty,  ^schylus  was  the  real  founder 
of  tragedy;  he  introduced  the  novelty  of  having  two 
actors  and  a  chorus,  thus  securing  effective  dramatic 
action.  In  his  plays  he  uses  the  mythical  and  legendary 
tales  of  the  heroes  of  old;  Pro-me'theus,  Agamemnon,  the 
Seven  against  Thebes,  are  some  of  his  titles.  He  is  the 
poet-preacher  of  righteousness,  of  the  punishment  of 
pride,  of  the  supremacy  of  moral  law  over  all  beings, 
divine  and  human,  of  the  inevitable  payment  for  sin 
wherever  committed.  He  mo\es  in  a  superhuman  world 
of  grand,  heroic,  sinful,  suffering  beings  over  whom 
hangs  the  penality  of  violated  right  and  truth.  The 
gods,  who  are  jealous  of  the  overweening  might  of  the 
Great  King  and  have  brought  him  to  ruin,  are  on  the 
watch  to  avenge  themselves  upon  such  a  spirit  every- 
where. So  he  warned,  while  he  uplifted,  the  souls  of  his 
generation,  and  spoke  words  that  live  forever. 

180.  The  Birth  of  Greek  Imperialism. — We  have  seen 
that  the  Greek  states  assumed  new  political  importance 
in  the  world  as  the  result  of  their  victory.     This  was 


The  Persian  Peril  143 

certain  to  transform  Greek  politics.  Not  the  petty  Greek 
communities,  but  only  the  leaders  could  enter  into  the 
race  for  world-power.  In  the  struggle  of  these  leaders 
with  each  other  could  Greek  unity  be  preserved  or  Greek 
independence  be  maintained  ?  These  were  the  problems 
that  sprang  up  when  the  fight  for  freedom  from  Persian 
supremacy  was  won.  Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  Greek 
imperialism  was  the  child  of  the  Persian  Wars. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  noted: 
Persepolis,  Miletus,  Marathon,  Laurium,  Mt.  Athos,  Helles- 
pont, Plataea,  Mycale,  Himera?  2.  Who  were  Mardonius, 
Cyrus,  yEschylus,  Leonidas,  Gelon,  Aristides?  3.  What  is 
meant  by  tragedy,  strategos,  lyric  poetry,  mythical,  legendary, 
imperialism,  ostracism? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  attitude  of  the  Lyd- 
ians  and  the  Persians  toward  the  Ionian  cities  (§  117).  2. 
Compare  the  growth  of  the  Persian  empire  (§§  74,  75,  81,  84) 
with  that  of  the  Greek  states.  3.  Compare  the  relation  of 
the  Persian  armies  to  the  Persian  government  (§  81)  with 
that  of  the  Greek  armies  toward  their  governments.  4.  Plan 
an  attack  on  Greece  by  Persia  and  the  Greek  means  of  resist- 
ance to  the  attack.  5.  Read  Browning's  "Echetlos"  as  an 
interpretation  of  Greek  spirit. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Ionian  Revolt,  Bury,  pp. 
241-247.  2.  The  Campaign  of  Marathon.  Bury,  pp.  247-257. 
3.  Themistocles  and  His  Policy.  Bury,  pp.  263-264.  4.  The 
Campaign  of  Xerxes.  Bury,  pp.  265-296.  5.  Sicily  in  the  Per- 
sian Wars.     Bury,  pp.  296-304. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Ionian 
Revolt.  Moray,  pp.  174-176;  Botsford,  pp.  110-115;  Shuck- 
burgh,  pp.  111-123.  2.  The  Campaign  of  Marathon.  Shuck- 
burgh,  pp.  128-136;  Zimmern,  pp.  141-147.  3.  Themistocles 
and  His  Policy.  Plutarch,  Life  of  Themistocles;  Botsford,  pp. 
124-126;  Morey,  pp.  181-184;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  138-142.  4. 
The  Campaign  of  Xerxes.  Botsford,  pp.  127-136;  Morey,  pp. 
J84-192;    Shuckburgh,  pp.   142-171;    Zimmern,  pp.   148-191.     5, 


144  Rivalry  of  Athens  a  fid  Sparta 

Incidents  of  the  Battle  of  Salamis.  Ilcnxlolus,  VIII,  §§  40- 
42,  49-96.  6.  jEschylus.  Capps,  eh.  S;  Jcbb,  pp.  73-83;  Mur- 
ray, pp.  109-116.  7.  Sicily  in  the  Persian  Wars.  Botsford,  pp. 
136-139. 

181.  The  Maritime  Power  of  Athens. — Out  of  the 
struggle  against  the  Persian  invaders  two  Greek  powers 
Athens  the  came  forth  to  reap  the  fruits  of  victory.  Sparta,  as  the 
Sparta.  head  of  the  Peloponnesian  league,  had  been  officially 
recognized  as  the  leader  in  the  conflict;  but  the  heroic, 
determined  and  far-sighted  activities  of  Athens  during 
the  wars  had  given  her  a  foremost  place  in  the  estima- 
tion of  all  patriotic  Greeks.  Hence,  the  coming  years 
reveal  her  as  the  rival  of  Sparta  for  the  headship  among 
the  Greek  states. 

Herodotus  testifies  to  the  service  of  Athens  in  the  great  struggle 
as  follows:  "If  a  man  should  now  say  that  the  Athenians  were  the 
saviors  of  Greece,  he  would  not  exceed  the  truth.  For  they  truly 
held  the  scales;  and  whichever  side  they  espoused  must  have  carried 
the  day.  They,  too,  it  was  who,  when  they  had  determined  to  main- 
tain the  freedom  of  Greece,  roused  up  that  portion  of  the  Greek 
nation  which  had  not  gone  over  to  the  Medes;  and  so,  next  to  the 
gods,  they  repulsed  the  invader." 

Predica-  1 82.  Sparta  Loses  Naval  Command  to  Athens. — The 

first  task  which  awaited  the  victors  was  to  drive  the  Per- 
sians from  the  coasts  of  the  ^gean  sea  and  deliver  the 
Asiatic  Greeks  from  Persian  domination.  The  Greek 
fleet  under  the  Spartan  king  Pausanias  (§  175)  under- 
took this  task.  That,  as  things  were,  it  must  prove  too 
great  an  undertaking  for  a  state  like  Sparta  >4rith  not 
more  than  four  thousand  citizens,  who,  moreover,  lacked 
money,  ships  and  maritime  experience,  and  had,  besides, 
to  stand  on  guard  at  home  against  a  serf  population  of 


Sparta. 


The  Delian  Confederacy  14.5 

sixty  thousand  males,  was  foreseen  by  both  Pausanias 
and  the  authorities  at  home;  but  whereas  the  latter  were 
loath  to  conduct  naval  operations  in  far  distant  Asia, 
the  over-ambitious  victor  of  Plataea  was  set  on  keeping 
his  own  country  at  the  head  of  all  Greek  enterprises, 
even  though  to  do  so  he  must  secure  the  assistance  of 
Persia.  He  accordingly  offered  his  services  to  the  Great 
King  as  satrap  of  Greece  and  conducted  himself  as  the 
master  and  not  as  the  leader  of  the  forces  serving  under  his 
command.  His  arrogance  together  with  the  indifference  of 
the  ruling  powers  at  Sparta,  however,  provoked  a  prompt 
reaction  which  resulted  in  the  transference  of  the  lead- 
ership to  the  Athenians  under  Aristides  (§  i68).  They 
had  by  far  the  largest  number  of  ships  and  hence  an  irre- 
sistible claim  to  naval  command.  The  work  was  brill- 
iantly accomplished.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  iso- 
lated cities,  the  Greek  settlements  on  the  entire  ^-Egean 
coast  and  in  the  eastern  Mediterranean  as  far  as  Cyprus 
were  made  free. 

183.  The  Delian  Confederacy  Formed. — It  was  clear, 
however,  that  this  freedom  could  be  maintained  only 
by  presenting  a  united  front  to  the  enemy.  Hence, 
a  new  league  sprang  into  being  under  the  headship  of 
Athens — a  league  of  the  .-Egean  cities.  Large  and  small 
alike,  they  banded  together  to  furnish  a  fleet  for  defence 
and  offence  against  Persia  (478  b.c).  Those  who  were 
unable  or  unwilling  to  furnish  ships  contributed  yearly 
a  sum  of  money.  The  amount  of  the  contribution  in  Aristides 
each  case  was  left  to  Aristides  to  determine,  according 
to  his  judgment  of  the  resources  of  each  city.  The 
pre-eminence  of  Athens  was  also  recognized  by  giving 
her  the  command  of  the  united  fleet  and  by  arranging 


the  Just. 


146  Rivalry  of  Athens  and  Sparta 

that  the  yearly  contributions  should  be  collected  by  her. 
The  total  sum  assessed  upon  the  cities  amounted  to  four 
hundred  and  sixty  talents.  The  money  was  placed  in 
the  sanctuary  of  Apollo  on  the  island  of  Delos.  There 
the  representatives  of  the  various  cities  met  to  deliberate 
upon  common  interests.  Hence  the  league  received  the 
name  of  the  Delian  Confederacy. 

184.  Athens  Rebuilt. — Meanwhile  the  Athenians  at 
home  under  the  guidance  of  Themistocles  were  making 
rapid  strides  forward.  He  saw  clearly  into  the  political 
situation — the  opportunity  for  Athens  to  take  its  place  at 
the  head  of  the  Greek  world.  If  Aristides  was  the  active 
agent  of  the  advance  of  the  city  abroad,  he  supplied  the 
vital  energy  for  the  forward  movement.  Under  his  in- 
spiration Athens  rose  again  from  her  ruins  larger  than 

Themis-  before  and  was  surrounded  by  a  strong  wall.  The 
statesman.  Spartans,  wishing  to  have  Athens  defenceless,  tried  to 
prevent  the  building  of  the  wall,  but  Themistocles,  going 
to  Sparta,  deceived  them  by  a  clever  ruse  *  until  the 
wall  had  reached  such  a  height  that  interference  was  im- 
possible. The  Piraeus,  the  port  of  Athens,  was  fortified 
and  its  harbors  protected  by  moles.  Some  years  after- 
ward (458  B.C.)  the  city  and  the  port  were  joined  by  Long 
Walls,  a  device  which  freed  Athens  from  fear  of  assault 
by  land  and  gave  her  unhindered  access  to  the  sea. 
Thus  she  became  independent  of  Spartan  interference 
and  was  able  to  direct  all  her  energies  to  establishing  her 
maritime  supremacy. 

185.  The  New  Commercial  Situation. — ^The  revival 
and  extension  of  Greek  commerce  assisted  in  bring- 
ing about  Athenian  predominance.     With  the  driving  of 

*  See  Thucydides,  I,  90/. 


111  i  s||2.l'l|r|  8  s^  a|||- 


The  Athenian  Empire  147 

the  Persians  from  the  ^gcan  and — it  might  almost  be 
added — from  the  Mediterranean,  the  sea-trade,  already 
in  Greek  hands,  increased  enormously.  It  was  natural 
that  the  bulk  of  this  trade  should  centre  about  Athens. 
The  cities  of  the  Asia  Minor  coast  were  cut  off  from 
trading  with  the  interior  because  of  the  hostility  of  Persia. 
The  other  towns  on  the  iEgean  were  small.  All  were 
inclined  to  follow  the  lead  of  Athens  in  commercial  as  in 
political  matters.  Thus  the  immense  increase  of  Greek  Commerce 
commerce  contributed  to  her  upbuilding.  She  became  Athens, 
the  chief  mart  where  ships  gathered  from  the  entire 
Greek  world.  The  only  formidable  rival  was  Corinth, 
whose  connections  with  the  west  were  many  and  close. 
Athens's  commercial  supremacy  naturally  opened  the  way 
for  her  political  predominance.  She  made  many  com-  Political 
mercial  treaties  with  her  allies,  an  important  condition  Athens  in 
of  which  was  that  a  great  many  of  the  difficulties  rising  '^^  ^°°' 
out  of  trade  should  be  adjusted  in  the  Athenian  law- 
courts  in  accordance  with  Athenian  law.  From  this  it 
was  natural  to  go  on  to  require  that  other  disagreements 
should  follow  the  same  course,  until  finally  the  majority 
of  the  cases  at  law  among  the  members  of  the  league 
were  tried  at  Athens.  The  advantages  of  this  system 
were  great.  One  code,  and  that  the  best  in  all  Greece, 
was  extended  over  many  communities  whose  sense  of 
justice  had  not  become  so  fine  and  high  as  that  of  Athens. 
Yet  it  meant  for  them  the  giving  up  to  Athens  of  one  of 
the  sovereign  powers  of  the  state — the  administration  of 
justice — and  placed  Athens  in  a  position  in  which  she 
became  greater  than  a  mere  ally. 

1 86.  Development  of  Athens  into  an  Imperial  State. 
— Other  things  tended  to  push  her  forward.     The  Per- 


148  Rivalry  of  Athens  and  Sparta 

sians  were  not  able  to  make  head  against  so  formidable 
a  league  and  ceased  to  attempt  opposition.  Hence,  as 
fear  of  their  attacks  lessened,  the  allies  began  to  feel 
that  union  for  defence  against  them  was  not  so  necessary. 
The  yearly  contributions  were  made  more  grudgingly. 
Athens  Some  citics'  were  even  desirous  of  withdrawing.  But 
R-^ghrto  Athens  held  rightly  that  as  the  union  of  states  had  brought 
s:cede.  about  this  Condition  of  safety,  so  only  a  continuance  of 
the  union  could  maintain  it;  hence,  that  states  delinquent 
in  their  contributions  should  be  forced  to  pay  and  those 
who  attempted  to  withdraw  should  be  compelled  to 
remain.  Thus,  when  Naxos  rebelled  in  467  B.C.  and 
Tha'sos  in  465  B.C.,  they  were  reduced  to  subjection  by 
the  Athenian  fleet.  The  Delian  Confederacy  was  fast  be- 
coming an  Athenian  imperial  state. 

187.  Fall  of  Pausanias  and  Themistocles. — Naturally, 
Sparta  had  regarded  the  rise  of  Athens  with  disfavor,  and 
recognizing  Themistocles  as  its  author,  desired  his  down- 
fall. Through  his  diplomacy  her  opposition  to  the  build- 
ing of  the  fortifications  of  Athens  (§  184)  had  amounted  to 
nothing.  She  had  been  .unable  to  make  much  headway 
because  of  troubles  at  home  occasioned  by  the  ambition  of 
King  Pausanias.  He  recklessly  aimed  at  making  himself 
lord  of  Sparta  and  thereby  of  all  Greece.  He  had  entered 
into  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  Persians:  now 
he  intrigued  with  the  Helots  (§  143)  to  induce  them  to 
Rise  of  rebel.  At  Athens,  moreover,  the  influence  of  Themis- 
tocles began  to  wane  before  that  of  Cimon,  the  son  of 
Miltiades,  the  hero  of  Marathon.  He  was  a  high-born, 
rich,  genial,  successful  general  who  had  succeeded  Aris- 
tides  in  the  command  of  the  Athenian  fleet.  He  was  no 
far-seeing  statesman  like  Themistocles,  but,  for  that  very 


Cimon. 


Grovcth  of  Democracy  149 

reason,  was  nearer  the  majority  who  failed  to  follow  the 
greater  leader  in  his  radical  plans  for  Athenian  empire. 
Cimon's  policy  was  conservative.  He  favored  continuing 
war  on  Persia  and  renewing  friendship  with  Sparta.  In 
the  end  Themistocles  was  ostracized  (471  B.C.).  Later, 
ivhen  the  Spartans  got  rid  of  their  difficulties  with  Pausa- 
nias  by  putting  him  to  death,  they  claimed  to  find  evidence 
in  his  papers  that  Themistocles  had  joined  in  his  trea- 
sonable plans.  The  exile  was  forced  to  find  refuge  with 
the  Persians,  where  he  died  some  years  after.  Cimon's  cimon, 
leadership  of  Athens  was  marked  by  a  splendid  victory  Athens 
over  the  Persians  at  the  Eu-rym'e-don  (466  B.C.)  and  by   ^S'°''^^'^ 

B.C.)' 

his  bringing  aid  to  the  Spartans  in  their  struggles  with 
the  Helots  of  Messenia  who  had  taken  advantage  of  an 
earthquake  at  Sparta  to  try  again  to  regain  their  liberty 
(§  146).  But  the  Spartans  discourteously  discharged  the 
troops  which  he  had  brought  to  help  them  in  their  siege  of 
I-tho'me,  where  the  Helots  had  entrenched  themselves, 
and  he  returned  in  disgrace. 

188.  Democracy  Popular  in  the  Greek  World. — An- 
other Ccluse  of  Sparta's  suspicion  of  Athens,  besides  that 
occasioned  by  her  sudden  rise  to  power,  was  the  influ- 
ence of  her  democratic  constitution.  Her  vigor  and  hero- 
ism in  the  Persian  struggle  had  rightly  been  attributed 
to  her  democratic  spirit,  and,  along  with  her  advance- 
ment, democratic  ideas  and  institutions  had  begun  to  be 
popular  elsewhere.  When  the  Ionian  cities  were  freed 
from  the  Persian  yoke,  they  set  up  democratic  govern- 
ments. The  impulse  spread  to  the  Peloponnesus,  where 
Argos,  Arcadia  and  Elis  became  democratic.  In  the  far 
west  the  cities  of  Sicily  followed  the  same  example;  Syra- 
cuse established  a  democracy  on  the  death  of  the  tyrant 


150  Rivalry  of  Athens  and  Sparta 

Hieron  (467  B.C.),  the  successor  of  Gelon  (§  176).  In  al- 
most every  city  of  Greece,  even  in  aristocratic  states  like 
those  of  Bceotia,  a  democratic  party  appeared  which  fol- 
lowed in  the  footsteps  of  Athens  and  looked  to  her  for 
support.  It  was  not  strange  that  Sparta,  which  had  been 
steadily  growing  more  aristocratic  as  her  pure-blooded 
Spartan  citizens  grew  fewer  and  fewer  in  number,  should 
view  this  state  of  things  with  increasing  uneasiness,  and 
take  a  firmer  stand  in  favor  of  oligarchy  against  democ- 
racy in  general,  and  especially  against  Athens,  its  exem- 
plar. 

189.  Growth  of  Democracy  at  Athens. — During  these 
years  the  government  at  Athens  was  coming  more  and 
more  into  the  hands  of  the  people.  The  provisions  of 
the  constitutions  of  Solon  and  Cleisthenes  (§§  159,  161) 
were  broadened  or  changed  in  their  interest.  But  the 
council  of  the  Areopagus  (§  156),  by  possessing  the 
sole  right  to  pass  upon  the  legality  of  acts  and  proposi- 
tions and  to  supervise  the  magistrates,  was  a  check  to 
their  power  in  public  assembly  and  law-courts.  Its 
organization  out  of  a  special  class  of  ex-ofhcikls  and 
its  self-perpetuating  character  were  likewise  inconsistent 
with  popular  government.  Hence,  new  leaders  of  the  de- 
mocracy, Eph-i-al'tes  and  Pericles,  induced  the  people  to 
pass  a  law  which  deprived  it  of  these  powers  (462  B.C.). 
This  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  policy  of  the  con- 
servatives under  Cimon,  and  the  victory  of  the  democ- 
racy, aided  by  the  failure  of  his  Spartan  policy  (§  187), 
was  followed  by  his  ostracism  (461  B.C.).  The  powers 
taken  from  the  Areopagus  were  divided  between  the  coun- 
cil of  five  hundred  (§§  159, 161),  theheliaea  (§  159)  and  the 
public  assembly.     To  the  Areopagus  was  left  simply  the 


ture  of  the 
Ecclesia. 


Athenian  Democracy  151 

trial  of  murder  cases.    A  little  later,  in  457  B.C.,  the  office  Fan  of  the 
of  archon  was  opened  to  the  less  wealthy  citizens,  the     "°p^^"^- 
zeugitae  (§  159),  and  from  this  time  on  few  differences  in 
respect  to  political  privileges  or  opportunities  separated 
the  rich  from  the  poor,  the  noble  from  the  ignoble. 

190.  The  Athenian  Council  (Boule). — In  general,  the 
government  was  undertaken  by  the  citizens  themselves 
in  public  assembly  (ec-cle'si-a).  The  ecclesia  imposed 
certain  limitations  upon  its  own  activity.  All  measures, 
whether  dealing  with  foreign  affairs  or  simply  administra- 
tive acts,  must  first  pass  through  the  council  and  be  pre- 
sented by  it  to  the  ecclesia.  The  council,  however,  was  as  a  Minia- 
close  a  miniature  of  the  ecclesia  as  could  possibly  be  con- 
structed. It  consisted  of  500  men  designated  by  lot  from 
the  entire  population  of  Attica  (§  161),  each  of  the  170 
villages  or  wards  (demes)  being  given  the  number  of  rep- 
resentatives to  which  its  population  entitled  it.  Accord- 
ingly, all  interests  and  localities  could  get  their  desires 
known  in  the  council.  This  served,  therefore,  to  admit 
all  popular  measures  and  yet  to  provide  the  ecclesia  with 
a  programme  of  business  which  did  not  contain  a  lot  of 
ill-considered,  unseasonable  or  useless  propositions.  The 
Athenians  knew  that  it  was  suicidal  for  the  general  as- 
sembly to  waste  time  considering  such  proposals. 

191.  The  Athenian  Administration. — ^Moreover,  the 
ecclesia,  which  met  at  intervals  of  about  a  week,  could 
exercise  only  intermittent  control  over  the  administration; 
hence  the  council  was  empowered  to  act  for  it  in  this 
matter  also.  Since  no  man  could  serve  in  the  council  for 
more  than  two  terms,  and  since  its  members  were  des- 
ignated by  lot,  it  was  always  a  body  of  average  citizens 
without  any  special  fitness  or  experience.     Hence  it  took 


152  Rlvah^y  of  Athens  and  Sparta 

orders  readily  from  the  ecclesia.  Such  a  body  could 
not  supervise  the  work  of  officials,  if  these  were  strong 
men,  of  long  service,  and  unrestrained  by  colleagues. 
Adminis-  Hcncc  the  Athenians  intrusted  their  civil  administra- 
Committees  tion  for  single  terms  of  one  year  only  to  a  large  number 
Chosen  by  ^f  committccs  of  ten  members  each,  whom  the  lot  desig- 
nated. Seven  such  committees  had  to  do  solely  with  the 
receipt  and  distribution  of  public  moneys,  which  private 
contractors  collected;  three  others  had  to  act  as  inspec- 
fhe  Audit,  tors  In  the  market-place.  All  were  directed  in  their 
routine  business  by  the  council  to  whose  auditing  com- 
mittee they  had  to  give  a  monthly  accounting;  all  took 
instructions  on  matters  of  general  policy  from  the  ecclesia 
to  whose  three  auditing  committees  they  had  to  render 
an  account  of  the  whole  year's  transactions.  Upon  this 
account  the  heliasa  must  finally  pass  before  the  officials 
received  an  honorable  discharge.  So  many  new  senators 
and  new  magistrates  were  required  every  year  that  it  was 
difficult  for  an  Athenian  to  escape  either  of  these  duties. 
Hence  the  citizens  generally  gained  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  details  of  government,  which  enabled  them 
to  perform  their  duties  as  members  of  the  ecclesia  with 
knowledge  and  rapidity.  Without  keeping  in  mind  the 
fact  that,  as  Grote  puts  it,  the  intelligence  and  experience 
of  the  average  Athenian  citizen  was  as  great  as  that  of  the 
members  of  the  British  House  of  Commons,  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  understand  how  a  general  assembly  of  from  five 
thousand  to  fifty  thousand  men  could  manage  the  affairs 
of  a  great  empire. 

192.  The  Athenian  Ecclesia. — The  ecclesia,  however, 
did  not  act  without  putting  further  checks  upon  its  own 
authority.     Thus  all  alterations  in  the  law-code  of  Solon, 


Governvient  by  the  People  153 

which  was  the  nearest  equivalent  in  Athens  to  a  written 
constitution,  must  be   finally  approved   by  the   hcliaea. 
Moreover,  to  keep  citizens  from  making  vicious  or  wil- 
ful changes  the  regulation  was  made  that  anyone  who 
proposed  a  new  law  or  decree  was  liable  to  prosecution, 
if  it  was  found  to  be  contrary  to  existing  law.     Yet,  even  The  e-- 
with  these  limitations,  the  power  of  the  ecclesia,  both  in   ^e^Govern- 
its  direct  administrative  activity  and  its  indirect  authority  ™^°t' 
over  all  officials,  was  very  great.     It  declared  war,  made 
peace,  controlled  finance,  directed  commerce,  maintained 
and  guarded  religion, determined  home  and  foreign  policy. 

193.  The  Athenian  Law-Courts. — As  the  citizens  in 
public  assembly  governed  the  state,  so  in  the  law-courts 
or  heliaea  they  administered  justice  directly.  Most  cases, 
whether  civil  or  criminal,  came  before  them.  For 
practical  work  the  whole  body  was  divided  into  sec- 
tions called  dicasteries,  each  numbering  from  two  hun- 
dred to  one  thousand  citizens  or  even  more.  Those 
who  came  before  the  court  pleaded  their  cause  them- 
selves. No  lawyers  were  permitted  to  speak,  though  Absence  of 
soon  a  class  of  men  appeared  who  wrote  speeches  for 
delivery  by  the  pleaders.  As  the  same  citizens  acted  as 
judges  and  legislators,  it  was  presumed  that  they  knew 

the  law  and  passed  judgment  according  to  it.  And 
though  the  dangers  of  prejudice  and  ignorance  were  not 
always  avoided,  the  legal  system  and  the  judicial  fair- 
ness of  the  law-courts  of  Athens  were  superior  to  those 
anywhere  else  in  the  world. 

194.  The  Citizens  as  Officials. — This  active  conduct 
of  the  state  by  its  citizens  meant  that  all  had  a  part  in 
it.  It  has  been  estimated  that  each  man  was  brought 
into  the  service  of  the  state  as  an  official  at  least  once 


154  Rivalry  of  Athens  and  Sparta 


Indemnity 
for  Public 
Service. 


in  sixteen  years,  besides  taking  part  in  the  law-courts  and 
the  ecclesia.  Much  time  was  required  for  these  duties, 
and  this  could  be  spared  with  difficulty  from  daily  work. 
Hence,  pay  for  certain  kinds  of  state  service  was  intro- 
duced. Members  of  the  council  received  a  drachma — 
twenty  cents — a  day,  and  the  jurors  in  the  helisea  two  obols 
— six  cents — a  day.*  Attendance  at  the  assembly  was  not 
paid  nor  did  the  military  officials  receive  any  indemnity. 
195.  The  Strategos. — But  who  was  to  lead  the  citizens 
in  their  public  assembly  and  suggest  lines  of  policy  and 
courses  of  action  ?  In  theory  this  was  the  privilege  of  any 
citizen.  But  the  Athenians  had  not  developed  that  con- 
fidence in  themselves  as  individuals,  nor  had  they  entirely 
lost  that  dependence  upon  the  aristocratic  families,  which 
would  permit  them  to  turn  their  theory  into  practice.  We 
have  already  seen  that  the  strategoi  occupied  the  most 
honorable  positions  in  the  state  (§  167)  and  that  the  chief 
strategos  was  elected  by  the  public  assembly.  The  man 
elected  was  regularly  the  head  of  the  strongest  party  in 
Athens,  and  in  this  dual  capacity  he  took  the  position 
The  Leader  of  leader  of  the  demos,  "demagogue."  His  position  was 
Demos.  entirely  unofficial.  It  gave  him  no  legal  power.  He  led 
the  people  because  he  was  able  to  persuade  them  that  his 
plans  and  policy  were  the  best.  Themistocles,  Aristides 
and  Cimon  are  examples  of  such  leadership.  And  at  this 
time  came  forward  another  who,  by  virtue  of  his  descent, 
personality  and  character,  guided  the  history  of  Athens 
Pericles  the  for  thirty  years.  This  was  Pericles,  a  member  on  his 
Athenian  mother's  sidc  of  the  noble  family  of  the  Alcmaeonidae  to 
Politics.        which  Cleisthenes  had  belonged.     In  the  conflicts  about 

*  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  purchasing  power  of  money  was 
much  greater  then  than  now. 


Pericles  155 

the  overthrow  of  the  Areopagus,  Ephiahes  had  been 
murdered,  and  with  his  death  Pericles  stood  alone  as  the 
leader  of  the  democracy.  The  changes  that  have  been 
described,  which  turned  the  government  into  a  practical 
rule  of  the  people,  were  made  under  his  direction. 
Though  he  was  an  aristocrat  who  knew  and  maintained 
his  distance  from  the  people  with  a  dignity  that  often 
seemed  coldness,  he  nevertheless  took  their  cause  to  his 
heart,  awed  and  convinced  them  by  his  incorruptible  and 
lofty  ideals,  and  swayed  them  by  his  clear  and  glowing 
eloquence.  Trusted  and  followed  by  the  citizens,  he  ruled 
them  as  their  servant,  and  moulded  the  destiny  of  the  state 
as  no  king  or  tyrant  could  ever  do. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  events  are  connected  with  the 
names  of  Pausanias,  Cimon,  Themistocles,  Aristides?  2.  For 
what  are   the   following   places  noted :    Delos,  Eurymedon? 

3.  What  was  the  date  of  the  founding  of  the  Delian  Confeder- 
acy; of  the  ostracism  of  Themistocles?  4.  What  is  meant 
by  Areopagus,  heliaea,  ecclesia,  drachma,  dicastery,  Helot? 
5.  What  weight  had  the  ecclesia  in  legislation? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  Delian  Confederacy 
with  the  Peloponnesian  League  (§  154).  2.  Compare  Athens 
in  the  years  500  b.c.  and  476  n.c. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Confederacy  of  Delos. 
Bury,  pp.  328-330.  2.  Themistocles  and  the  Recovery  of 
Athens.  Bury,  pp.  330-334.  3.  Fall  of  Pausanias  and  Themis- 
tocles. Bury,  pp.  324-326,  334-336.  4.  Athens  and  the  Con- 
federacy.    Bury,  pp.   336-342.     5.  Cimon.     Bury,   pp.  342-345. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Con- 
federacy of  Delos.  Money,  ])]).  205-207;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  173- 
176.  2.  Themistocles  and  the  Recovery  of  Athens.  Moray, 
pp.  202-205;  Zimmern,  192-197.  3.  Fall  of  Pausanias  and 
Themistocles.     Shuckburgh,  pp.  178-181;   Zimmern,  pp.  19S-204. 

4.  Athens  and  the  Confederacy.  Botsford,  pp.  1 51-153.  5. 
Cimon.  Plutarch,  Life  of  Cimon;  Morey,  pp.  207-209;  Zimmern, 
pp.  205-213;    Botsford,  pp.   152-156. 


156  Age  of  Pericles 

196.  The  Age  of  Pericles. — The  thirty  years  (461- 
431  B.C.)  of  the  leadership  of  Pericles  is  the  supreme 
period  of  the  Athenian  state.  It  reached  the  highest 
place  of  wealth,  culture  and  power.  To  Pericles  and 
his  wise  direction  of  affairs  this  state  of  things  was 
largely  due,  and  the  period  is  properly  called  the  "Age 
of  Pericles."  As  the  scene  includes  the  whole  of  Greece, 
we  shall  take  advantage  of  it  to  study,  with  Athens  as 
the  central  point:  (a)  the  inner  life  of  the  Greek  world 
in  its  general  features,  and  (b)  the  political  condition  and 
course  of  affairs,  as  they  prepared  the  way  for  the  civil 
wars  which  gave  Greece  her  death-blow. 

197.  The  Inner  Life  of  Greece. — The  chief  charac- 
teristic of  the  age  is  the  growth  of  city  life.  The  at- 
tempts of  Solon  and  Pisistratus  (§§  159,  160)  to  better 
the  lot  of  the  Attic  peasants  had  broken  up  many  of  the 
large  estates  and  made  Attica  a  country  of  small  farmers. 
But  at  the  same  time,  with  the  improvement  of  agricult- 
ural conditions,  the  opportunities  for  making  a  living  in 
the  city  and  enjoying  life  there  grew  greater,  and  multitudes 

Growth  of  of  countrymen  flocked  thither.  The  attractions  of  trade 
also  brought  large  numbers  of  foreigners  to  reside  more 
or  less  permanently  in  Athens  and  other  cities.  The  result 
was  that  city  populations  reached  their  highest  point.  Ac- 
cording to  probable  estimates,  Athens  numbered  upward 
of  150,000  people;  Syracuse  was  not  far  behind;  Corinth 
and  yEgina  reached  about  60,000;  Sparta  and  Argos  were 
much  smaller,  and  there  was  a  goodly  number  of  the  cities 
of  the  i^igean  in  which  from  10,000  to  30,000  people  lived. 

198.  Extension  of  Trade  and  Industry. — Trade  and  in- 
dustry became  the  chief  activities  in  the  largest  of  these 
cities.     The  wants  of  the  large  populations  must  be  sup- 


the  City. 


Commerce  of  Athens 


157 


plied.  Many  people  set  up  lillle  shops  in  which  Ihcy 
manufactured  and  sold  goods  directly  to  customers.  The 
state  needed  many  hands  for  its  growing  public  business, 
and  many  others  found  their  bread  in  working  on  the 
public  buildings  which  were  everywhere  put  up  on  a 
scale  of  splendor  corresponding  to  the  increasing  wealth 
and  importance  of  the  communities.  Manufacturing 
on  a  large  scale  was  not  uncommon,  and  many  workmen 


HERODOTUS   DOES  NOT  KNOV/HOW  JAR  NORTH T^HE  LAND  EXTENDS 


THE   WORLD 

According  to  Herodotus 
rmh  Centurr  B.  C. 


were  employed  in  turning  out  the  various  articles  which 
the  rapidly  advancing  commerce  rec^uired  for  export  to 
all  parts  of  the  Greek  world.  The  mercantile  activity 
of  the  Piraeus,  the  port  of  Athens,  grew  with  tremendous 
strides.  Ships  from  all  sides  brought  food  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  population — grain  and  fish  from  the  Black  terraneaa 
sea,  meats  from  Thessaly  and  Sicily,  fruits  from  Eubcea, 
Rhodes  and  Phoenicia.  Costly  woods  came  from  Crete, 
ivory  from  Libya,  carpets  from  Carthage,  incense  from 
Syria  and  books  from  Egypt.     "The  fruits  of  the  whole 


Athens  the 
Commer- 
cial Centre 
of  the  East- 
ern Medi- 


158  Age  of  Pericles 

earth,"  said  Pericles,  "flow  in  upon  us;  so  that  we  en- 
joy the  goods  of  other  countries  as  freely  as  of  our  own." 
The  incorporation  of  the  cities  of  the  Delian  Confederacy 
into  the  Athenian  empire  still  further  stimulated  commerce 
at  Athens  if  not  throughout  the  various  cities.  One  law 
and  one  system  of  coinage  and  of  weights  and  measures 
governed  most  of  their  transactions  with  one  another. 

199.  Increase  of  Wealth. — Thus  opportunity  was  of- 
fered for  a  large  increase  of  wealth.  We  have  seen  the 
older  idea  gradually  passing  away,  that  true  property 
was  property  in  land  (§§  135,  140).  Now,  although  the 
aristocracy  still  cherished  the  notion  and  took  pride  in 
their  estates,  manufacturing,  trade  and  dealing  in  money 
afforded  to  the  many  the  largest  opportunity  for  acquir- 
ing property  and  the  best  standard  for  estimating  it. 
A  thoroughly  organized  system  of  coinage  was  in  opera- 
Coinage.  tion.  The  principal  silver  coin  was  the  drachma  (nearly 
twenty  cents);  there  were  also  two,  three  and  four 
drachma  pieces.  Of  smaller  coins  the  chief  was  the 
obol  (about  three  cents);  six  of  them  made  a  drachma. 
A  copper  coin,  the  chalkous,  was  one-eighth  of  the  obol. 
The  standard  of  monetary  exchange  was  the  talent  (about 
$1,180),  containing  sixty  minas  (the  mina  about  $20); 
the  mina  contained  one  hundred  drachmas.  Gold  coins 
were  usually  those  of  foreign  countries.  Later,  the  gold 
stater,  in  value  perhaps  equal  to  twenty  drachmas,  was 
coined.  Money  had  a  greater  purchasing  power  than 
at  present,  and  therefore  the  large  fortunes  of  that  day 
seem  small  to  us.  A  capital  of  from  $12,000  to  $15,000 
placed  one  in  the  ranks  of  the  rich.  Such  men  of  wealth 
found  abundant  opportunities  for  loaning  their  money, 
since  all  sorts  of  manufacturing  and  commerical  enter- 


Money  Not  the  Only  Good  159 

prises  needed  capital.     The  usual  rate  of  interest  on  good 
security  was  about  twelve  per  cent. 

200.  Greeks  Not  Great  Capitalists. — It  seems  clear, 
however,  that  in  general  the  Greeks  had  no  such  com- 
prehension of  business,  nor  did  they  so  fully  recognize 
the  importance  of  encouraging  trade,  as  did  the  an- 
cient Babylonians.  They  were  slow  to  see  that  "money- 
making"  was  a  desirable  activity.  It  was  enough  that 
all  should  live  according  to  their  station  and  serve  the 
state  as  service  was  required.  Even  though  to  be  a  land- 
holder was  by  tha:t  time  not  regarded  as  indispensable  to 
good  social  standing,  wealth  did  not  of  itself  make  its 
possessor  a  man  highly  regarded.  On  the  contrary,  a 
merchant  or  trader,  however  rich  he  might  be,  was  looked 
down  upon.  The  ordinary  citizen,  living  on  the  modest 
proceeds  of  his  daily  work,  or  supported  by  the  scanty 
dole  of  the  state  for  his  public  service,  was  more  honor- 
able. Hindrances  were  put  in  the  way  of  commerce,  and 
limits  were  assigned  to  the  profits  to  be  gained.  Yet 
commerce  grew  and  thrived  In  spite  of  public  sentiment. 
Only  because  the  advantages  of  having  money  could  not  Greek 
be  denied  did  the  struggle  for  it  continue  to  absorb  more  ttwlrd* 
and  more  of  the  energies  of  the  citizens.  Yet  it  never  Money, 
approached  the  importance  and  prominence  which  it  has 
to-day.  The  Greek  thought  more  of  what  he  was  than 
of  what  he  had;  to  serve  the  state  and  to  enjoy  life  as  well 
as  to  enlarge  his  opportunities  of  doing  both,  these  were 
more  desirable  in  his  eyes  than  absorption  in  business 
and  the  pursuit  of  wealth. 

The  result  of  this  was  that  the  business  of  Athens  Foreigners 

1  1   •     n       1  (•  •  •  1      '°  Busi- 

was  carried  on  chierly  by  foreigners  who  were  permitted   ness. 
to   settle   in    the  city;    they  were  called   metlcs.     The 


160  Age  of  Pericles 

leaders  of  the  state  saw  clearly  the  advantages  of  en* 
couraging  them  to  pursue  their  businesses,  and  they  were 
more  liberally  dealt  with  at  Athens  than  elsewhere. 
Apart  from  having  no  citizen-rights  and  being  com- 
pelled to  pay  a  tax  to  the  state,  they  were  on  an  equality 
with  other  freemen.  The  same  laws  protected  them;  the 
same  privileges  were  granted  them.  As  a  result  many 
of  them  were  found  at  Athens,  and  in  this  period  they 
numbered  about  thirty  thousand  persons, 

201.  The  Slave.— From  an  economic  and  social  point 
of  view  the  most  important  class  of  the  population  was 
the  slaves.  Their  unpaid  labor  was  employed  in  tilling 
the  great  estates,  in  working  the  mines,  in  turning  out 
manufactured  articles  and  in  doing  all  sorts  of  household 
service.  They  made  it  possible  for  such  citizens  as  owned 
them  to  obtain  the  leisure  necessary  to  perform  their  polit- 
ical duties  and  to  enjoy  the  opportunities  for  culture  which 
the  state  afforded.  But  they  took  the  bread  from  the 
mouths  of  the  tens  of  thousands  of  citizens  who  had  to 
work  for  their  living.  As  the  activities  of  the  cities  en- 
Economic  larged,  the  number  of  slaves  also  increased.  The  slave- 
siavery.       trade  became  more  important;  the  supply  from  the  north 

i^gean  and  Black  sea  region  was  abundant;  captives  in 
war  were  sold.  Every  city  had  a  large  slave  population; 
that  at  Athens  has  been  estimated  at  about  one  hundred 
thousand  and  the  other  large  cities  had  proportionate 
numbers.  They  formed,  one  might  say,  the  foundation 
of  the  economic  structure,  but  were  not  an  unmixed 
blessing. 

202.  The  Family. — Another  social  element,  the  family, 
throws  an  instructive  side-light  upon  Greek  life.  The 
quality  and  freedom  which  reigned  in  the  best  public  life 


Social  Inactivity  of  Women  161 

of  the  time  had  no  place  in  the  life  at  home.  The  hus- 
band was  ruler  in  his  household,  and  his  wife  was  a 
social  nonentity.  He  spent  little  time  at  home;  she  sel- 
dom left  it.  Here  the  Greek  was  far  behind  the  oriental 
of  Babylonia  and  Egypt  (§  25),  where  woman  had  a 
relatively  high  place  in  society.  Indeed,  in  some  re- 
spects, the  cultured  and  free  Athenian  did  not  respect 
woman  as  highly  as  the  rude  Spartan,  who  gave  her 
much  larger  liberty.  In  the  earlier  ages  of  the  aristocratic  Woman 
rule  the  wives  of  the  nobles  seem  to  have  had  greater 
influence,  but  it  is  one  of  the  strange  inconsistencies  of 
Greek  life  that  the  new  democracy  and  the  larger  city- 
life  both  worked  to  lower  the  social  activities  of  woman. 
The  wife  did  not  always  have  charge  of  the  household, 
which,  in  the  case  of  a  well-to-do  man,  was  managed  by  a 
steward.  She  usually  brought  a  dowry  to  her  husband, 
which  in  case  of  divorce  had  to  be  repaid  to  her  father. 
On  the  whole,  nowhere  is  the  limitation  of  the  Greek 
ideal  of  life  more  distinctly  manifest  than  in  the  position 
of  woman  and  the  contribution  of  the  family  to  society. 
The  Greeks  thought  of  marriage  chiefly  as  a  means  of 
raising  up  citizens  for  the  state;  an  interesting  illustra- 
tion of  this  idea  is  seen  in  the  law  introduced  in  Pericles' 
time,  that  only  he  could  be  accepted  as  a  citizen  whose 
father  and  mother  were  Athenians  by  blood.  Naturally, 
girls  were  not  as  desirable  as  boys,  and  little  attention 
was  paid  to  them  beyond  keeping  them  indoors.  The 
boy,  however,  was  very  carefully  reared.  Grammar,  Education. 
music  and  gymnastics  were  the  three  parts  of  his  educa- 
tion. By  the  first  was  meant  the  learning  of  his  own  lan- 
guage and  the  study  of  Homer  and  the  other  early  poets, 
not  merely  as  a  means  of  training  in  forms  of  speech,  but 


162  Age  of  Pericles 

as  sources  of  knowledge  about  life,  duty  and  religion.  In 
music,  he  was  taught  how  to  sing,  and  to  play  on  musical 
instruments.  Gymnastics  included  running  and  wrest- 
ling, practice  in  the  use  of  weapons,  riding  and  other 
similar  exercises  for  the  finest  bodily  development  and 
skill  in  arms. 

203.  The  House. — Greek  society  then  was  chiefly  a 
society  of  men  whose  main  interests  lay  in  public  life. 
The  house,  for  example,  was  ordinarily  small  and  unat- 
tractive. It  faced  directly  on  the  street,  often  with  no 
opening  except  the  door  which  swung  outward,  a  fact 
suggestive  of  the  preference  of  the  Greek  for  the  open 
air.  The  women's  apartments  were  separate  and  se- 
Life  Varies  cludcd.  Indeed,  the  house  served  the  Greek  chiefly  for 
and  Days?  sleeping  purposcs,  the  storing  of  his  goods  and  the  keep- 
ing of  his  household.  From  it  he  sallied  out  very  early 
in  the  morning,  after  a  taste  of  wine  and  bread,  if  it  were 
the  day  of  a  festival  or  the  meeting  of  the  ecclesia,  to 
meet  his  friends,  or  take  part  in  the  public  business  in 
the  assembly  or  elsewhere.  Toward  the  middle  of  the 
day  he  took  breakfast  or  lounged  about  and  gossiped  in 
the  public  walks  or  porticoes.  The  gymnasium  occupied 
him  in  the  afternoon  as  a  place  of  exercise  or  of  inter- 
course with  friends,  whence  he  returned  home  for  dinner, 
the  chief  meal  of  the  day.  If  a  poor  man,  he  went  early 
to  bed;  if  well-to-do  and  socially  inclined,  he  spent  the 
evening  at  a  banquet  with  his  friends.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  were  a  common  work  day,  a  rich  man  would 
busy  himself  with  looking  after  his  slaves,  and  other 
investments,  a  farmer  would  plant  his  crop  or  tend  his 
orchard,  an  artisan  would  hie  to  his  shop  or  factory,  a  sea- 
man or  fisher  would  turn  to  his  avocation  much  as  in 


Public  Buildings  103 

any  modern  state,  ^herc  were,  however,  about  one 
hundred  and  ten  days  of  a  fete  or  a  pubhc  assembly  in 
every"yeaf  m  Athens. 

204.  High  Plane  of  Living. — The  Athens  of  Pericles 
offered  the  finest  type  of  this  manner  of  life  to  be  found 
in  the  fifth  century.  The  pursuit  of  wealth  was  sub- 
ordinated to  the  joy  of  making  the  most  of  life  among 

one's  fellows  and  in  public  activity.  The  "glorification  idealism. 
of  cultivated  human  intercourse"  was  the  ideal  toward 
which  men  strove.  The  pinch  of  want  was  removed  by 
the  stipend  sufficient  for  simple  living  which  the  state  paid 
its  poorest  citizen  for  his  work  in  its  scr\ace.  Orphans 
and  cripples  were  cared  for  at  public  expense.  Public 
lands,  obtained  as  the  outcome  of  war,  were  assigned 
to  citizens  who  were  willing  to  go  and  live  upon  them. 
Two  features  of  this  life  which  had  an  especially  impor- 
tant bearing  on  the  material  welfare  of  the  citizen  and  his 
higher  culture  deserve  special  mention:  the  public  build- 
ings and  the  religious  festivals. 

205.  Public  Buildings. — In  Greece,  as  in  ancient  Baby- 
lonia (§31),  the  chief  buildings  of  every  city  were  its 
temples.  They  were  the  centres  of  public  life,  of  busi- 
ness as  well  as  of  religion.  They  were  the  places  of  de- 
posit for  money  or  treasure  of  any  sort.  Although,  in 
the  Greek  states,  the  growth  of  popular  government  and 
the  emphasis  on  the  independence  of  the  individual  had 
made  the  political  predominance  of  the  priest  impossible 
and  his  influence  on  public  affairs  unimportant,  yet  re- 
ligion continued  to  be  glorified  by  stately  and  beautiful 
temples,  adorned  with  the  highest  artistic  skill.  The  The 
Athenian  temples  had  perished  in  the  successive  on-  j^l^pi^^ 
slaughts  of  the  Persians,  and  it  was  a  duty  as  well  as  a 


164  Age  of  Pericles 

pious  delight  on  the  part  of  the  citizens  to  restore  them. 
Cimon  had  begun  the  work  on  a  noble  scale,  but  Pericles 
continued  the  task  and  carried  it  through  in  a  fashion 
that  has  immortalized  his  own  name  as  well  as  that  of 
Athens.  An  artist  of  the  highest  genius  was  at  his  hand 
in  the  person  of  Phidias,  who  was  assisted  by  other  men 
The  Par-  of  uucommou  ability.  The  principal  scene  of  this  archi- 
tectural and  artistic  display  was  the  A-crop'o-lis  (§§  122, 
165);  and  the  building  in  which  it  reached  its  height  was 
the  temple  of  A-the'na  the  Virgin  (Parthenos),  hence 
called  the  Par'the-non.  Unlike  the  famous  structures  of 
the  ancient  east,  it  was  not  the  immense  size  of  the  Parthe- 
non, but  its  beautiful  proportions,  exquisite  adornment 
and  ideal  sculptures  that  made  it  memorable.  It  was 
100  feet  wide,  226  feet  long  and  65  feet  high,  built  of 
marble  and  painted  in  harmonious  colors.  A  row  of 
forty-six  Doric  columns  surrounded  it,  and  every  avail- 
able space  above  the  columns,  within  and  without,  was 
carved  in  relief  with  scenes  representing  glorious  events  in 
the  religious  history  of  Athens.  A  wonderfully  sculptured 
frieze,  extending  for  more  than  500  feet  around  the  inner 
temple,  depicted,  with  a  variety  and  energy  never  sur- 
passed, scenes  in  the  Panathensea,  the  festival  in  honor  of 
the  patron  goddess,  Athena.  In  the  temple  stood  a  statue 
of  the  deity,  the  masterpiece  of  Phidias,  made  of  ivory 
and  gold,  38  feet  in  height  including  the  pedestal.  Though 
the  statue  has  long  since  disappeared  and  the  temple 
itself  is  but  a  ruin,  the  remains  of  it  illustrate  supremely 
the  chief  features  of  Greek  architecture — "simphcity, 
harmony,  refinement,"  the  union  of  strength  and  beauty. 
206.  The  Religious  Festivals  of  Athens. — Nowhere  in 
the  Greek  world  were  the  religious  festivals  celebrated 


Greek  Tragedy  165 

with  so  great  splei\dor  and  beauty  as  in  the  Athens  of 
Pericles,  In  addition  to  the  ancient  Dionysiac  festivals 
already  mentioned  (§  i6o),  there  was  the  new  one  es- 
tablished by  Pisistratus,  the  Great  or  City  Dionysia, 
celebrated  in  April.  The  contests  in  tragedy  and  com- 
edy were  its  central  feature.  Here,  before  the  Athenian  The  piays. 
public,  some  of  the  most  glorious  productions  of  human 
genius  were  produced.  Here  iEschylus  (§  179)  had 
taught  his  tremendous  lessons  of  righteousness  and  hu- 
mility. He  was  succeeded  by  Soph'o-cles  (about  496-  Sophocies. 
406  B.C.),  who  won  the  prize  over  his  older  competitor 
in  468  B.C.,  and  gained  it  many  times  thereafter.  He 
represents  the  high,  free  and  glad  spirit  of  the  Athens  of  his 
day.  His  most  famous  play  is  the  An-tig'o-ne,  in  which 
is  brought  out  the  victory  of  duty  over  the  fear  of  death, 
of  the  higher  law  of  God  over  the  visible  law  of  man. 
Antigone  buries  the  body  of  her  brother,  though  the  king 
has  forbidden  it  under  pain  of  death.  The  serene  soul  of 
the  poet  is  marvellously  shown  in  the  beauty  and  dignity 
of  his  style.  He  sang  of  men  as  they  ought  to  be,  reveal- 
ing and  idealizing  human  character,  which,  at  its  best,  is, 
in  his  inspired  vision,  harmonious  with  the  blessed  will  of 
God.  So  he  interpreted  the  supreme  ideal  of  the  age  of 
Pericles  and  lived  it  himself.  "  He  died  well,  having  suf- 
fered no  evil."  A  later  poet,  imagining  him  in  the  other 
world,  described  him  as  "gentle"  there,  ''even  as  he  was 
gentle  among  us." 

207.  The  Eleusinian  Mysteries. — Another  famous,  fes- 
tival was  that  of  the  Mysteries  (§  134)  of  E-leu'sis.  Eleu- 
sis  lay  twelve  miles  away  from  Athens,  and  every  year 
early  in  September  multitudes  gathered  in  the  capital 
to  make  in  solemn  procession  the  journey  to  the  Eleu- 


166 


Age  of  Pericles 


The 

Panathe- 

naea. 


The  Father 
ot  History. 


sinian  temple  to  be  initiated  into  ^he  mysteries  or  to 
renew  the  celebration  of  them.  A  day  of  purification 
by  washing  in  the  sea  preceded  the  moving  of  the  pro- 
cession, which  passed  along  the  sacred  way  to  the  splen- 
did temple  at  Eleusis,  rebuilt  by  Ic-tin'us  under  Pericles' 
direction.  Here  those  secret  acts  of  worship  and  devo- 
tion to  the  goddess  Demeter  were  performed,  which  ex- 
ercised so  deep,  wholesome  and  hopeful  an  influence 
upon  Greek  life.  Yet  by  far  the  most  splendid  of  all 
festivals  was  the  Pan'a-the-na^'a,  celebrated  with  peculiar 
magnificence  every  fourth  year,  a  festival  which  glorified 
at  the  same  time  the  goddess  Athena,  and  the  city  of  her 
joy  and  glory.  For  nearly  a  week  contests  in  music, 
song  and  recitation,  in  gymnastics,  races  and  warlike 
sports,  were  held,  and  all  was  concluded  with  a  solemn 
procession  to  the  temple  of  Athena  on  the  Acropolis, 
where  a  costly  robe  woven  by  the  maidens  of  the  city  was 
given  to  the  goddess.  That  procession,  made  up  of  the 
flower  of  the  Athenian  citizens,  of  resident  aliens  and 
colonists,  was  depicted  on  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon 
(§  205)  and  formed  the  finest  picture  of  Athens  in  the 
days  of  its  highest  splendor. 

208.  Herodotus. — At  a  Panathenaean  festival  in  ths 
days  of  Pericles,  Herodotus  is  said  to  have  recited  his 
History,  the  first  prose  work  of  genius  that  Greece  pro- 
duced. Herodotus  (about  484-425  B.C.)  was  a  native  of 
Hal'i-car-nas'sus  in  Caria,  but  after  the  days  of  his  youth 
found  a  second  home  at  Athens.  He  travelled,  with  eyes 
and  ears  wide  open,  all  over  the  world,  from  the  capitals 
of  Persia  to  Italy,  and  from  the  Black  sea  to  the  southern 
border  of  Egypt.  The  results  of  his  investigations  he 
gathered  into  a  work  which  finds  its  motive  in  the  Per- 


Fruits-  of  Democracy  107 

sian  wars.  As  he  portrays  successively  before  us  the 
rise  of  Persia,  the  conr^uest  of  Babylon  and  Egypt,  the 
past  history  of  these  peoples,  the  Scythian  expedition, 
he  leads  up  to  the  great,  the  supreme  struggle  between 
this  mighty,  world-conquering  empire  and  the  petty 
Greek  states.  Then  he  describes  the  wars  in  detail. 
The  whole  is  a  prose  poem,  pointing  the  moral  of  .Es- 
chylus  (§  179).  Scattered  through  this  broad  field  are 
innumerable  anecdotes,  traditions,  legends,  which  en- 
liven while  they  do  not  break  the  single  impression  (§  29). 
Devoted  to  Athens,  he  glorified  the  part  taken  by  the  city 
in  the  war;  he  loved  her  institutions  and  enjoyed  her 
society.  His  work  shares  in  the  artistic,  keen  and  genial 
spirit  characteristic,  of  her  best  days,  and  while  descrip- 
tive and  not  critical,  its  originality  and  charm  have  given 
it  a  permanent  place  in  literature. 

209.  The  Education  of  the  Athenian  Citizen. — -We  The  Dif- 
are  ready  to  understand  now  how  Athens  realized  the  c"yi°J).°' 
ideal  of  "the  glorification  of  cultivated  human  inter- 
course" (§  204),  the  elevation  of  a  body  of  men  possessed 
of  social  and  political  equality  to  a  common  height  of 
intelligence  and  general  culture  never  reached  before 
that  day,  or  probably  since.  All  beheld  daily  these 
marvels  of  architecture  and  art,  and  many  took  part  in 
their  erection.  All  joined  in  these  splendid  festivals, 
witnessed  or  contended  in  the  athletic,  musical  and  lit- 
erary contests.  The  state  paid  to  the  citizens  who 
claimed  it  a  fee  for  attending  the  theatre,  so  that  all  were 
able  to  see  and  hear  the  plays  of  ^Eschylus  or  Sophocles. 
It  must  be  remembered  that  these  theatrical  exhibitions 
were  also  contests  between  rival  authors,  in  which  the 
people  themselves  were  judges.     Thus  a   standard   of 


168 


Age  of  Pericles 


Athens  the 
Teacher  of 
Greece. 


Rents, 
Taxes, 
Tolls, 
G:fts  and 
Tribute. 


taste  and  appreciation  was  set  at  a  very  high  mark. 
The  participation  in  public  life,  the  decisions  on  points  of 
state  policy  which  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  citizens,  were 
all  means  of  training.  The  popular  law-courts  cultivated 
the  judicial  faculty.  The  administration  of  the  affairs 
of  the  state  awakened  and  trained  executive  ability. 
Thus  the  higher  powers  of  the  great  body  of  citizens 
were  educated  to  an  extraordinary  degree;  the  experience 
made  the  Athenians  the  most  splendidly  intelligent  of  all 
Greeks.  Such  an  atmosphere  of  breadth  and  freedom, 
that  encouraged  higher  thought,  invited  to  Athens  from 
all  over  the  Greek  world  men  who  were  eager  to  know 
and  to  teach.  As  a  consequence  the  best  that  was 
thought  and  said  and  done  in  art  and  politics  and  liter- 
ature was  found  at  Athens.  Therefore,  it  was  no  vain 
boast  of  Pericles,  but  sober  truth,  when  he  said,  "Athens 
is  the  school  of  Greece,  and  the  individual  Athenian  in 
his  own  person  seems  to  have  the  power  of  adapting  him- 
self to  the  most  varied  forms  of  action  with  the  utmost 
versatility  and  grace." 

210.  Sources  of  Athenian  Revenue. — But  whence 
came  the  money  to  meet  the  expenses  of  this  highly  and 
richly  organized  system  of  government?  Athens  had 
various  sources  of  revenue:  rent  from  state  lands,  in- 
cluding especially  the  silver  mines,  tolls  for  markets, 
and  harbor  dues,  the  tax  on  resident  foreigners,  the 
receipts  from  the  law-courts  in  fees,  confiscations,  etc., 
and  in  case  of  great  necessity,  a  direct  assessment  upon 
the  people  of  property.  The  costs  of  the  splendid  exhi- 
bitions at  festivals  were  borne  by  the  free-will  offerings 
of  rich  citizens,  and  some  offices  were  without  salary. 
The  entire  income  from  all  sources  was  about  one  thou- 


Qiiest  for  IVoi'ld  Emp'we  1  (>!) 

sand  talents  yearly.  Besides  this,  the  receipts  from  the 
allied  cities  of  the  league  amounted  at  this  time  to  about 
six  hundred  talents.  Athena  also  possessed  a  great  sum 
of  money  in  her  temple  from  gifts  of  the  pious,  her  share 
of  the  booty  in  war,  etc.,  and  she  was  called  upon  to  con- 
tribute her  share  to  the  upbuilding  of  the  state,  as  well 
as  to  lend  money  when  required.  From  all  these  sources 
Pericles  drew  the  money  needful  for  the  various  depart- 
ments of  the  administration  and  for  the  public  buildings 
with  which  the  city  was  adorned. 

211.  Greek  Politics  in  the  Age  of  Pericles. — From 
this  sketch  of  the  inner  life  (§§  197-210)  we  pass  to  the 
foreign  relations  of  Athens  under  the  leadership  of  Per- 
icles during  the  same  period  (461-431  B.C.).  The  fall  of 
Cimon  (§  189)  was  accompanied  not  only  by  the  victory  of 
democracy  at  home,  but  also  by  an  attack  upon  Sparta's 
supremacy  in  continental  Greece  and  upon  the  Persian 
possessions  in  Cyprus,  Phoenicia  and  Egypt.  Alliance  Athens 
was  made  with  Argos  and  Thessaly;  Megara  was  drawn  Dominate 
away  from  the  Peloponnesian  league.  A  naval  station  theWorid 
was  secured  on  the  Corinthian  gulf  at  Naupactus  where  the 
Athenians  settled  the  Messenian  Helots  who  had  held  out 
at  Mt.  Ithome  since  464  B.C.  (§  187)  and  had  surrendered 
upon  the  condition  that  they  leave  the  Peloponnesus. 
These  movements  threatened  the  commerce  of  /Egina  "Warwi-b 
and  Corinth,  and  a  great  war  broke  out  in  459  B.C.  Cor- 
inth was  beaten;  ^gina  was  subjected  and  compelled 
to  enter  the  Delian  league.  Then  Sparta  took  a  hand 
in  the  war,  by  entering  Boeotia  with  an  army,  on  the  pre- 
tence of  punishing  the  Phocians,  but  really  to  organize 
Boeotia  against  Athens.  Though  the  Spartans  defeated 
the  Athenians  at  Tan'a-gra  in  457  b.c,  they  accomplished 


170  Age  of  Pericles 

nothing.  Two  months  later,  however,  the  Athenians 
crushed  the  Boeotians  decisively  at  CE-noph'y-ta,  and  by 
restoring  the  aristocratic  exiles,  substituted  their  own 
suzerainty  for  that  of  Thebes  in  all  the  B(Eotian  cities. 
Phocis  and  Locris  also  submitted  to  Athens.  Soon  after, 
the  Achaean  cities  on  the  southern  coast  of  the  Corin- 
thian gulf  joined  her.  Thus  Athenian  influence  on  land 
extended  over  a  wide  territory.  But  it  was  also  very 
unstable.  Accordingly,  when  Argos  concluded  a  thirty 
years'  peace  with  Sparta  in  450  B.C.,  a  five  years'  truce 
was  also  arranged  by  Athens.  Three  years  later,  how- 
ever, Boeotia  revolted,  whereupon  Megara,  Locris  and 
Failure  of     Phocis  as  Well  as  Euboea  fell  away.     While  Pericles  was 

the  •  • 

Athenian      absent  with  the  army  in  Eubcea  the  Peloponnesians  m- 
Land  vaded  Attica,  but  retreated  on  the  receipt,  it  is  alleged,  of 

Empire. 

a  bribe;  and  so,  in  the  end,  though  Euboea  was  recovered, 
the  vigorous  and  costly  attempt  of  Athens  to  build  up  a 
Peace.  great  land  power  in  Greece  signally  failed.  Finally,  in 
445  B.C.,  between  Athens  and  Sparta  and  their  respective 
allies  a  peace  was  made  that  was  to  last  thirty  years. 
Athens  renounced  her  control  of  central  Greece.  The 
allies  of  each  were  determined  and  included  in  the 
treaty.  Each  party  agreed  not  to  seduce  the  other's 
allies,  but  neutrals  were  left  at  liberty  to  join  either  side 
at  will.  All  future  differences  were  to  be  settled  by 
arbitration. 

212.  The  War  with  Persia. — Meanwhile,  Athens  had 
been  carrying  on  the  war  with  Persia  (§§  182,  187,  211). 
Though  no  Persian  ships  appeared  in  the  .Egean^  the 
Athenians  determined  to  cripple  the  power  of  the  Great 
King  still  further  by  aiding  a  rebellion  against  him  in 
Egypt.     In  459  B.C.  they  sent  a  strong  fleet  to  the  Nile. 


The  Athenian  Empire  171 

Though   at   first    successful,    the   rebellion    was   finally  Egyptian 
crushed  and  the  Athenian  force  destroyed   (455  B.C.)-   ^^p^**'*'"" 
This  serious  blow  brought  hostilities  to  an  end   until 
449  B.C.,  when  Cimon,  who  had  been  recalled  from  exile, 
was  sent  with  a  fleet  to  Cyprus,  where  the  Persians  were 
attacking  the  Greek  cities.     He  died  while  on  the  expe-  Death  of 
dition,  but  the  fleet  gained  a  brilliant  victory  by  which  ^'™°"- 
Persia  was  again  driven  from  the  sea.     These  conflicts 
had  cost  Athens  dear  in  men  and  money  without  corre- 
sponding results,  so  that  just  as  she  had  come  to  an  agree- 
ment with  her  enemies  in  Greece,  it  seemed  wise  to  make 
peace  with  Persia.     Negotiations  were  entered  upon  by 
sending  Callias  to  Susa,  and  though  the  Great  King  would 
not  formally  agree  to  yield  his  claim  upon  cities  that  had 
rebelled  against  him,  yet  practically  he  consented,  hence- 
forth, not  to  molest  Greek  cities  or  Greek  ships.     This  The  Peace 
so-called  peace  is  known  as  the  peace  of  Callias  (448  B.C.). 
213.  The  Athenian  Empire. — Thus  Athens  in  445  B.C. 
was  at  peace  with  all  the  world.     She  had  learned  the 
folly  of  attempting  to  conquer  Greece  and  Persia  at  the 
same  time,  and  now  set  about  recovering  her  strength  and 
developing  her  legitimate  field,  that  of  commerce  and  con- 
trol of  the  seas.     The  decisive  steps  were  taken  which 
turned  the  Delian  league  into  the  Athenian  empire.     In 
454  B.C.,  after  the  Athenian  disaster  in  Egypt,  the  treasury 
of  the  league  had  been  removed  for  greater  security  from 
Delos  to  Athens.     And  now,  although  all  fear  of  Persia  The  Aiiies 
was  removed  by  the  peace  of  Callias,  the  imperial  city  con-  subj°eTte. 
tinued  to  recj[uire  the  yearly  contributions  from  the  allies 
and  dealt  with  the  money  according  to  her  own  will.     The 
decision  to  treat  the  allies  in  this  way  was  not  reached 
without  a  struggle  between  the  parties  at  Athens.     The 


172 


Age  of  Pericles 


opponents  of  Pericles  were  led  by  Thucydides,  son  of 
Me-le'si-as,  the  ostracism  of  whom  in  443  B.C.  settled  the 
matter.  Samos,  Chios  and  Lesbos  alone  remained  on 
the  old  footing  of  furnishing  ships  to  the  fleet.  All  the 
others  were  subject  and  paid  tribute.  Athens  collected 
the  tolls  in  their  harbors,  interfered  in  their  local  affairs 
in  the  interests  of  democracy,  had  garrisons  in  many  of 
their  cities,  sent  out  inspectors  among  them,  required 
many  to  destroy  their  walls.  Colonies  of  Athenian  citi- 
zens, called  cleruchi,  were  sent  out  to  occupy  lands  which 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Athenian  state,  and  thus 
constituted  a  body  of  faithful  friends  in  the  midst  of  rest- 
less subjects.  The  entire  body  of  cities  thus  dependent 
on  Athens  was  divided  for  administrative  and  financial 
purposes  into  five  districts:  Ionia,  Caria,  the  Hellespont, 
Thrace,  the  Islands.  Thus  a  stately  imperial  system 
arose  with  its  centre  in  democratic  Athens.  The  chief 
reason  for  censuring  Athens  because  of  this  transforma- 
tion of  the  old  Delian  league  is  that  she  took  no  steps  to 
attach  her  subjects  to  herself  otherwise  than  by  fear. 
No  doubt  she  gave  them  protection,  better  government 
and  higher  culture,  but  she  had  robbed  them  of  their  in- 
dependence without  granting  them  citizenship  in  the  new 
community  or  a  voice  in  the  state.  This  blind  selfishness 
and  unblushing  arrogance  of  power  provoked  Samos  to 
revolt  in  440  B.C.  when  the  aristocratic  faction  getting 
control  of  the  city  withdrew  it  from  the  empire.  There 
was  a  grave  danger  that  the  outbreak  would  spread  and 
indeed  Byzantium  followed  the  lead  of  Samos.  Hence 
Pericles  stamped  out  the  insurrection  vigorously,  razed 
the  walls  of  Samos,  and  forced  it  to  pay  the  costs  of  the 
war. 


TJie  Athenian  Empire  173 

214.  Wide  Extent  of  Athenian  Influence. — Far  be- 
yond the  bounds  of  the  emj)ire  Pericles  sought  to  extend 
the  commercial  influence  and  activity  of  Athens.  The  Per- 
sian peace  oi)cned  the  j)orts  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean, 
and  traders  from  Athens  now  frequented  them  in  c^uest 
of  the  wares  of  the  orient.  Many  of  the  distant  Greek 
cities  of  the  Black  sea  acknowledged  Athenian  authority. 
The  commercial  importance  of  the  imperial  city  grew  Enterprises 
continually  in  the  west  and  opportunity  was  found  to  es-  ^^^^^ 
tablish  political  relations  there.  In  443  B.C.,  under  the 
leadership  of  Athens,  the  city  of  Thurii  was  founded  in 
southeastern  Italy.  On  its  west  coast  Athenian  mer- 
chants began  to  gather  the  trade  into  their  own  hands. 
The  leading  people  of  that  region,  the  Etruscans,  bought 
Attic  vases  and  sold  their  curious  metal-work  in  the 
Athenian  market.  Rome,  a  city  on  the  river  Tiber, 
which  held  a  dominating  place  in  its  own  district  of 
Latium,  was  already  preparing  for  the  mighty  part  it 
was  to  play  in  the  centuries  to  come.  In  454  B.C.,  Embassy 
it  is  said,  the  Romans  sent  an  embassy  to  Greece  to 
study  its  systems  of  law.  They  came  to  Athens  and 
thence  transplanted  parts  of  the  legislation  of  Solon  into 
Roman  soil. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  signifi- 
cant: Tanagra,  Corcyra,  Eleusis,  Piraeus,  Halicarnassus?  2. 
What  is  meant  by  cleruchi,  talent,  Acropolis,  Dionysia,  Pan- 
athenaea,  Antigone?  3.  What  are  the  dates  of  the  age  of  Peri- 
cles, of  the  peace  of  Callias,  of  the  thirty  years'  peace? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Athenian  democracy  in 
the  time  of  Cleisthenes  with  that  in  the  age  of  Pericles.  2. 
Compare  the  law-courts  of  Athens  with  those  of  your  own 
city.  3.  Compare  the  Athenian  empire  with  the  Persian 
(§§  77-84). 


from 
Rome. 


174  Age  of  Pericles 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Life  at  Athens  in  the  Age 
of  Pericles.  Uury,  pp.  ^,^J-^,^i>.  2.  The  Rise  and  Fall  of 
the  Athenian  Land  Power.  Bury,  pp.  352-303.  3.  Imperial 
Athens.  Bury,  pj).  278-2S4,  363-367.  4.  The  Acropolis.  Bury, 
pp.  367-375.  5.  The  Mysteries.  Bury,  pp.  311-316.  6.  Athens, 
the  City.  Tucker,  Life  in  Ancient  Athens,  pp.  20-52.  7.  The 
Athenian  Citizens.  Tucker,  pp.  61-68,  78-81.  8.  Slavery  at 
Athens.  Tucker,  pp.  69-78.  9.  The  Position  of  Athenian 
Women.  Tucker,  pp.  81-85,  i55~i^7-  lo-  The  Furniture  of 
an  Athenian  Home.  Tucker,  pp.  101-104.  ii.  The  Down- 
Town  Day  of  an  Athenian  Citizen.  Tucker,  pp.  120-135.  12. 
An  Athenian  Dinner-Party.  Tucker,  pp.  139-152.  13.  The 
Athenian  Boy's  Education.  Tucker,  pp.  182-189.  14.  Relig- 
ious Worship  at  Athens.  Tucker,  pp.  210-21S.  15.  A  Day  at 
the  Theatre.  Tucker,  pp.  231-242.  16.  An  Athenian  Trial. 
Tucker,  pp.  258-263. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,     i.  Life  at  Athens 

in  the  Age  of  Pericles.  Zimmern,  ])p.  224-235;  Morey,  pp.  251- 
261.  2.  The  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Athenian  Land  Power.  Zim- 
mern, pp.  219-224;  Botsford,  pp.  164-169.  3.  Imperial  Athens. 
Shuckburgh,  pp.  213-217;  Botsford,  pp.  169-172.  4.  The  Acrop- 
olis. Shuckburgh,  pp.  201-204;  Morey,  pp.  232-239;  Botsford, 
pp.  179-1S5.  5.  Herodotus.  Capps,  ch.  12;  Murray,  ch.  6; 
Jebb,  pp.  103-105.  6.  The  Mysteries.  Encyclopedia  Britannica, 
article  "Mysteries";  Dyer,  The  Gods  in  Greece,  ch.  5;  Diehl, 
Excursions  in  Greece,  ch.  8.  7.  Sophocles.  Morey,  pp.  245-247; 
Capps,  ch.  9;  Murray,  ch.  11;  Jebb,  pp.  83-88.  8.  Pericles. 
Plutarch,  Life  of  Pericles. 

215.  The  War  of  Corinth  and  Corcyra. — Another 
movement  of  Athens  in  the  interest  of  her  commercial 
and  political  position  in  the  west  was  the  occasion  of  a 
serious  rupture  in  the  peaceful  relations  that  had  been 
maintained  for  ten  years  between  Athens  and  Sparta. 
In  436  B.C.  a  quarrel  arose  between  Corinth  and  Corcyra. 
The  latter  state,  although  it  possessed  a  fleet  of  more 
than  fifty  ships,  could  not  hope  to  equal  the  resources  of 
Corinth  in  a  serious  conflict.     Hence  it  sought  an  alliance 


Chitbreak  of  War  17,5 

with  Athens.  This  proposal  put  the  Athenians  in  a  difll- 
cult  position.  Should  they  reject  it,  Corcyra  would  make 
terms  with  Corinth,  her  naval  force  and  commercial  in- 
lluence  in  the  west  would  be  thrown  against  Athens  and 
seriously  endanger  x\thenian  naval  supremacy.  Should 
they  accept  it,  their  superiority  on  the  sea  would  be  irre- 
sistible, their  commercial  position  in  the  west  strength- 
ened and  Corinth,  their  only  commercial  rival  in  the 
Peloponnesian  league,  put  out  of  the  race.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  would  risk  war  with  the  league.  It  The  inter- 
was  finally  decided  to  agree  to  a  defensive  alliance  with  ^^t^ens"  ° 
Corcyra,  whereby  Athens  was  not  required  to  join  in  an 
attack  on  the  Corinthians.  As  might  have  been  expected, 
this  half-way  measure  roused  the  enmity  of  Corinth, 
whose  future  now  depended  on  the  weakening  of  Athens. 
Her  only  hope  for  this  was  in  stirring  up  the  Peloponne- 
sian league  to  war.  This  was  not  ditiicult  to  do.  The 
Spartans  had  long  been  jealous  of  the  growing  power  of 
Athens.  The  years  of  peace  had  been  irksome  to  this 
vigorous  and  warlike  people.  Athens,  on  the  other  hand, 
under  the  influence  of  Pericles,  would  not  yield.  He  felt 
certain  that  war  could  be  put  off  only  a  few  years  at  the 
most  and  that  Athens  was  never  in  a  better  condition  to 
defend  herself  against  her  jealous  and  ambitious  enemies. 
He  was  willing  to  arbitrate  the  whole  matter,  but  not  to 
compromise.  At  last,  at  a  council  of  the  Peloponnesian  Gives  occa- 
league  held  at  Sparta  in  432  B.C.,  it  was  voted  that  w^r  with 
Athens  had  broken  the  peace.     This  was  equivalent  to  a   ^^^  p<=i°- 

1      1  •  f  AT  1    •  ponnesian 

declaration  01  war.     Athens  accepted  it  as  such  and  the  League, 
conflict  began  in  431  B.C.     With  this  a  new  period  in  the 
history  of  the  Greek  states  is  begun  and  we  may  pause 
to  look  back  over  a  finished  era. 


176  General  Review 

GENERAL  REVIEW  OF  PART  II,  DIVISION  5;  §§  164-215 

.300-1:51  B.C. 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  An  outline  of  the  events 
of  these  periods  arranged  so  as  to  bring  out  the  chief  historical 
movements  and  forces.  2.  Illustrate  the  progress  of  Athe- 
nian democracy  by  the  successive  policies  of  Miltiades,  Aris- 
tides,  Themistocles,  Cimon,  Pericles  (§$165,  168,  177,  183,  184, 
187,  195).  3.  Trace  the  growth  of  the  Athenian  empire  from 
500-431  B.C.  4.  Justify  the  policy  of  Themistocles  from  the 
events  that  followed.  5.  The  various  stages  in  the  war  with 
Persia  (§§  165, 167, 169, 176, 182, 187,211-212).  6.  A  comparison 
of  ^schylus  with  Sophocles  to  illustrate  the  difference  in 
the  periods  to  which  they  respectively  belong  (§§  179,  206). 
7.  A  list  of  the  most  important  dates  in  these  periods. 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES,  i.  Make  an  outline  map 
of  the  Athenian  empire  in  456  b.c,  inserting  all  the  places 
mentioned  in  the  text.  2.  Make  a  map  and  plan  of  Pylos  and 
discuss  the  battle  on  the  basis  of  your  drawing,  3.  Study  the 
heads  of  Sophocles  and  Pericles  in  Plate  XVIII  and  compare 
with  those  of  Hammurabi  and  Ramses  II  in  Plate  II.  Indicate 
the  artistic  and  historical  resemblances  and  differences.  4. 
Compare  the  Greek  temples  in  Plate  XXIV  with  those  in  Plate 
VI.  Observe  the  differences  in  form  and  arrangement.  How 
do  these  differences  throw  light  on  the  different  characteristics 
of  the  oriental  and  Greek  peoples?  5.  Note  the  likenesses  and 
unlikenesses  in  the  bucolic  scenes  of  Plates  XV  and  XXI. 

TOPICS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,  i.  The  Privileges  and  Duties 
of  an  Athenian  Citizen  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.  Fowler,  The 
City  State,  ch.  6.  2.  A  Visit  to  the  Acropolis  of  Athens — a 
description  of  Plate  XVII.  See  references  above,  §  214;  Diehl, 
Excursions  in  Greece,  ch.  4.  3.  Herodotus,  the  Man  and  His 
Book  (see  the  references  above,  §  214).  4.  The  Story  of  a  Day  in 
Athens  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.  MahalTy,  Old  Greek  Life;  (irant, 
Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.  5.  The  Greek  Theatre— the  Build- 
ing and  the  Play.  6.  Styles  of  Greek  Architecture.  Tar- 
bell,  ch.  3.  7.  The  Architecture  of  Greek  Buildings  as  Com- 
pared with  that  of  Buildings  in  Your  Own  City.  8.  The  Story 
of  Sophocles'  "Antigone."     Translation  by  Palmer. 


Causes  of  War  177 

216.  The  War  Unjustifiable,  yet  Unavoidable. — The 
war,  called  the  Peloponnesian  war,  which  now  ensued 
and  with  internals  of  peace  lasted  for  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century  (431-404  B.C.)  was  one  of  the  most 
melancholy  wars  of  history.  In  one  sense  it  was  utterly 
unjustifiable  and  unnecessary.  Athens  and  Sparta  might 
have  gone  on  peacefully,  each  in  her  separate  way — 
the  one  a  strong  land  power,  the  other  the  mistress 
of  the  seas.  Both  had  every  reason  to  avoid  a  con- 
flict which  was  sure  to  be  long  and  costly  and  the  out- 
come of  which  was  quite  uncertain.  The  grounds  on 
which  war  was  declared  were  not  suflEicient  to  justify  the 
declaration.  Passion  and  prejudice  forced  the  decisive 
step.  But,  from  another  point  of  view,  the  war  was  un- 
avoidable. Beneath  all  reasons  on  the  surface  of  the 
situation,  the  deeper  cause  was  the  imperial  ideal  of 
Athens.  In  building  up  her  empire,  Athens  had  come 
into  conflict  with  the  long-established  idea  that  every 
Greek  state  had,  as  its  deepest  right,  the  right  to  political 
independence.  The  Spartans,  in  opening  the  war,  de- 
clared that  they  waged  it  on  behalf  of  Greek  freedom 
against  the  tyrant.  The  majority  of  the  states  naturally 
sympathized  with  this  spirit.  We  are  to  see  in  the  Pel-  The 
oponnesian  war,  therefore,  the  conflict  of  two  mighty  xwo^s^sof 
forces — the  one,  the  purely  Greek  idea  of  the  separate  Principles, 
and  independent  existence  of  city-states;  the  other,  the 
world-ideal  of  empire,  which  had  its  rise  in  the  dawn  of 
human  history.  These  two  forces  could  not  long  exist 
together;  sooner  or  later  they  must  grapple  one  with  the 
other  in  a  life-and-death  struggle.  Nor  was  this  the  only 
ground  for  an  "irrepressible  conflict."  In  all  the  cities 
of  both  the  Athenian  and  Spartan  confederations  there 


178 


Peloponnesian  IVar 


The  Plan 
of  the 
Pelopon- 
nesians. 


The  Plan 
of  Pericles. 


were  two  factions,  a  democratic  and  an  aristocratic — the 
one  drawn  as  by  a  magnet  to  Athens,  the  other  to  Sparta. 
Each  of  the  leaders  had  its  partisans  in  the  other's  camp 
whose  action  might  at  any  moment  precipitate  a  general 
war. 

217.  Comparison  of  the  Combatants.^The  situation 
of  the  combatants  was  peculiar.  Neither  could  be  at- 
tacked in  its  strongest  point.  Athens's  supremacy  by 
sea  was  safe  from  its  enemies,  unless  they  had  money  to 
build  ships  and  hire  sailors,  and  money  was  scarce  in  the 
Peloponnesus.  The  Peloponnesians  were  strong  on  land, 
and  Athens  had  no  infantry  that  could  stand  against 
them.  For  the  Peloponnesians  there  was  but  one  thing 
to  do — invade  Athenian  territory.  But  Athens  itself  was 
too  strongly  fortified  to  be  taken,  and  it  could  not  be 
starved  into  surrender  so  long  as  supplies  could  be  brought 
in  by  sea.  The  fields  could  be  laid  waste  by  the  Invaders, 
but  that  was  all.  For  the  Athenians  the  plan  of  cam- 
paign, required  by  the  situation  and  outlined  by  Pericles, 
was  chiefly  a  defensive  one.  The  country  people,  on  the 
approach  of  the  enemy,  should  leave  their  farms,  cheer- 
fully accept  the  spoiling  of  their  goods,  and  dwell  in  the 
city  during  the  month  or  more  of  the  invasion.  The 
Peloponnesians  would  then  be  forced  to  return  home  by 
lack  of  supplies  and  the  necessity  of  tilling  their  fields, 
whereupon  the  Attic  farms  could  be  reoccupied  by  their 
owners  and  the  damages  repaired.  Resistance  to  the 
enemy  by  land  battles  would  be  avoided,  but  the  Athenian 
fleet  would  sally  out  to  strike  at  exposed  points  on  the 
enemy's  coast  and  to  ruin  the  commerce  of  cities  like 
Corinth  and  Megara.  The  commerce  of  Athens,  on 
the  contrary,  would  remain  undisturbed  by  the  conflict. 


Death  of  Pericles  179 

Hence,  the  war  would  resolve  itself  into  a  question  of  its  Advac 
endurance,  and  Pericles  was  confident  that  Athens,  sup-  ^^^" 
ported  and  enriched  by  its  enlarging  trade,  would  at  last 
emerge  triumphant.     The  resources  of  the  Peloponne- 
sians  would  be  exhausted  in  striking  fruitless  blows,  and 
before  long  they  would  cease  the  unprofitable  conflict. 

218.  The  First  Period  of  the  War.— This  plan  of  Per- 
icles was  followed  in  the  main,  daring  the  first  ten  years 
of  the  war  (431-421  B.C.),  and  these  were  the  years  of 
Athenian  success.     All  Attica  gathered  behind  the  walls 
of  Athens  during  the  spring  months  of  the  first  two 
years,  when  the  Peloponnesians  were  abroad  in  the  land. 
In  the  third  year  they  omitted  their  raid  and  fell  with  all 
their  force  upon  Plataea,  an  Athenian  ally,  whose  isolated 
position  in  Bceotia  doomed  it  to  eventual  destruction. 
Nevertheless,  It  beat  off  the  attack  made  in  429  B.C.,  and  Fail  of 
only  fell  two  years  later  when  starved  into  submission.    All  ^'*'**- 
the  defenders  who  survived  were  executed  without  mercy. 
Years  brought  no  impairment  of  the  spirit  of  the  Athe- 
nians.    Even  a  fearful  visitation  of  the  plague,  which  car-  Piague  at 
ried  away  nearly  a  third  of  the  citizens  in  the  second  and 
third  years  (430-429  B.C.),  shook  their  resolution  for  but 
a  moment.     The  worst  blow  was  the  death  of  Pericles,   Death  of 
who  fell  a  victim  to  the  epidemic  in  429  B.C.     With  the  ^""^'"• 
removal  of  his  wise  counsel  and  powerful  personality  it 
was  difficult  for  the  democracy   to  keep  to  any  fixed 
policy.     Two  parties  sprang  up.     One  party,  headed  by  The  Parties 
Nicias,  a  wealthy  contractor  and  capitalist,  who  in  dis-  Nicias. 
position  was  cautious,  moderate,  grave  and  pious,  a  fair 
general  and  a  serious  politician,  was  inclined  to  bring 
the  war  to  a  close  as  soon  as  it  could  be  done  without 
dishonor  to  the  state.     The  other  party  was  led  by  Clcon,  cieon. 


180  Peloponnesian  War 

a  rich  manufacturer.  He  was  in  favor  of  prosecuting 
the  war  much  more  vigorously  than  the  defensive  policy 
of  Pericles  would  have  permitted.  By  his  persuasive 
speech  he  obtained  the  leadership  of  the  radical  demo- 
crats. The  mass  of  the  citizens  inclined  first  to  one  side 
and  then  to  the  other,  with  the  result  that  Athens  now 
embarked  in  rash  and  sometimes  unfortunate  enterprises, 
now  did  little  more  than  stand  on  the  defensive. 

219.  The  Revolt  of  Lesbos. — A  good  illustration  of 
the  vacillation  of  the  Athenian  assembly  was  given  on 
the  occasion  of  the  revolt  of  Mytilene,  which  in  428  B.C. 
shook  off  the  control  of  Athens.  There  was  no  dispute 
between  Nicias  and  Cleon  as  to  the  necessity  of  suppress- 
ing the  outbreak  vigorously,  since  otherwise  the  whole 
empire  would  be  dissolved.  Hence,  resort  was  had  to  the 
direct  property  tax  to  raise  funds,  and  in  427  B.C.,  after 
a  winter's  siege,  the  rebellious  city  had  to  surrender.  It 
was  in  the  treatment  to  be  accorded  to  the  vanquished 

Clemency  that  opinions  differed.  Di-o'do-tus  of  Nicias's  party  urged 
clemency  as  the  best  basis  for  future  co-operation  with 
the  allies,  while  Cleon,  affirming  that  terrorism  alone  up- 
held the  empire,  recommended  that  all  the  adult  males 
of  Mytilene  be  put  to  death  and  the  women  and  children 
be  sold  into  slavery.  This  harsh  policy  the  Athenians 
accepted  one  day,  but  on  the  next,  repenting  of  their 
cruel  decree,  they  compromised  and  condemned  to  death 
the  ringleaders  alone.  A  swift  trireme  sent  after  the 
ship  which  bore  the  command  for  a  general  execution 
barely  arrived  in  time  to  save  the  innocent  population. 

220.  The  Pylos  Affair. — The  high-water  mark  of 
Athenian  success  in  the  ten  years'  war  was  reached  in 
425  B.C.     In  the  spring  of  that  year  a  fleet  vi'as  sent  out 


7s.  Terror- 
ism. 


Pylos 


181 


to  the  west.  On  their  way  the  ships  put  in  at  the  bay 
of  Pylos,  on  the  west  of  the  Peloponnesus  in  Messenia. 
Here,  De-mos'the-nes,  Athens's  most  brilliant  general, 
was  landed  with  a  small  force  and  fortified  the  promontory 
of  Pylos.  On  hearing  of  this  the  Peloponnesian  army, 
already  in  Attica  engaged  in  its  yearly,  devastation  of 
the  land,  hastily  re- 
turned. A  Spartan 
force,  supported 
by  a  fleet,  attacked 
the  Athenians,  who 
defended  them- 
selves valiantly.  A 
body  of  Spartan 
hoplites  took  pos- 
session of  the  long 
narrow  island  of 
S  phac-t  e'ri-a, 
which,  from  the 
point  of  Pylos, 
stretched  away  to- 
ward the  south 
and  formed  the 
outer  side   of  the 


harbor.  Suddenly  the  Athenian  fleet  reappeared  and  drove 
the  Spartan  fleet  upon  the  shore,  thus  cutting  off  the  four 
hundred  and  twenty  Spartan  hoplites  on  the  island  from 
their  fellows  on  the  mainland.  These  men  made  up  about 
one-sixth  of  the  citizen  body  of  Sparta,  and  the  Spartan 
authorities  made  every  effort  to  save  them,  even  sending 
ambassadors  to  Athens  to  ask  terms  of  peace.  Thus  the 
Athenians  had  the  opportunity  to  end  the  war  with  a  brill- 


Rash 
Policy, 


182  Peloponnesian  War 

iant  triumph,  but  under  the  persuasions  of  Cleon  the  am- 
bassadors were  denied  a  fair  hearing,  and  the  war  went 

cieon's  on.  On  the  promise  of  Cleon  that  he  would  bring  the  Spar- 
tan hoplites  prisoners  to  Athens  In  twenty  days,  he  was 
given  troops  and  sent  as  general  to  Pylos.  He  was  himself 
no  skilful  soldier,  but  he  took  with  him  reinforcements 
with  which  Demosthenes  was  able  to  force  the  Spartans 
to  surrender  within  the  specified  time.  This  success  lifted 
Cleon  Into  the  highest  favor  with  the  people,  and  his 
policy  of  bold,  aggressive  warfare  was  approved.  The 
most  favorable  moment  for  making  peace  had  been  al- 
lowed to  slip.  Accordingly,  In  the  following  year  (424 
B.C.)  the  Athenians  made  an  attack  with  full  force  upon 
Boeotia,  Demosthenes  advancing  from  the  Corinthian 
gulf,  HIp-poc'ra-tes,  with  seven  thousand  hoplites  and 
twenty  thousand  light-armed  troops,  advancing  from  At- 
tica. The  Boeotians  were  prepared  for  the  invasion,  and 
the  two  attacks  were  not  delivered  at  the  same  moment. 

Battle  of  Hence,  Hippocrates  was  assailed  near  Delium  by  the  main 
Boeotian  army  and  completely  defeated.  The  judgment 
of  Pericles  was  vindicated.  Athens  was  unequal  to  her 
enemy  on  land. 

221.  Brasidas  and  His  Plan. — In  the  meanwhile  the 
Peloponneslans  had  done  little  more,  year  by  year,  than 
make  Invasions  Into  Attica  or  ward  off  as  best  they  might 
the  advances  of  Athens  upon  the  mainland.  But  in  the 
year  of  the  Boeotian  victory  at  Delium  they  scored  a  suc- 
cess which  augmented  the  weight  of  that  disaster.  This 
they  owed  to  the  Spartan  general  Bras'I-das,  the  ablest 
officer  that  had  yet  appeared  on  their  side.  Without  a 
fleet  the  Peloponneslans  could  make  an  attack  on  the 
Athenian  empire  outside  of  Attica  at  only  one  point. 


Delium. 


Peace  of  Nicias  183 

The  genius  of  Brasidas  perceived  and  struck  at  that 
one  point — the  Athenian  possessions  in  Macedonia  and 
Thrace.  Hurrying  north  with  a  small  force,  he  appeared 
before  the  city  of  A-can'thus,  and,  with  the  plea  that 
he  had  come  to  secure  freedom  from  the  Athenian  ty- 
rant, he  induced  the  city  to  rebel.  The  Athenians  were 
taken  unprepared,  and  before  they  could  collect  them- 
selves the  important  city  of  Am-phip'o-lis  had  fallen.  The 
failure  in  Boeotia  and  the  losses  in  Thrace  now  gave  the 
peace  party  the  ascendancy  in  Athens,  and  in  423  B.C.  a 
year's  truce  was  arranged  for  the  purpose  of  concluding 
a  permanent  peace.  The  negotiations,  however,  came 
to  naught,  and  in  422  B.C.  Cleon  sailed  to  the  north  to 
recover  the  cities  lost  in  that  quarter.  In  a  skirmish  at  Death  of 
the  gates  of  Amphipolis,  both  he  and  Brasidas  were  Bra°sidar. 
slain. 

222.  Peace  of  Nicias. — With  Cleon  out  of  the  way, 
there  was  opportunity  at  Athens  for  the  lovers  of  peace  to 
carry  through  their  programme.     Accordingly,  in  421  B.C.,   Result  of 
a  treaty  was  signed  for  a  fifty  years'  peace  between  Sparta   ye^ars!" 
and  Athens.     The  war  had  closed  with  the  advantage 
entirely  on  the  side  of  Athens.     The  fundamental  article 
of  the  treaty  was  that  both  powers  should  give  back  what 
they  had  conquered  from  each  other  during  the  war. 
This  meant  for  the  Spartans  the  loss  of  the  cities  in  the 
north  and  for  the  Athenians  the  setting  free  of  the  Spar- 
tans taken  at  Pylos.     But  the  Athenian  empire  remained   Athens  in 
practically  undiminished,  and  Corinth's  sea  power  and  cendant. 
commerce  had  been  shattered,  while  Athens  had  enlarged 
and  strengthened  her  possessions.     On  the  other  hand, 
the  purpose  of  the  Peloponnesian  league  to  destroy  the 
Athenian  empire  had  utterly  failed  and  the  members  of 


184 


Peloponnesian  War 


Rise  of 
Rheto- 
ricians and 
Sophists. 


The  De- 
bating 
Fever  and 
Its  Effect. 


the  league  were  themselves  at  odds  one  with  another. 
Athens  was  mistress  of  the  situation. 

223.  Changes  in  Athenian  Temper  and  Spirit— We 
must  pause  here  to  note  some  changes  in  Athenian  life, 
which  had  their  root  in  the  time  of  Pericles,  but  bore  fruit 
during  the  years  of  war.  We  have  seen  (§§  189-195) 
how  democracy  under  Pericles  was  perfected.  The  peo- 
ple ruled  directly,  and  politics  became  the  passion  of  the 
citizens.  To  guide  the  people  successfully  one  must 
persuade  them  in  public  assembly;  he  who  would  win 
them  to  his  way  of  thinking  and  acting  must  be  able  to 
argue  better  than  his  opponents.  To  be  a  good  orator 
was  indispensable  for  a  politician.  To  meet  this  demand 
teachers  sprang  up  who  professed,  among  other  things, 
to  make  one  skilful  in  the  art  of  persuasion.  These  were 
the  rhetoricians  and  the  sophists.  They  were  immensely 
popular  at  Athens.  Men  learned  from  them  how  to  pre- 
sent arguments  and  to  weigh  them,  to  put  ideas  in  a 
taking  way  in  public  speech,  and  to  reply  to  opponents 
successfully.  It  was  not  so  important  that  the  cause 
urged  was  good  or  bad,  or  that  the  arguments  presented 
in  favor  of  it  were  right  or  wrong — they  must  be  such 
that  the  people,  hearing  them,  would  think  them  sound 
and  vote  accordingly.  As  this  skill  grew,  the  people 
grew  more  critical  also.  The  public  assembly  became  a 
school  of  debate,  where  sharp-witted  politicians  con- 
tended before  a  keen  and  excited  audience.  Fine  points 
were  applauded  and  dulness  hissed.  But  the  result  of 
this  was  to  put  truth  and  justice  below  shrewdness  in 
debate,  to  make  adroitness  and  popular  oratorical  skill 
more  important  than  character  and  honor  in  a  political 
leader.     The  Athenians  fell  into  this  fatal  error. 


Aristophanes  1 S5 

224.  Comedy  as  an  Illustration  of  the  Times. —  J  his 
condition  of  thin<^s  is  illustrated  in  the  comedy  of  the 
times.  Comedy,  like  tragedy  (§  160),  arose  in  con- 
nection with  the  religious  festivals  and  dealt  familiarly 
with  the  scenes  and  events  of  common  life.  In  Athens, 
where  the  main  interest  was  politics,  it  found  its  con- 
genial subjects  in  the  political  leaders,  who  were  held  up 
to  unmeasured  ridicule  amidst  the  unrestrained  laughter 

of  the  audience.  The  greatest  comic  poet  of  the  day  was  Aristoph- 
Ar-is-toph'a-nes  (about  450-385  B.C.).  In  his  Knights  he 
satirizes  the  Demos  as  an  ill-natured  old  man,  who  is  the 
prey  of  his  villainous  slave,  the  leather-worker  (meaning 
Cleon,  who  was  a  tanner).  The  Clouds  jests  at  the  new 
learning  of  the  time.  The  Wasps  makes  fun  of  the 
Athenian  law-courts  by  a  mock  trial  in  which  justice  is 
parodied.  The  Birds  pictures  a  bird-city  "Cloudcooc- 
kootown"  where  the  bustle  and  excitement  of  Athens  are 
kept  out.  The  Frogs  describes  the  adventures  of  Diony- 
sus, who  goes  to  Hades  (the  underworld)  to  find  a  poet, 
and  is  in  doubt  whether  to  bring  back  /Eschylus  (es'ki-lias) 
or  the  favorite  dramatist  of  the  time,  Eu-rip'i-des.  He 
finally  decides  for  the  former.  All  these  and  the  other 
comedies  of  Aristophanes  are,  in  spite  of  their  coarseness 
and  personal  abuse,  works  of  permanent  power  because 
of  their  rollicking  humor  and  vigor,  interspersed  with 
passages  of  wonderful  lyric  beauty.  The  strange  thing 
is  that  the  Athenians  were  willing  to  listen  to  such  satires 
on  their  life  and  such  caricatures  of  their  statesmen,  to 
laugh  at  their  leaders  one  day  and  follow  them  the  next. 

225.  Effect  of  Culture  on  Morals  and  Religion. — The 
culture  of  Athens,  fed  by  architecture,  painting  and 
sculpture,   by   the   spectacles   of  the   tragic  and  comic 


186 


Peloponnesian  War 


Philosophy 
Unsettles 
Men's 
Minds. 


The  New 
Learning. 


Irritates 
Pious  Peo- 
ple. 


stage,  and  stimulated  by  the  stirring  political  activity, 
could  not  fail  to  have  its  influence  on  religion  and  morals. 
It  is  true  that  most  men  were  too  busy  about  business  and 
politics  to  trouble  themselves  as  to  whether  their  notions 
about  the  gods  would  stand  the  test.  But  a  few  could  not 
avoid  questioning.  Pericles  gathered  about  him  men  like 
the  sophist  An-ax-ag'o-ras,  who,  following  after  the  earlier 
thinkers  (§  132),  thought  of  the  world  as  formed  not  from 
a  single  source,  but  from  several  original  elements,  one 
of  which  is  ''mind,"  that  puts  all  things  together.  He 
regarded  the  sun  and  moon  as  great  balls  of  stone.  The 
speed  of  the  sun  had  turned  it  into  a  glowing  mass. 
Such  ideas — an  integral  part  of  the  "new  learning" 
which  the  sophists  were  bringing  within  the  reach  of 
everybody  in  the  later  Periclean  time — were  shocking  to 
pious  people;  no  less  so  the  teachings  of  the  greatest  of 
all  the  sophists,  Pro-tag'o-ras  of  Ab-de'ra,  which  may  be 
formulated  in  the  following  statements:  "Man  is  the 
measure  of  all  things."  "In  regard  to  the  gods  I  am 
unable  to  say  whether  they  exist  or  do  not  exist,  for  many 
things  hinder  such  knowledge — the  obscurity  of  the  mat- 
ter and  the  shortness  of  human  life."  Such  ideas  over- 
turned the  old  faith.  Those  who  held  them  tried  to  find 
solider  ground  to  stand  on  than  was  supplied  by  the  re- 
ligion of  the  day  and  to  clear  men's  minds  from  its  super- 
stitions. Pericles  sympathized  with  this  aim,  but  he  did 
not  carry  the  citizens  along  with  him.  The  old  religion 
was  sacred  to  most  of  them  and  they  feared  and  hated  the 
philosophers  who  attacked  it.  Anaxagoras  was  banished 
from  Athens  in  434  B.C.  for  his  "impiety,"  and  nearly 
twenty  years  later  Protagoras  escaped  persecution  only 
by  fleeing  from  the  city.     During  the  whole  time  of  the 


Scientific  History  187 

Peloponnesian  war  Athens  was  torn  by  a  fierce  religious 
controversy  centring  round  the  doctrines  of  the  sophists. 
In  fact,  these  ideas  did  not  make  men  better,  because 
they  shattered  faith  in  reh'gion,  on  which  people  de- 
pended, and  put  nothing  in  its  place.  Nor  did  the 
prevailing  interest  in  politics  help;  it  rather  harmed. 
Men  grew  hard  and  grasping  in  their  ambitions;  their 
love  of  country  made  them  selfish  in  her  defence  and  for 
her  glory.  Some  one  has  called  attention  to  three  dark  Dark  side 
spots  upon  this  enlightened  Athenian  society:    (i)  The 


man 


putting  of  slaves  to  torture  before  taking  their  testimony  character, 
in  a  court  of  law;  (2)  the  ruthless  slaughter  of  prisoners 
taken  in  war,  and  the  selling  of  captive  women  and  chil- 
dren into  slavery;  (3)  the  want  of  respect  for  old  age. 
We  have  already  observed  the  position  of  woman  (§  202). 
In  all  this  we  must  not  judge  too  harshly,  but  rather 
remember  that  people  do  not  go  forward  in  all  things  at 
one  time.  In  Athens  the  new  learning  was  breaking  down 
the  old  customs  before  building  up  new  ones.  While  the 
childish  things  of  the  old  religion  and  morals  were  being 
put  away,  more  reasonable  ideas  were  slow  in  gaining 
ground. 

226.  Characteristic  Figures. — Four  great  men  of  this 
])eriod  illustrate  the  spiritual  temper  of  Athens  in  its 
lighter  and  darker  sides. 

227.  Thucydides  Compared  with  Herodotus. — Thucyd- 
ides*  (about  471-399  b.c.)  was  the  Athenian  general  who, 
failing  to  keep  Brasidas  out  of  Amphipolis  (§  221),  was 
banished  from  Athens  and  was  in  exile  for  twenty  years. 
He  improved  this  time  in  gathering  materials  for  and  writ- 
ing a  History  of  the  Peloponnesian  War.     He  wrote  during 

*  Not  the  same  as  the  son  of  Melesias  (§  213). 


188  Peloponnesiwi  War 

the  latter  years  of  Hcrodo.  ?  208),  but  a  whole  world 
separates  their  histories  from  one  another.  Herodotus  de- 
scribes; Thucydides  gives  the  inner  meaning.  Herodotus 
tells  a  story  because  of  his  interest  in  it;  Thucydides  tells 
nothing  but  what  he  knows  to  be  true.  Herodotus  enjoys 
his  work  and  wants  others  to  be  entertained  also;  Thucyd- 
ides writes  for  the  instruction  of  men  who  take  things 
A  Scientific  scriously.  In  other  words,  Thucydides  has  no  senti- 
Historian.  j^gj^j-  qj.  humor;  he  is  intensely  keen  and  hard.  He 
reveals  what  is  base  and  selfish,  true  and  heroic  in  his 
characters  in  a  masterly  fashion,  but  without  praise  or 
blame.  Everything  he  handles  is  treated  from  the  purely 
political  point  of  view.  You  learn  nothing  directly  of 
the  religious,  economic  or  social  life  of  his  day.  His 
style  is  strong,  concise,  sometimes  obscure,  often  elo- 
quent. The  history  reaches  its  height  in  the  account  of 
the  expedition  to  Syracuse  in  the  seventh  book. 
"Euripiiies,  228.  Euripides. — Euripides  (about  480-406  B.C.)  was 
mL^'"*"  ^^^^  supreme  tragic  poet  of  the  war-time.  He  had  thought 
deeply  upon  all  the  problems  raised  by  the  new  learning 
and  used  his  wonderful  imaginative  power  in  presenting 
them  through  his  tragedies.  He  was  the  poet  of  democ- 
racy, but  of  a  glorified  democracy  which  had  a  deep  feel- 
ing for  woman  and  the  slave.  Woman's  heroism  and 
devotion  form  the  kernel  of  his  Iphigenia  and  Alcestis. 
The  tragedy  of  common  life  is  seen  in  the  Electra.  He 
introduces  the  slave  and  the  beggar  to  show  that  they, 
too,  have  hearts  that  can  bleed.  Toward  the  popular  re- 
ligion he  stands  in  an  attitude  partly  of  abhorrence  and 
partly  of  sympathy.  His  Bacchce  is  a  powerful  picture  of 
the  madness  and  sublimity  of  the  worship  of  Dionysus 
(§  134).     Men  were  at  once  charmed  by  the  magic  and 


PLATE  XVIII 


Sophocles 


Pericles 


Socrates 


The  Aphrodite  of  Melos 


Alexander 


An  Alexandrian  Greek 


TYPICAL   GREEK    HEADS 


Socrates  ISO 

pathos  of  his  poetry  and  repelled  by  the  boldness  and 
novelty  of  his  thoughts.  In  all  this  he  reveals  himself  as 
a  son  of  his  time — of  the  restless,  passionate,  practical, 
sensitive,  brutal  Athens  of  the  war. 

229.  Socrates. — One  of  the  most  picturesque  person- 
alities of  the  time  was  Socrates  (about  469-399  B.C.). 
Of  a  burly,  ungainly  figure,  with  bulging  eyes,  flat  nose 
and  thick  lips,  he  could  be  seen  at  all  times  on  the  streets, 
as  he  gathered  about  him  a  delighted  group  whom  he 
engaged  in  conversation,  drawing  them  on  by  simple 
questions  to  consider  the  deepest  problems  of  life.  He 
had  taken  the  step  which  all  Athens  needed  to  take — 
from  the  enjoyment  of  material  prosperity  and  the  pas- 
sion for  politics  to  the  search  for  right  living.  Athens 
had  learned  the  goodness  of  greatness;  he  would  teach 
her  the  greatness  of  goodness.  He  found  true  knowledge  a  Moral 
in  the  study  of  his  own  heart  and  the  testing  of  his  own 
ideals.  The  old  motto,  "Know  thyself, "j was  the  text 
of  all  his  preaching.  In  this  work  he  felt  himself  com- 
missioned from  above;  a  divine  spirit  goaded  him  on  and 
inspired  him.  By  his  sharp  and  searching  talk  he  irritated 
the  self-satisfied  democracy,  whose  leaders  hated  to  be 
made  fools  of  by  him.  JJe  claimed  that  skill  in  govern-| 
ment  was  a  result  of  training  just  as  was  skill  in  shoe-i  \ 
making,  and  thought  that  it  was  absurd  to  distribute;  \ 
offices  by  lot.  "Politicians,"  he  cried,  "all  flatterers,  His  Con- 
cooks,  confectioners,  tavern-keepers,  whom  have  they  oe'w^cra'cy 
made  better?  They  have  filled  the  city  with  harbors, 
docks,  walls,  tributes  and  such  trash,  instead  of  with 
temperance  and  righteousness."  For  his  own  time  he 
was  a  prophet  crying  in  the  wilderness;  one  excitement 
the  more  for  sensation-loving  Athens.     But  his  work, 


Philoso- 
pher. 


190  Peloponnesian  War 

although  undertaken  too  late  for  the  salvation  of  his  own 
generation,  was  destined  to  abide  for  all  time. 

230.  Alcibiades. — Among  those  who  gathered  about 
Socrates,  professing  discipleship,  was  the  most  brilliant 

Unites  the  young  Athenian  of  the  time,  Alcibiades.  All  the  vices 
^ns^m'^'  ^^^  virtues  of  the  Athens  of  the  war  were  summed  up 
Politics.  in  him;  he  is  the  exemplar  at  once  of  her  glory  and  her 
shame.  With  him  we  pass  from  the  spiritual  forces  of 
the  time  to  one  of  its  most  potent  political  leaders,  and 
therefore  take  up  again  the  thread  of  the  history.  A 
relative  of  Pericles,  a  true  aristocrat,  wealthy  and  hand- 
some, Alcibiades  was  the  hope  of  the  friends  of  that  states- 
man and  the  natural  heir  of  his  ideas.  He  took  up  the 
interests  of  the  people,  posing  as  a  radical  of  the  radicals. 
His  education  was  the  best  the  age  could  offer,  and  he 
shared  in  all  the  advanced  opinions  of  his  day.  He  was 
the  idol  of  the  people,  yet  respected  nobody  but  himself; 
the  teaching  of  Socrates  accomplished  little  for  him  be- 
yond confirming  him  in  his  egotism  without  leading  him 
on  to  self-improvement.  On  the  death  of  Cleon  (§  221) 
he  sprang  into  the  vacant  place  as  leader  of  the  radical 
democracy. 

231.  The  Years  of  the  False  Peace. — The  long-desired 
peace  with  the  Peloponnesian  league  (§222)  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  union  between  Sparta  and  Athens,  from 
which  the  allies  of  Sparta  were  excluded,  because  they 
refused  to  accept  the  peace.  Apart  from  the  two  power- 
ful states  now  at  one,  they  could  do  nothing.  Hence, 
a  long  period  of  rest  and  recovery  from  the  waste  and 
turmoil  of  war  seemed  at  hand.  But  the  prospect  was 
not  realized;  the  fifty  years'  peace  was  dead  from  its 
birth.     Formally,  it  endured  for  six  years,  years  in  which 


Sicilian  Expedition  191 

there  was  constant  turmoil  and  fighting  somewhere  in 
Greece.  The  causes  of  this  were  threefold:  (i)  In  450  Causes  of 
B.C.  Sparta  and  Argos  had  concluded  a  thirty  years'  ^'■°"'''^- 
peace,  which  now  was  just  at  an  end.  Argos,  left  alone 
during  these  years,  had  grown  strong  and  was  ready  to 
enter  the  political  field.  The  other  Peloponnesian  states, 
abandoned  by  Sparta,  entered  into  a  league  wMth  the  new 
power  and  prepared  to  turn  against  their  old  leader.  (2) 
The  Spartans  failed  to  carry  out  the  terms  of  the  peace, 
as  they  did  not  give  back  to  Athens  the  captured  cities. 
This  caused  dissatisfaction  at  Athens,  (3)  The  strife  of 
parties  at  Athens  was  intensified  by  Alcibiades,  who,  as 
leader  of  the  war  party,  sought  to  destroy  the  good  under- 
standing between  Sparta  and  Athens  established  by  the 
peace  party.  Alcibiades  hoped,  by  renewing  the  war  with 
Sparta,  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  affairs,  bring  vic- 
tory to  Athens  and  glory  to  himself.  He  induced  the 
Athenians  to  ally  themselves  with  the  Argive  league. 
Finally,  Sparta  came  to  a  battle  with  the  league  at  Mantinea. 
Mantinea,  and  defeated  them  (418  B.C.);  the  league  was 
forthwith  broken  up.  Yet,  even  now,  Athens  and  Sparta 
did  not  begin  to  fight.  Each  was  at  heart  not  unwilling 
to  keep  the  peace.  Each  was  ready  for  a  convenient 
opportunity  for  war. 

232.  The  Athenian  Expedition  against  Syracuse. — 
The  opportunity  was  oft'ered  by  Athens.  In  the  year 
416  B.C.  she  made  a  brutal  use  of  her  naval  supremacy, 
and,  seizing  Doric  Melos  by  violence,  she  slew  or  en-  Meios. 
slaved  the  inhabitants,  and  divided  their  land  among 
Attic  cleruchi.  This  was,  however,  but  the  prelude  to 
a  still  more  daring  enterprise.  Her  commercial  activity 
in  the  west  had  long  been  hindered  by  the  rivalry  of 


192  PeJoponnesian  War 

'  Syracuse.  Just  at  this  time  the  rapid  extension  of  the. 
power  of  Syracuse  induced  some  ncii^hboring  cities  of 
Sicily  to  call  on  Athens  for  help.  Alcibiades  persuaded 
the  assembly,  despite  the  persistent  protests  of  Nicias,  to 
send  against  Syracuse  an  expedition,  which  set  sail  in 
415  B.C.  It  was  the  finest  fleet  Athens  ever  put  upon 
the  sea  and  taxed  her  resources  heavily.  It  consisted 
of  134  triremes,  20,000  seamen  and  an  army  of  6,430 
soldiers.  The  command  was  not  intrusted  to  Alcibiades 
alone,  but  was  divided  between  himself,  Nicias  and 
Lamachus.  One  morning,  just  before  the  fleet  sailed, 
the  Athenians  were  startled  to  find  that  the  sacred  im- 
ages, called  Hermas,  which  stood  along  the  streets  of  the 
city,  had  been  wantonly  disfigured.  The  attempt  was 
made  to  fasten  the  guilt  for  this  outrage,  and  other  similar 
sins  against  religion,  upon  Alcibiades  and  his  friends,  but 
a  decision  on  the  matter  was  postponed  till  he  returned. 
Condemna-  Howcvcr,  he  had  hardly  reached  Sicily  when  he  was 
Fiigh^"of  ordered  to  come  to  Athens  to  stand  trial.  Fearing  for 
Alcibiades.  j-^jg  ijfg^  j^^  cscapcd,  and  after  a  short  time  found  a  refuge 
at  Sparta,  where  he  sought  every  means  to  bring  ruin 
upon  his  native  city. 

233.  Renewal  of  the  War. — At  last,  in  414  B.C.,  under 
the  impulse  of  the  war  spirit,  the  Athenians  took  the 
bold  step  of  making  a  descent  upon  Spartan  soil.  This 
decided  the  Spartans  for  war.  They  sent  a  small  force 
to  the  aid  of  Syracuse  under  a  valiant  and  able  general 
named  Gy-lip'pus  and  prepared  again  to  invade  Attica. 

234.  The  Disaster  at  Syracuse. — Meanwhile  the  ex- 
pedition against  Syracuse  was  faring  badly.  Lam'a-chus 
was  dead  and  Nicias  was  left  in  sole  command.  He 
sent  back  to  Athens  for  reinforcements.     In  spite  of 


Disaster  in  Sicily  193 

some  unpleasant  surprise  at  this  news,  Athens  could 
not  draw  back,  and  her  most  brilliant  general,  Demos- 
thenes, was  sent  out  with  seventy-three  ships  and  an 
army  of  twenty  thousand  men  gathered  from  all  parts 
of  the  Athenian  empire.  But  his  help  was  in  vain. 
The  honest  but  incompetent  Nicias  had  lost  his  oppor-  incompe- 
tunity  to  capture  the  city  by  assault  and  attempted  a  Nicias? 
siege.  The  Syracusans  gathered  courage  and  strength 
with  the  coming  of  Gylippus.  After  a  vain  attempt  to 
storm  their  works,  Demosthenes  urged  a  retreat,  but 
Nicias  delayed  until  it  was  too  late.  At  the  last  the 
Athenian  army  was  scattered,  the  two  generals  captured 
and  put  to  death,  the  soldiers  thrown  into  the  stone- 
quarries,  where  many  perished  of  hunger;  the  survivors 
were  sold  as  slaves  (413  B.C.). 

235.  Its  Vital  Significance. — The  Syracusan  expedi- 
tion was  the  crisis  of  Athens,  With  its  failure  the 
Athenian  empire  was  doomed.  The  plague  had  swept 
away  about  one-third  of  the  citizens;  the  disaster  in 
Sicily  cut  the  remainder  in  two.  The  astonishing  thing 
— and  it  exhibits  the  spirit  and  resources  of  the  city  most 
clearly — is  that  Athens  fought  the  Peloponnesians  ten 
years  longer  Ijcforc  she  fell. 

236.  Spartans  at  Decelea,  413  B.C. — The  Spartans, 
on  the  advice  of  Alcibiades,  now  occupied  a  permanent 
stronghold  in  Attica  at  Dec'e-le'a.  fifteen  miles  north  of 
Athens,  at  the  head  of  the  valley  of  the  Cephissus. 
Thereby  the  city  was  in  a  permanent  state  of  siege;  the  FUghtof 
income  from  the  country  was  cut  off;  the  slaves,  to  the  ^•^^^-• 
number  of  more  than  twenty  thousand,  escaped  to  the 
enemy,  and  all  work  suffered  correspondingly.     This  w^as 

in  itself  sufficiently  serious.     Then  came  the  awful  news 


194 


Peloponnesian  War 


on  the 
Scene. 


from  Syracuse.  In  three  particulars  its  eflfects  were  at 
once  felt. 

237.  Persia  Joins  in  the  War. — In  the  first  place, 
now  that  the  Athenian  navy  was  destroyed,  Persia  thought 
the  time  come  to  make  good  the  losses  sustained  between 
480  and  448  B.C.  Hence  she  determined  to  take  a  hand 
in  the  war.  Artaxerxes  I,  the  maker  and  lover  of  peace, 
was  dead,  and  his  son,  Darius  II,  was  on  the  throne  (424- 

Appearance  404)  B.C.     His  satraps,  Pham-a-baz'us  and  Tis-sa-pher'- 

of  Persia  , .  ,  t         /-,  ^^  •       , 

nes,  were  directed  to  recover  the  Great  Kmg  s  posses- 
sions  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  Persia  had  what  the 
Spartans  lacked — money.  With  money  the  Peloponne- 
sians  could  build,  equip  and  maintain  a  fleet  and  meet 
Athens  on  the  sea. 

238.  Revolt  of  Allies. — In  the  second  place  the  Athe- 
nian allies  broke  out  in  revolt  the  moment  a  hope  of  suc- 
cess presented  itself.  This  meant  to  sever  the  main 
artery  of  the  state;  for  now  that  Attica  was  lost  it  was 
from  the  empire  alone  that  Athens  drew  its  revenues, 
from  their  transmarine  investments  and  commerce  that 
the  citizens  gained  their  livelihood.  The  loss  of  reve- 
nues meant  inability  to  keep  a  fleet,  and  it  was  solely 
through  having  in  the  treasury  a  reserve  of  one  thousand 
talents  which  Pericles  had  set  aside  for  such  an  emergency 
that  a  navy  could  be  built  at  all. 

239.  Rule  of  the  Four  Hundred. — In  the  third  place 
the  disaster  in  Sicily  brought  the  democracy,  which  had 
authorized  the  expedition,  into  such  discredit  that  a  suc- 
cessful attempt  was  made  by  its  opponents  to  set  it 
aside  (411  B.C.).  At  a  packed  meeting  held  in  the 
suburb  of  Colonus  during  a  reign  of  terror  occasioned 
by  the  assassination  of  prominent  democrats,  the  con- 


Athens 

Loses  Her 
Revenues. 


Democracy 
Over- 
thrown. 


Persian  Intervention  1 95 

Stitutional  safeguards  of  popular  sovereignty  were  first 
abolished.  The  payment  for  all  public  services  of  a  civil 
character  was  suspended  during  the  continuance  of  the 
war  and  a  government  of  four  hundred  men  with  power 
to  legislate,  conduct  foreign  negotiations  and  appoint 
military  and  other  magistrates  was  substituted  for  the 
government  of  the  ecclesia,  the  understanding  being  that 
Alcibiades,  now  at  odds  with  Sparta  and  tired  of  living 
in  Persia,  where,  on  his  arrival  he  had  become  the  con- 
fidant of  Tissaphernes,  would,  if  restored,  win  for  Athens 
the  financial  support  of  the  Great  King.  Alcibiades  did, 
in  fact,  return  from  exile,  but  he  did  not  bring  Persia  with 
him,  and  it  was  to  the  fleet,  which  had  refused  to  acknowl- 
edge the  new  government,  that  he  came.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  four  hundred  then  tried  to  betray  Athens  to 
Sparta,  whereupon  it  was  set  aside  by  a  general  movement 
headed  by  The-ram'e-nes,  one  of  its  own  members;  and 
after  a  year's  interval,  during  which  the  propertied 
classes  alone  had  the  franchise,  the  complete  democracy 
was  restored. 

240.  Fall  of  the  Athenian  Empire. — The  first  fleet  built  FirstPerso- 
by  the  Peloponnesians  was  not  financed  liberally  by  the  pieet.^ 
Persian  satraps,  who,  while  inclining  to  Sparta  and  set- 
ting her  up  on  the  sea,  also  gave  sufficient  help  to  Athens 
to  enable  her  to  continue  the  struggle.     The  design  was 
to  weaken  both  sides  until  Persia  could  step  in  and  over- 
power both.     This  scheme  was  frustrated  by  a  brilliant  cyzicus. 
victory  gained  by  Alcibiades   at   Cyzicus   in  410  B.C., 
and   had   the   Athenian  distrust  of  this  versatile  man 
not  sent  him  again  into  exile  when  his  fleet  suffered  a 
slight  defeat  at  Notium  during  his  temporary  absence, 
the  war  might  still  have  ended  favorably  for  Athens. 


196  Peloponnesian  War 

The  disaster  of  Sparta  at  Cyzicus  was  made  good  when 
Lysander,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  more  later,  was  given 
charge  of  its  naval  operations,  for  he  persuaded  Cyrus,  the 
Great  King's  younger  son,  who  had  superseded  Tissa- 
phernes  in  command  of  the  Asia  Minor  provinces,  to  take 
definitely  the  side  of  Sparta,  the  consideration  being  that 
Sparta  acknowledged  Persia's  claim  to  the  Greek  territory 
Second         in  Asia  Minor.     So  long  as  the  second  Perso-Spartan 
Spartan        ^^^^  ^^'^  Under  Lysandcr's  command  it  was  successful, 
Fleet.  but  his  successor,  Cal-li-crat'i-das,  v/as  badly  beaten  in 

406  B.C.  0&.  the  Ar-gi-nus'se  islands  by  a  new  navy  which 
the  Athenians,  making  a  last  desperate  effort,  put  on  the 
sea  in  that  year.  The  complete  demoralization  of  public 
life  at  Athens  was  manifested  at  this  time  in  two  incidents. 
In  the  first  place,  at  the  instance  of  Theramenes,  the 
citizens  illegally  condemned  and  executed  their  successful 
admirals  for  failing  to  rescue  some  shipwrecked  sailors; 
and  in  the  second  place  they  again,  as  after  the  battle  of 
Cyzicus,  at  the  instance  of  Cleophon,  the  "boss"  of  the 
ecclesia  at  this  time,  rejected  honorable  proposals  of 
peace  made  by  the  discouraged  Spartans.  The  people 
would  have  the  whole  of  their  former  empire  or  nothing. 
Third  In  the  meanwhile  they  again  controlled  the  sea;  but  once 

Pcrso-  more  Lysander  and  Cyrus  built  and  equipped  a  new  fleet. 

Fiset.  This  the  Athenians  in  the  year  405  B.C.  followed  to  the 

Hellespont.  They  took  their  station  on  the  shore  of  the 
Thracian  Chersonese  over  against  Lamp'sa-cus  at  lE-gos- 
pot'a-mi,  an  open  beach  without  harborage,  and  repeat- 
edly offered  battle  to  Lysander.  He  chose  his  own  time, 
however,  and  falling  unexpectedly  upon  the  Athenian 
navy  captured  it  and  its  crew  almost  without  a  blow. 
This  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of  Athens  (404  B.C.), 


Lysander 


1J)7 


the  entrance  of  the  Peloponnesians  and  the  pulling  down  jEgo 
of  the  Long  Walls — a  day  of  triumph  for  Sparta,  heralded 
as  "the  beginning  of  freedom  for  Greece." 

241.  Character  of  Lysander. — The  two  chief  actors 
during  these  years  were  the  Athenian  Alcibiades  and 
Lysander  the  Spartan.  The  unprincipled  conduct  of 
the  former  has  been  described  already  in  the  narrative 


potami  and 
the  Fall  of 
Athens. 


of  the  war.  Shortly  after  it  was  over,  he  was  murdered 
by  the  Persians  among  whom  he  had  taken  refuge. 
Lysander  was  the  Spartan  Alcibiades,  a  brilliant,  cruel, 
selfish  politician  and  general.  His  purpose  was  the  same 
as  that  of  his  Athenian  contemporary,  to  help  his  state 
with  the  idea  of  making  himself  the  first  man  in  it.  As 
the  friend  of  Cyrus,  he  wielded  Persian  influence  in  be- 
half of  Sparta  and  won  the  final  victory  which  brought 
Athens  low.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  he  was  the  greatest 
man  in  Greece,  and  all  his  ambitions  seemed  about  to  be 
fulfilled. 


198 


Peloponnesian  War 


the  Demos. 


242.  Failure    of   Democracy    in    Foreign    Politics. — 

Nothing  in  history  is  more  amazing  and  heartrending 
Heroism  of  than  the  spectacle  of  Athens  during  these  ten  years.  It 
is  amazing  to  see  the  democracy  struggling  on  with  stern 
determination  against  an  inevitable  fate,  spending  their 
last  resources  to  equip  a  fleet,  and  on  its  destruction 
making  yet  another  desperate  effort  to  face  their  foes, 
and  yielding  only  when  the  treasury  was  empty,  the  citi- 
zen body  reduced  to  a  fraction  of  its  numbers,  the  sub- 
ject cities  lost,  the  food  supply  cut  off,  the  people  perish- 
ing from  famine.  However  admirable  this  exhibition  of 
heroism  may  be,  we  are  bound  to  recognize  that  as  the 
war  progressed  the  Athenian  demos  lost  a  just  apprecia- 
tion of  the  relative  material  strength  of  itself  and  its  ad- 
versaries. To  its  inability  to  decide  on  peace  when  peace 
was  necessary;  in  other  words,  to  its  inability  to  choose 
the  right  policy  in  foreign  affairs  we  must  attribute  a  large 
share  of  the  responsibility  for  the  fall  of  its  brilliant  empire. 

243.  Internal  Evils  of  Democracy. — There  were,  in- 
deed, serious  defects  in  the  Athenian  constitution,  the 
chief  of  which  was  the  inequality  of  the  burdens  borne 
by  citizens.  The  rich  were  called  on  for  large  contribu- 
tions for  the  support  of  the  state  (§  210),  while  the  poor, 
having  equal  rights,  were  paid  for  their  service.  The 
attitude  of  Athens  toward  her  subject  cities  was  also  a 
fundamental  weakness  in  her  foreign  policy  (§  213),  so 
that  in  her  dire  extremity  they  deserted  her.  But  none  of 
these  things,  not  Athenian  democratic  institutions,  nor 
the  superiority  of  Sparta,  nor  the  money  of  Persia,  brought 
her  low.  The  want  of  uprightness  and  honesty  in  her 
leaders;  the  preferring  of  cleverness  to  character;  the 
placing  of  self  and  party  above  country  and  duty;   in  a 


Demos  De- 
moralized 
by  War. 


Fall  ofAtJiem  199 

word,  the  social  and  political  demoralization  incident  to 
the  long  war — this  was  the  dry-rot  at  the  heart  of  Athens 
that  finally  brought  the  imperial  structure  to  ruin.  Far 
more  instructive  than  any  lessons  from  the  eastern  em- 
pires are  the  magnificent  achievement  and  the  pitiful  col- 
lapse of  the  Athenian  empire. 

244.  Terms   of   Athens's   Surrender. — The    terms    on 
which  Sparta  received  the  submission  of  Athens  were 
these;  the  fortifications  of  the  Pirseus  and  the  Long  Walls 
were  to  be  pulled  down;  all  the  ships  but  twelve  were  to 
be  given  up;  all  exiles  were  to  return;  the  supremacy  of 
Sparta  was  to  be  acknowledged;   the  friends  and  foes  of 
the  Spartans  were  to  be  Athens's  friends  and  foes,  and 
war  contributions  of  money  and  men  were  to  be  made 
when  Sparta  demanded  them.     These  conditions  reveal  The 
the  Spartan  programme:  (i)  to  secure  for  all  Greek  citie 
freedom    from    outside    interference — for    this    purpose  gramme, 
Athens  was  made  powerless,   (2)   to   establish   Sparta's 
headship  over  all  these  cities  in  the  spirit  of  the   old 
Peloponnesian  league  (§  154). 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  famous: 
Nicias,  Demosthenes,  Brasidas,  Gylippus,  Thucydides,  Soc- 
rates, Euripides,  Cyrus  the  Younger,  Lamachus,  Protagoras? 
2.  What  events  are  connected  with  the  following:  Amphipolis, 
Mantinea,  Decelea,  ^gospotami?  3.  What  is  meant  by  So- 
phist, Hermae,  demos,  "all  things  flow"?  4.  What  are  the 
dates  of  the  three  periods  of  the  war?  of  Pylos,  Syracusan 
expedition,  ^gospotami?  5.  Explain  the  attitude  of  the  Athe- 
nian assembly  on  the  occasion  of  Lesbos's  revolt.  6.  How 
did  the  news  of  the  disaster  at  Syracuse  affect  Athens?  7. 
What  were  the  reasons  for  Athens  refusing  Sparta's  honorable 
proposals  of  peace  after  Cyzicus? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Themistocles  (§§  168, 
1S4,  187)  and  Alcibiades  as  political  leaders.     2.  Compare  the 


Spartaa 
Pro- 


200  The  Spartan  Empire 

Athenian  method  of  declaring  war,  making  peace  and  appoint- 
ing generals  with  our  own. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Peloponnesian  War: 
Preliminaries  and  First  Period.  Bury,  ch.  lo.  2.  The  Second 
Period:  the  Sicilian  Expedition.  Bury,  pp.  458-4S4.  3.  The 
Third  Period.  Bury,  jjp.  48.;-5o'j.  4.  The  Sophists.  Bury, 
PP-  2>H-i^-    5-  Socrates.     Bury,  pp.  576-5S1. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT.  1.  The  Pelopon- 
nesian War:  Preliminaries  and  First  Period.  Zimmern,  ch. 
15;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  217-235;  Botsford,  pp.  igo-205.  2.  The 
Second  Period :  the  Sicilian  Expedition.     Zimmern,  pp.  270-282; 

Shuckburgh,  pp.  23S-248;  Botsford,  pp.  208-216.  3.  The  Third 
Period.  Zimmern,  ch.  17;  Botsford,  pp.  227-238;  Shuckburgh, 
pp.  248-259.  4.  The  New  Thought  at  Athens.  Botsford,  pp. 
217-227.  5.  Aristophanes.  Jebb,  pp.  95-100;  Capps,  ch.  11; 
Murray,  pp.  280-293.  ^'  Thucydides.  Jebb,  pp.  106-109;  Capps, 
pp.  317-330;  Murray,  ch.  8.  7.  Euripides.  Jebb,  pp.  88-94; 
Capps,  ch.  10;  Murray,  ch.  12.  S.Socrates.  Jebb.  p.  125;  Shuck- 
burgh, pp.  264-266;    Murray,  pp.  170-177;    Morey,  pp.  290-291 

245.  Other  Imperial  Attempts. — Sparta's  headship 
naturally  carried  with  it  the  reappearance  everywhere  of 
that  class  of  citizens  and  of  that  form  of  government  with 

Renewal  of  which  Sparta  was  in  sympathy.  The  aristocracy  took 
charge  of  affairs,  destroyed  democracy  and  established 
oligarchies  in  the  place  of  the  democratic  governments 
that  characterized  Athenian  rule.  The  usual  form  of 
these  oligarchies  was  the  decarchy,  or  the  rule  of  ten 
aristocratic  citizens.  A  peculiar  form  was  that  at  Athens, 
where  thirty  men  reorganized  the  government. 

246.  Failure  of  the  Programme. — But  it  was  impos- 
sible to  combine  the  two  parts  of  the  Spartan  programme 
(§  244).  The  events  of  the  last  fifty  years  made  it  diffi- 
cult to  force  the  demos  back  into  obscurity,  and  Sparta's 
aristocratic  friends  were  compelled  to  depend  on  Spartan 
help  to  sustain  them  in  office.     Moreover,  Sparta  had 


Oligarchy. 


The  Thirty  Tyrants  201 

been  infected  by  Athens  with  the  imperial  fever;  her 
great  general,  Lysandcr,  openly  worked  to  secure  Spartan 
supremacy.  Thus,  in  many  cities  the  decarchy  had  by  SpartaSup- 
its  side  a  Spartan  harmost,  or  overseer,  at  the  head  of  a  g^ctieT 
body  of  troops,  who  represented  the  real  power  of  the 
state.  Supported  by  this  military  authority,  the  aristo- 
crats took  bloody  revenge  everywhere  for  the  wrongs  of 
years,  killing  the  democratic  leaders  and  seizing  their 
property,  while  the  Spartan  commander  looked  calmly 
on  or  aided  the  avengers. 

247.  The  Thirty  at  Athens,  404-403  B.C. — At  Athens 
a  regular  reign  of  terror  was  carried  on  by  the  "Thirty" 
with  the  support  of  a  Spartan  garrison  on  the  Acropolis. 
Strictly  they  were  appointed  at  the  instigation  of  Lysander 
to  frame  a  new  constitution.  Chief  among  them  were 
Critias,  one  of  the  exiled  nobles  and  a  disciple  of  the 
"new  learning,"  and  Theramenes,  the  leader  of  the  mod- 
erate wing  of  the  aristocratic  faction  at  the  time  of  the 
four  hundred.  The  thirty  had  no  thought  of  bringing 
in  a  new  constitution,  but  their  intention  was  to  prolong 
their  term  of  rule  indefinitely.  To  this  end  they  soon 
began  to  expel  their  opponents,  especially  the  promi- 
nent democrats.  Numbers  were  slain  that  their  property 
might  be  confiscated.  In  these  murders  and  confisca- 
tions Critias  and  Theramenes  at  first  agreed,  but  on 
the  question  of  the  continuation  of  this  extreme  policy 
Theramenes  deserted  his  colleague.  To  break  the  force 
of  his  agitation  Critias  broadened  the  government  so  as 
to  include  three  thousand  men  in  a  list  of  privileged 
citizens.  However,  this  half-way  measure  did  not  re- 
move discontent.  An  open  rupture  occurred  between  Thera-^^ 
Critias  and  Theramenes,  the  latter  being  denounced  as  Trimmer.' = 


202  The  Spartan  Empire 

a  "turncoat."  Theramenes  defended  himself  valiantly, 
but  the  brute  force  of  his  adversary  prevailed,  and  he 
was  compelled  to  drink  the  fatal  hemlock.  Meanwhile, 
the  exiles  whom  the  thirty  had  banished  were  increasing 
in  numbers.  Many  found  refuge  in  Thebes,  and  of  these 
a  group  under  the  lead  of  Thrasybulus  seized  Phy'le,  on 
the  slopes  of  Mt.  Par'nes.  The  thirty  were  beaten  in 
an  attempt  to  dislodge  them;  nor  were  they  more  suc- 
cessful when  in  the  spring  of  403  B.C.  they  tried  to  re- 
cover the  Piraeus  which  Thrasybulus  and  his  comrades 
had  occupied  by  surprise.  Critias  was  among  the  slain. 
Even  then  another  oligarchy  would  have  been  set  up 
had  not  Pausanias,  the  Spartan  king,  who  was  hostile 
to  Lysander,  secured  for  the  Athenians  freedom  to  re- 
organize their  government  as  a  somewhat  conservative 
democracy. 

248.  Lysander's  Imperial  Policy. — Elsewhere  Lysan- 
der set  up  decarchies  and  planted  Spartan  garrisons, 
sailing  up  and  down  the  ^gean  sea,  levying  tribute  and 
practically  subjugating,  instead  of  freeing,  the  cities. 
Thus  the  Greek  world  found  that  the  victory  over  Athens 
resulted  only  in  the  setting  up  of  a  heartless  and  narrow- 
minded  power,  whose  aim  was  a  supremacy  more  thor- 

Persia,  the  ough  and  sclfish  than  ever.  This  could  not  fail  to  be 
Lys^ander.  clcarly  sccn,  whcn  it  became  known  that  the  condition 
on  which  Persia  had  taken  Sparta's  side  was  that  Sparta 
should  hand  the  Greek  cities  on  the  Asia  Minor  coast 
over  to  Persia.  Not  only  the  Spartans  then — the  Spar- 
tans and  the  Persians  were  lords  of  the  Greek  states. 

249.  Affairs  in  Sicily. — In  sympathy  with  Sparta  was 
yet  another  power  in  the  Greek  world.  Ever  since 
the  successful   defence  of  Syracuse  against  the  Athe- 


Dionysiiis  of  Syracuse  203 

nians  the  Greek  cities  of  Sicily  had  been  living  in  peace, 
with  increasing  wealth  and  prosperity,  under  democratic 
constitutions.  But  Carthage,  the  Phoenician  metropolis  The  Car- 
of  north  Africa,  who  had  kept  her  hands  from  Sicily  prXem" 
since  the  defeat  of  Himera  (Jj  176),  took  advantage  of  a 
local  quarrel  to  invade  Sicily  in  409  B.C.  In  the  struggles 
which  followed,  it  seemed  as  if  all  Greek  Sicily  would  fall 
under  the  Carthaginian  supremacy.  Deliverance  was 
wrought  by  a  citizen  of  Syracuse,  of  humble  origin,  but 
of  remarkable  political  and  military  gifts,  Dionysius.  The  Em- 
He  made  himself  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  and  in  a  series  of  oTonysiuc 
wars  with  the  Carthaginians  forced  them  back  and  con- 
fined their  possessions  to  the  western  end  of  the  island. 
During  his  long  reign  (405-367  B.C.),  Syracuse  became 
the  greatest  city  of  the  Greek  world.  Dionysius  forti- 
fied it  strongly,  adorned  it  magnificently  and  made  it 
the  centre  of  an  empire  which  embraced  a  large  part  of 
Greek  Italy,  as  well  as  islands  and  colonies  in  the  upper 
Adriatic  sea.  His  help  was  sought  and  obtained  by  the 
Spartans.  He  was  desirous  of  entering  into  close  rela- 
tions with  the  eastern  Greeks,  who  both  admired  and 
feared  him  as  a  powerful  but  dangerous  tyrant.  His 
nature  was  cold  and  hard;  he  did  little  for  higher  culture, 
although  he  wrote  tragedies  and  thought  himself  most 
fortunate  to  have  won  the  first  prize  at  Athens  in  a  tragic 
competition.  His  merit  was  primarily  political — to  have 
saved  the  Greeks  of  the  west  from  destruction.  His  em- 
pire lasted  only  a  few  years  after  his  death. 

250.  Growth  of  Greek  Imperialism. — The  half-century 
that  followed  the  close  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  (404- 
355  B.C.)  is  occupied  with  the  history  of  the  attempts 
of  the  leading  Greek  states,  one  after  the  other,  to  rule 


204  The  Spartan  Empire 

over  the  Greek  world.  In  each  of  these  states  were  am- 
bitious men  whose  ideals  were,  like  those  of  Alcibiades 
at  Athens  (§  230),  centred  on  the  supremacy  of  their 
Lysander  own  citics  Under  their  personal  headship.  Such  a  man 
Agesiiaus.  was  Ljsandcr  of  Sparta,  who,  despite  the  fact  that  there 
were  now  not  more  than  two  thousand  Spartiatae  whereas 
there  were  three  or  four  million  Greeks,  wanted  to  make 
Sparta  the  ruler  of  Greece  and  himself  the  ruler  of  Sparta. 
The  first  of  these  aims  he  was  accomplishing  by  sup- 
porting dependent  oligarchies  in  the  various  cities  with 
Spartan  harmosts  and  garrisons.  The  other  he  hoped  to 
gain  by  making  the  new  Spartan  king,  A-ges-i-la'us  (399 
B.C.),  a  man  small,  lame  and  apparently  without  force, 
subservient  to  himself. 

251.  The  Conflict  at  Sparta. — But  already  symptoms 
of  discontent  with  Lysander's  selfish,  unscrupulous,  pol- 
icy had  shown  themselves  at  Sparta.  The  liberation 
of  Athens  from  the  thirty  tryants  by  Pausanias  (§  247) 
is  an  illustration.  Especially  the  abandonment  of  the 
Asia  Minor  cities  to  Persia  was  felt  to  be  unworthy, 
and  their  deliverance  was  loudly  called  for.  The  de- 
cisive step  was  forced  by  an  unexpected  event.  The 
death  of  Darius  II  of  Persia  in  404  B.C.  brought  his 
The  "Anab-  eldest  son,  Artaxerxes  II,  to  the  throne.  But  Cyrus, 
Cyrus.  the  younger  son,  whose  union  with  Sparta  had  brought 

Athens  low  (§  240),  gathered  an  army  of  some  ten  thou- 
sand Greek  mercenaries  and  one  hundred  thousand 
Asiatics  and  started  from  Asia  Minor  to  contest  the 
throne  (401  B.C.).  The  king  met  the  invaders  in  Baby- 
lonia at  Cunaxa  (401  B.C.),  where  the  Greeks  carried  all 
before  them,  but  Cyrus  himself  was  killed.  With  his 
death   the  rebellion  collapsed,  the  Asiatics  deserted  to 


The  Ten  Thousand  205 

the  king  and  the  Greeks  were  left  alone  in  the  heart  of 
the  empire.  But,  though  deceived  and  harassed  by  the 
Persians,  and  their  generals  treacherously  slain,  they 
forced  their  way  back  to  the  west  through  the  northern 
mountains  and  reached  the  Black  sea.  They  had  chal- 
lenged the  Great  King  at  his  very  gates  and  he  had 
been  unable  to  punish  them. 

252.  Xenophon. — Among  the  Greeks  who  accompanied  Cyrus   The  Ten 

was  a  yountr  Athenian,  Xenophon,  a  friend  of  one  of  the  Greek   Thousanc 

1       I  r    *"•'  Xen- 

generals.     It  was  he  who  encouraged  the  Greeks  after  the  loss  of  ophon. 
their  generals  and  inspired  them  to  defy  the  king  and  attempt  the 
return  march.     He  has  written  an  account  of  the  expedition  in  his 
Anabasis,  one  of  the  most  attractive  books  in  Greek  literature. 

253.  War  between  Sparta  and  Persia. — When  Cyrus 
planned  his  rebellion,  he  sought  and  obtained  the  aid  of 
Sparta.  The  failure  of  his  attempt  brought  down  Persian 
wrath  upon  her.  She  was  thus  driven  to  break  with 
Persia  and  strike  a  blow  for  the  freedom  of  the  Asia  Minor 
cities.  War  began  in  400  B.C.  In  396  B.C.  Agesilaus,  with  Agesiiaus 
a  strong  army,  started  for  Asia  Minor,  accompanied  by  Minorf 
Lysander,  who  expected  to  control  the  expedition.  But 
Agesilaus,  though  insignificant  in  body,  was  vigorous  in 
purpose  and  ambition;  he  soon  showed  himself  the  real,  as 

well  as  the  nominal,  master,  and  Lysander's  supremacy 
was  past. 

254.  Sparta's  Difficulties  in  Greece. — The  war  with 
Persia  ran  on  feebly  for  ten  years  longer  (396-387  B.C.). 
Worthy  as  was  Sparta's  motive  in  waging  it,  she  could 
not  escape  the  consequences  of  her  arbitrary  treatment 

of  Greek  states  at  home.     Corinth,  Argos  and  Thebes,  Corinthian 
who  had  suffered  from  her  tyranny,  joined  with  Athens;  387 b.C). 


206 


The  Spartan  Empire 


Coroneia 

and 

Cnidos, 


The  Peace 
of  Antal- 
cidas. 


all  threw  themselves  on  the  side  of  Persia,  and  a  struggle 
began  in  395  B.C.  which  is  usually  called  the  Corinthian 
war.  Its  first  incident  was  the  death  of  Lysander  in 
an  attempt  to  take  Hal-i-ar'tus.  He  was  an  able  man 
whom  only  the  unfitness  and  disinclination  of  Sparta  for 
empire  prevented  from  being  uncrowned  sovereign  of 
Greece  for  a  long  time.  The  conflict  was  carried  on  at 
sea  also  where  a  Persian  fleet  under  the  leadership  of 
Conon,  an  Athenian  admiral,  operated  against  Sparta. 
Agesilaus  was  called  back  from  Ionia  and  won  a  victory 
over  the  Thebans  at  Cor'o-nei'a  in  394  B.C.,  but  the  same 
year  the  Spartan  fleet  was  destroyed  at  Cnidos.  The 
Ionian  cities  fell  into  the  hands  of  Persia.  The  Persian 
fleet  sailed  over  to  Greece,  where  Conon  rebuilt  the  Long 
Walls  of  Athens,  and  thus  the  opportunity  was  given 
her  to  become  again  an  independent  sea  power.  In 
392  B.C.  the  Spartans  suffered  a  startling  defeat  when 
the  Athenian  I-phic'ra-tes,  with  a  body  of  light  armed 
troops  of  an  improved  model  (peltasts),  defeated  for  the 
first  time  in  Greek  experience  one  of  their  heavy  armed 
regiments.  It  soon  became  clear  that  Sparta  could  not 
make  headway  against  the  Greeks  and  Persians  com- 
bined. Hence  she  gave  up  the  double  contest  and  sought 
peace  from  Persia  on  terms  most  advantageous  to  herself. 
The  Great  King  dictated  the  conditions  to  her  ambassa- 
dor, An-tal'ci-das,  and  in  387  B.C.  Ihe  King's  peace  was 
established  throughout  the  Greek  world. 


The  royal  decree  which  gave  the  terms  of  peace  read  as  follows: 
"  King  Artaxerxes  thinks  it  right  that  the  cities  in  Asia  and  the  islands 
of  Clazomence  and  Cyprus  shall  belong  to  him;  further,  that  all  the 
other  Greek  cities,  small  and  great,  shall  be  independent,  except 
Lemnos,  Imbros  and  Scyros,  which  shall  belong  to  Athens  as  for- 


Peace  ofAntalcidas  207 

merly.  If  any  refuse  tc  accept  this  peace,  I  shall  make  war  on  them, 
along  with  those  who  have  the  same  mind,  both  by  land  and  sea,  with 
both  ships  and  money." 

255.  A  Virtual  Victory  for  Sparta. — To  Sparta,  as 
head  of  Greece,  was  given  the  task  of  maintaining  the 
peace  as  the  king's  deputy.  The  result  was  practically 
to  restore  Spartan  supremacy.  For  whatever  cities  had 
organized  leagues  or  subjected  other  cities  would  be 
forced  by  Sparta  to  give  independence  to  those  under 
them,  while  Sparta  herself  had  a  free  hand  in  establish- 
ing her  own  power  everywhere.  The  Asia  Minor  cities 
were,  however,  definitely  handed  over  to  Persia, 

256.  The  Centralizing  Tendency. — It  remained  to  be 
seen  whether  Sparta's  diplomatic  triumph  could  be  main- 
tained in  the  face  of  the  tendency  to  unite  states,  which 
was  steadily  making  headway  in  the  Greek  world  against 
the  old-time  principle  of  independence  (§  216).  Every- 
where leagues  were  forming;  new  and  larger  states  were 
rising;   tyrants  were  appearing  and  gaining  wider  power. 

By  the  peace  of  Antalcidas  Sparta  was  empowered  to  checked 
check  these  movements  in  her  own  interest.     The  real  gparta, 
problem  was  whether  she  was  strong  enough  to  stop  them 
and  make  herself  mistress  of  Greece.     She  bestirred  her- 
self with  energy.     The  opposition  in  the  Peloponnesus 
was  put  down.     A  league  of  the  Chalcidian  cities  under 
the  leadership  of   Olynthus  was  broken  up    (382-379 
B.C.).     A   check   was   put  on   the   Boeotian   league  by  The 
throwing   a    Spartan   garrison   into   the    Cadmeia,    the  ASa^!'* 
citadel  of  Thebes  (382  B.C.) — a  manifest  breach  of  the 
King's  peace.     An  attempt  was  made  to  seize  the  Piraeus, 
which  the  Athenians  had  not  yet  fully  fortified  (378  B.C.), 
but  without  success. 


and  Its 
Lesson. 


208  Fall  of  Spartan  Empire 

257.  Revolt  at  Thebes.  —  But  such  high-handed 
measures  provoked  intense  opposition.  A  conspiracy 
at  Thebes,  aided  by  the  Athenians,  succeeded  in  driving 
out  the  Spartan  garrison  and  uniting  Boeotia  against 
Sparta  (379  B.C.).  Athens  also  declared  war  and  swept 
the  Spartans  from  the  sea.  And  behind  the  barrier  which 
Bceotia  presented  to  Spartan  advance  northward,  Jason, 
tyrant  of  Pherae,  an  energetic,  clever,  highly  educated, 
unscrupulous  man,  succeeded  in  bringing  all  Thessaly 
under  his  control.  As  tagus  of  the  whole  land,  he  came 
to  possess  an  army  of  eight  thousand  cavalry  and  twenty 
thousand  hoplites — by  far  the  strongest  force  under  single 

Leuctra  Command  in  eastern  Greece.  When,  in  371  B.C.,  the 
Spartan  army  under  King  Cleombrotus  entered  Boeotia, 
the  Boeotians  met  them  at  Leuctra  and  inflicted  upon 
them  a  smashing  defeat.  The  king  himself  was  slain 
and  a  thousand  Lacedemonians  with-  him.  The  pres- 
tige of  the  Spartan  soldiery  was  destroyed.  All  Greece 
was  astounded.  The  pious  Xenophon  wrote  of  it  as 
follows:  "The  Lacedemonians,  who  swore  to  leave  the 
cities  independent,  seized  the  citadel  of  Thebes,  and  they 
were  punished  by  the  very  men,  single-handed,  whom 
they  had  wronged,  though  never  before  had  they  been 
vanquished  by  any  single  people.  It  is  a  proof  that  the 
gods  observe  men  who  do  irreligious  and  unhallowed 

Jason  of  deeds."  For  a  moment  it  seemed  as  though  Jason,  the 
ostensible  friend  of  Thebes,  would  dominate  victor  and 
vanquished  alike,  but  his  assassination  a  few  months 
after  Leuctra  ended  the  Thessalian  peril, 

258.  Grounds  for  Theban  Success. — The  victory  of 
Thebes  was  the  result,  not  of  a  sudden  outburst  of  ir- 
resistible wrath  at  Spartan  oppression,  but  of  long  mill- 


Pherae. 


Epaminondas 


209 


tary  training  and  a  new  system  of  military  tactics  devised 
and  carried  through  by  leaders  of  genius  and  enthusiasm. 
Two  great  men  had  been  created  by  the  Theban  situ-  Two  Men 
ation— Pe-lop'i-das  and  E-pam'i-non'das.  The  former  °f  Genius, 
was  the  leader  in  the  band  of  conspirators  that  drove  the 
Spartans  out  of  Thebes,  an  intense  fiery  nature,  of  genial 
and  bold  temper; 
he  gathered  the 
Theban  youth  in- 
to the  "Sacred 
Band,"  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  pairs 
of  friends,  skilled 
in  war,  bound  by 
the  holiest  of  ties 
to  fight  side  by 
side  to  the  death. 
Epaminondas  bal- 
anced the  passion- 
ate enthusiasm  of 
his  friend  by  a  phil- 
osophic temper 


and  the  deep  in- 
sight of  political  and  military  genius.  It  was  he  who  de- 
veloped the  new  tactics  that  won  at  Leuctra.  Ordinarily, 
in  a  Greek  battle  the  attack  was  made  with  the  right  wing, 
which  sought  to  outflank  the  enemy's  left  wing  and  throw 
it  back  upon  the  rest  of  the  line.  But  Epaminondas  re- 
versed this  order  by  making  his  left  wing  the  fighting  wing, 
arranging  it  fifty  men  deep  instead  of  the  usual  twelve, 
and  hurling  it  first  upon  the  enemy's  fighting  wing,  letting 
the  rest  of  the  line  follow  and  complete  the  overthrow. 


New  Mili- 
tary Tac- 
tics. 


210 


The  Tliehan  Empire 


Imperial- 
ism. 


Its  Carry- 
ing Out. 


In  the  Pel- 
oponnesus. 


Mantinea. 


259.  The  New  Theban  Policy. — The  plans  of  these 
two  leaders  contemplated  not  merely  the  freedom  of  their 
city  from  Spartan  control,  but  the  establishment  of  The- 
ban supremacy  over  Boeotia,  and  even  the  substitution  of 
Thebes  for  Sparta  in  the  hegemony  of  the  Greek  world. 
They  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Dionysius  (§  249),  who 
died  in  367  B.C.,  and  whose  successor,  Dionysius  II,  had 
little  of  the  genius  and  vigor  of  his  father.  With  Boeotia 
consolidated,  they  must  gain  control  over  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, northern  Greece  and  the  sea.  To  this  task  Thebes, 
under  these  leaders,  gave  herself  for  ten  years  (371-362 
B.C.).  In  the  north  the  tyrants  of  Thessaly  were  sub- 
dued, but  in  the  struggle  Pelopidas  was  slain  (364  B.C.). 
The  attempt  to  control  the  sea  brought  Thebes  into  con- 
flict with  Athens  and  led  to  no  result.  In  the  Pelopon- 
nesus a  better  outcome  seemed  possible.  The  defeat 
of  Sparta  opened  the  way  for  the  cities,  which  she  had 
oppressed,  to  make  themselves  free.  The  Arcadians, 
hitherto  split  up  into  petty  villages,  united  in  a  common 
state  life  with  its  centre  at  a  new  city,  Megalopolis,  and 
found  protection  and  support  from  Thebes.  Epami- 
nondas  marched  down  into  the  Peloponnesus,  almost 
captured  Sparta,  freed  the  Messenians  and  set  them  up 
as  a  separate  state  with  Messene,  a  new  city  planted  on 
Mt.  Ithome,  as  their  capital.  But  eager  as  these  states 
were  for  freedom,  they  were  not  ready  to  hold  it  under 
Theban  direction.  They  turned  against  their  deliverer, 
and  when  Epaminondas  came  down,  in  362  B.C.,  to  re- 
establish Theban  authority  he  found  Spartans,  Arcadi- 
ans, Athenians  and  others  in  the  army  that  confronted 
him.  The  battle  was  fought  at  Man'ti-ne'a.  His  mili- 
tary genius  again  gave  him  the  victory,  but  he  himself 


FallofThehes  211 

was  sore  wounded  and  died  on  the  field.     With  his  death 

the  Theban  supremacy  was  shattered.     What  Thebes 

had  accomplished  was  to  break  up  the  Peloponnesian 

league — to  carry  into  the  peninsula  the  isolation  of  the 

various  city-states  existent  elsewhere   in   Greece.     She  The  Result 

had  overthrown  Sparta's  supremacy;   her  own  she  could 

not  establish   in   its  place.     Greek  unity,   so  urgently 

needed  and  so  steadily  aspired  after,  seemed  farther  off 

than  ever. 

260.  Revival  of  Athenian  Ambition. — Could  Athens 
bring  this  about?  Such  had  been  the  ambition  of  the 
restored  democracy  from  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury. Various  attempts  had  been  made  to  recover  her 
power  over  the  ^Egean  cities.  Early  in  377  B.C.  a  con-  Second 
federacy  of  Greek  cities  under  Athenian  leadership  was  Emp^r'e^,'' 
proposed,  with  the  purpose  of  forcing  the  Spartans  to 
leave  the  Greeks  free  and  independent.  No  possibility 
of  Athenian  encroachment  upon  the  rights  and  powers 
of  the  allies  was  permitted.  They  united  as  independent 
states,  about  seventy  in  number,  with  Athens  as  the  polit- 
ical and  military  head.  The  purpose  of  the  league  was 
accomplished  so  far  as  it  sought  the  overthrow  of  Sparta's 
sea  power,  but  it  was  too  loose  a  confederation  to  satisfy 
Athens  or  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  time.  In  366  B.C., 
therefore,  Athens  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to  turn  it 
into  something  more  like  an  empire.  Under  Ti-mo'- 
theus,  the  son  of  Conon,  and  Iphicrates,  fleets  were  sent 
out  which  reduced  Samos  to  subjection  and  established 
Athenian  supremacy  in  the  Hellespont  and  on  the  Chal- 
cidian  peninsula.  But  opposition  was  found  on  every  Athenian 
side.  Thebes  contested  the  Athenian  claim  to  the  sea  connate 
(§  259).     A  new  king  in  Persia,  Artaxerxes  III  (Ochus),  i'- 


212 


Second  Athenian  Empire 


Difficulty 

with 

Macedonia. 


The  Social 
War. 


Conflict 
between 
Old  and 
New  Polit- 
ical Ideas. 


came  to  the  throne  in  359  b.c,  and  his  energetic  activity 
restored  Persia  to  something  like  unity  and  strength. 
The  Athenian  advance  in  the  north  had  disturbed  Mace- 
donia, where,  in  359  B.C.,  Philip  had  become  king.  By 
clever  diplomacy  he  outwitted  Athens  and  began  to  secure 
the  Greek  cities  which  occupied  the  coast  of  his  king- 
dom and  exploited  it  to  their  own  advantage  and  that 
of  Athens,  their  suzerain.  This  he  could  do  the  more 
easily  in  that  in  357  B.C.  the  most  important  of  the  de- 
pendencies of  Athens  revolted  and  the  Social  War  which 
ensued  absorbed  the  energies  of  that  city  completely. 
Thus,  the  difficulties  of  maintaining  an  empire  were  too 
great  for  Athens.  In  355  b.c.  she  made  peace  with  her 
rebellious  allies  in  the  east  by  renouncing  her  authority 
over  them;  she  contented  herself  with  the  few  possessions 
which  remained  in  the  north,  where  her  trouble  with 
Philip  was  not  yet  settled.  Greece  was  in  confusion  still, 
and  no  one  could  see  the  end. 

261.  Review  of  the  Situation.— As  we  look  back  over 
the  fifty  years  that  came  to  a  close  with  355  b.c,  we 
notice,  in  comparison  with  the  fifth  century,  some  signifi- 
cant characteristics.  The  facts  of  the  history  narrated 
in  the  preceding  sections  show  very  clearly  that  it  was  a 
time  of  change  and  conflict,  without  any  clear  aim  or 
satisfactory  outcome.  The  brilliant  career  of  Athens 
with  its  imperial  aspirations  had  been  brought  to  naught 
by  the  determined  opposition  of  states  representing  the 
old  Greek  principle  of  the  separate  independence  of  the 
several  cities.  The  victory  of  Sparta  strengthened  every- 
thing that  gathered  about  that  principle — the  aristocratic 
class,  the  old  religion,  the  dislike  of  democracy,  the  pref- 
erence for  constitutions  like  that  of  Sparta,  which  re- 


Mercenaries  213 

strained  the  freedom  of  the  individual  citizen  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  state.  On  the  other  hand,  imperial  Athens, 
though  fallen,  handed  on  the  influences  and  ideals 
which  she  had  cherished,  and  they  continued  to  fight  for 
supremacy  in  the  political  and  social  life  of  the  time. 
The  imperial  idea  was  seized  by  Sparta  and  Thebes; 
the  impossibility  of  turning  Greece  into  a  mass  of  petty, 
independent  cities  was  emphasized  by  the  various  leagues 
which  constantly  sprang  up;  the  new  thought  was  as- 
serting the  importance  of  the  individual  man  and  his 
demands  upon  life,  upon  the  state  of  which  he  was  a 
citizen,  upon  the  world  in  which  he  lived.  Thus  every- 
where it  was  conflict  between  return  to  the  past  and 
progress  along  new  paths. 

262.  Changes  in  the  Art  of  War. — Everywhere  ap- 
peared signs  that  this  was  a  time  of  transition.  The  art 
of  war  was  changing.  The  heavy-armed  footman,  the 
hoplite,  ceased  to  be  the  one  strong  force  of  the  army; 
the  light-armed  soldier,  the  peltast,  was  found  to  be  more 
and  more  useful.  As  we  have  seen,  it  was  a  great  shock 
to  the  military  science  of  the  time  when  the  Athenian 
Iphicrates,  in  392  b.c,  set  upon  a  regiment  of  Spartan 
hoplites  with  his  peltasts  and  nearly  destroyed  them  all. 
Cavalry  also  became  more  important  and  no  army  was 
complete  without  a  strong  corps.  The  new  tactics  of 
Epaminondas  were  likewise  revolutionary.  Equally  strik-  Merce- 
ing  is  the  almost  universal  employment  of  mercenary 
soldiers.  The  long  years  of  the  Peloponncsian  war  bred 
a  generation  who  knew  one  thing  well — how  to  fight. 
Many  of  them  had  no  other  occupation;  and  since 
those  who  were  engaged  in  business  and  agriculture 
gradually  lost  the  humor  for  fighting  and  preferred  to 


214 


Anarchy 


Factions. 


Decline  of 
the  Citizen 
Body. 


Problem  of 
Finance. 


pay  others  to  do  it  for  them,  it  soon  became  impossible 
to  send  out  sufficiently  large  armies  of  citizens;  hence 
soldiers  were  hired  and  the  practice  of  selling  oneself  for 
war  was  a  very  profitable  trade.  Generals,  too,  let  them- 
selves out  for  hire  to  conduct  campaigns.  As  money  was 
scarce  in  all  the  Greek  states,  and  the  funds  for  the  pay- 
ment of  mercenaries  were  soon  exhausted,  opposing  gen- 
erals avoided  decisive  battles  and  sought  to  prolong  the 
manoeuvres  until  the  opposing  force  was  disbanded  for 
lack  of  funds.  Thus  war  was  carried  on  quite  scientifi- 
cally and  with  much  less  bloodshed. 

263.  Confusion  in  Politics. — Another  illustration  of 
this  time  of  change  is  found  in  the  politics  of  the  day.  It 
is  a  mixture  of  petty  conflicts  and  local  problems  with 
great  plans  and  large  ambitions.  The  imperial  strivings 
of  each  of  the  greater  states  were  checked  by  the  obsti- 
nate opposition  of  smaller  states.  Each  state  had  its 
own  war  of  factions — aristocrat  against  democrat.  The 
complicated  politics  of  the  time  was  due  to  the  ceaseless 
intrigues  of  these  little  cities,  now  swinging  to  this  side, 
now  to  that.  Fear  and  jealousy,  ambition  and  conserv- 
atism, were  contending  impulses  in  every  community. 
At  the  same  time  the  problems  of  these  states  were  of  the 
pettiest  order.  They  were  all  reduced  in  population  and 
resources.  Sparta's  legitimate  citizens  at  the  end  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war  numbered  only  about  two  thousand. 
Athens  was  hard  pressed  to  keep  up  her  citizen  body 
which  had  sunk  to  about  twenty  thousand — a  figure  at 
which  it  remained  fixed  during  the  whole  of  the  fourth 
century  B.C.  The  difficult  question  of  finance  was  a 
pressing  one.  Athens  was  constantly  on  the  verge  of 
financial  exhaustion,  although  she  had  a  fairly  prosper- 


PLATE  XIX 


Sculpture  215 

ous  commercial  activity.  When  they  had  the  opportu- 
nity, recourse  was  had  both  by  Athens  and  Sparta  to 
plundering  defenceless  regions  and  forcing  contribu- 
tions from  weaker  cities.  Piracy  was  not  uncommon. 
Sometimes  the  baser  expedient  of  robljing  temples  was 
tried.  Hence  came  the  importance  of  the  alliance  with 
Persia,  for  that  meant  Persian  gold. 

264.  Art  and  Literature  Flourish. — The  brightest  side 
of  the  life  of  the  time  appears  in  the  higher  spheres  of 
art  and  literature.  During  these  years  of  turmoil  they 
went  steadily  forward.  Even  in  the  Peloponnesian  war, 
sculptors  could  put  forth  such  splendid  creations  as  the 
■Nike  ("Victory")  by  Paeonius,  set  up  by  the  Messeni- 
ans  at  Olympia.  The  greatest  sculptor  of  the  age  was 
Prax-it'e-les,  whose  only  extant  work,  the  Hermes,  reveals 
the  chief  note  of  progress.  It  consists  in  the  freer  ex-  The  New 
pression  of  human  emotion,  the  delineation  of  man  as  an 
individual  with  his  special  traits  and  feelings,  contrast- 
ing thus  with  the  more  restrained  and  heroic  ideals  of  the 
age  of  Pericles  (§  205).  His  most  famous  statues — the 
Cnidian  Aphrodite,  the  Satyr,  the  Eros,  have  perished, 
and  only  copies  of  them,  like  the  Marble  Faun  of  Haw- 
thorne, have  come  down  to  us.  And  his  contemporaries, 
Scopas,  whose  faces  always  had  an  alert,  far-away  look, 
and  Ly-sip'pus,  whose  works  were  all  in  bronze  and  who 
alone  among  sculptors,  it  is  said,  was  permitted  to  make 
portraits  of  Alexander  the  Great,  have  fared  no  better. 
A  good  copy  of  one  of  the  latter's  productions  is  the 
famous  Apoxyomenus — or  athlete  using  the  strigil  to 
scrape  the  sweat  and  oil  from  his  arm — now  in  Rome. 
As  the  Parthenon  is  the  fmest  exam])le  of  Periclean  ar-  Archi- 
chitecture,  so  the  tomb  of  Mau-so'lus,  satrap  and  king 


Sculpture 


lecture. 


216         Culture  of  Fourth  Century,  B.  C. 


Painting. 


Enrich- 
ment of 
Life. 


Execution 
of  Socrates. 


His 
Disciples. 


of  Caria,  reveals  for  this  age  the  union  of  sculpture  and 
architecture  at  its  highest  point.  The  greatest  artists  of 
the  time  notably  Scopas,  worked  upon  it.  Painting,  also, 
took  a  place  in  the  art  of  the  day  never  attained  before. 
The  houses  of  the  rich  were  adorned  by  frescoes  and 
the  works  of  great  painters.  Indeed,  everywhere  greater 
luxury,  a  finer  taste  in  f)rivate  life,  appeared,  illustrated 
in  the  pursuits  of  hunting,  in  enjoyment  of  the  coun- 
try and  agricultural  activity,  and  even  in  cookery,  all  of 
which  were  studied  as  arts  and  on  which  books  were 
written  that  have  come  down  to  us. 

265.  Intellectual  Life  at  Athens. — Athens  was  the 
bright  star  in  the  world  of  literature  and  thought.  Shorn 
of  her  imperial  position  in  the  political  world,  she  laid 
her  hand  of  power  upon  the  higher  realm  of  letters  and 
philosophy,  and  won  an  unquestioned  triumph.  What 
Pericles  had  claimed  (§  209)  now  came  true.  Athens 
was  the  teacher  of  Greece.  At  the  opening  of  the  fourth 
century  B.C.,  however,  things  had  seemed  to  point  in  the 
other  direction.  The  backward  look  toward  the  past, 
so  characteristic  of  this  age  (§  261),  tended  to  the  sup- 
pression of  the  new  learning.  Indeed,  one  awful  blun- 
der, worse  than  a  crime,  was  made  by  this  reactionary 
spirit  in  399  B.C.,  when  Socrates  (§  229)  was  put  to  death 
as  an  impious  and  pernicious  man.  But  disciples,  in- 
spired by  his  teaching,  took  up  his  work  and  carried  on 
the  new  learning  to  higher  flights.  One  of  the  most 
attractive  of  these  men  was  Xenophon  (434-354  B.C.). 


It  is  said  that  Xenophon,  when  a  young  and  handsome  boy,  was 
one  day  halted  in  the  streets  of  Athens  by  Socrates,  who  asked  him 
where  various  articles  of  merchandise  could  be  bought.  He  politely 
told  him.     Then  Socrates  asked,  "But  where  can  one  get  good  and 


Plato  217 

honorable  men?"     A\Tien  the  boy  could  not  answer,  the  philosopher 
replied,  "Follow  mc,"  and  Xcnophon  became  his  disciple. 

It  was  not  altogether  with  the  approval  of  Socrates  xenophoa. 
that  Xenophon  joined  the  army  of  Cyrus  (§  252),  and  the 
outcome  of  that  expedition,  while  it  brought  honor  to  the 
young  leader,  ruined  his  career  as  an  Athenian.  As  a 
friend  of  Sparta,  he  was  banished  from  Athens  and  went 
to  live  on  an  estate  in  Elis  presented  to  him  by  the  Spar- 
tans. There  he  wrote  many  books.  The  most  impor- 
tant are  the  Memoirs  of  Socrates,  a  worthy  record  of  his 
master's  career  and  teachings;  the  Cyropedia,  a  kind  of 
historical  romance  glorifying  the  elder  Cyrus  of  Persia 
(§  79);  the  Anabasis,  which  has  already  been  referred  to 
(§  252);  and  the  Hellenica,  a  history  of  Greece  from  the 
point  where  Thucydides  left  off  (411  B.C.)  to  the  battle 
of  Mantinea.  Xenophon  is  a  typical  man  of  his  time, 
a  consen-ative,  clear-headed,  sensible,  healthy  nature, 
roused  into  vigorous  thinking  by  the  spur  of  Socrates, 
but  unwilling  or  unable  wholly  to  yield  to  the  impulse 
of  his  master — a  son  of  progressive  Athens  taking  halting 
Sparta  for  his  foster-father. 

266.  Plato. — A  far  abler  disciple  was  Plato  (428-347 
B.C.),  one  of  the  most  brilliant  philosophers  of  all  time. 
He  is  an  example  of  the  contradictions  of  this  troubled 
age.  Born  into  the  circle  of  Athenian  aristocracy,  one 
of  the  company  of  brilliant  young  men  that  surrounded 
Socrates,  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  politics 
of  democratic  Athens;  yet  he  was  passionately  devoted  to 
the  study  of  politics,  and  even  went  to  Syracuse,  in  the 
time  of  Dionysius  II,  to  introduce  his  theories  into  actual 
practice.  Of  course  they  failed.  He  gathered  about 
himself  in  Athens  a  body  of  disciples.     In  opposition  to 


218         Culture  of  Fourth  Century  B.  C. 

His  Phi-  the  material  and  often  sordid  activities  of  his  city  and 
°^°''  ^'  age,  he  taught  them  the  doctrine  that  things  on  earth  are 
faint  and  faded  copies  of  perfect  spiritual  realities  above 
this  world,  abiding,  pure,  divine.  The  perfect  life  is  that 
which  comes  into  harmony  with  these.  The  death  of 
Socrates  inspired  him  to  write  his  ^Apology  of  Socrates\ 
an  endeavor  to  present  in  substance  the  defence  which 
Socrates  uttered  before  the  court  that  condemned  him. 
His  writings  took  almost  always  the  form  of  dialogues. 
They  deal  with  a  variety  of  philosophical  and  political 
subjects  and  are  written  in  a  poetical  prose  of  wondrous 
His  refinement  and  fascination.     The  {Republic]  pictures  his 

Republic,  ifjga^}  commonwealth,  the  most  noticeable  features  of 
which  are  the  division  of  citizens  into  three  classes — the 
rulers,  the  guardians  and  the  traders  and  producers; 
the  establishment  of  a  communism  of  property,  women 
and  children;  and  the  requiring  men  and  women  to  en- 
gage in  the  same  occupations.  The  Phccdo  offers  an 
argument  for  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  The  Synipo- 
simn^  discusses  love  as  the  supreme  element  in  the  uni- 
verse. From  the  vicinity  of  his  home  to  the  gymna- 
sium of  Academus,  his  school  is  called  the  "Academy." 

267.  Isocrates. — While  possessing  nothing  like  the 
genius  of  Plato,  more  truly  a  child  of  his  age  is  I-soc'ra-tes 
(436-338  B.C.).  Indeed,  more  fully  than  any  other 
writer  or  thinker,  he  represents  the  Athens  of  the  fourth 
century,  its  culture,  its  doubts  and  its  hopes.  He  sought 
no  public  activity,  yet  devoted  himself  to  the  training  of 
men  for  public  life.  He  taught  them  rhetoric,  philosophy, 
science  and  character,  and  sought  to  form  public  opinion 
by  issuing  political  brochures  in  the  guise  of  orations. 
His  was  the  most  popular  school  and  he  the  best-known 


Isocrates  219 

sophist  in  the  Greek  world.     As  a  literary  man  he  was 
the  creator  of  a  classical  prose  style,  smooth,  liquid,  pure 
— possibly  lacking  in  strength  and  fire.     As  a  political 
philosopher  his  view  was  broad  and  high.     At  first  he  The  Greek 
hoped,  like  so  many  men  of  his  time,  that  the  old  union  ofc^ek*" 
of  Sparta,  the  land  power,  and  Athens,  the  sea  power,  of  umty. 
the  Greek  world  might  be  revived  to  be  the  salvation  of- 
Greece.     Such  was  his  plea  in  his  Panegyricus_,  delivered 
at  Olympia  on  the  occasion  of  the  hundredth  Olympiad 
(380  B.C.).     He  rose  to  a  higher  ideal,  the  union  of  all 
Greece  under  a  single  leader  and  the  advance  of  united 
Greece  against  Persia — the  recovery  of  Greek  unity  and 
honor.     The  trouble  was  he  could  get  no  leader — he 
summoned  one  after  another  of  the  states  to  this  task. 
But  as  his  long  life  drew  to  a  close,  one  did  appear,  and 
Isocrates  could  look  forward  hopefully  to  the  realizing 
of  his  ideal.     That  leader  was  Philipj  king  of  Macedon, 
whose  career  is  a  turning-point  in  Greek  history. 

268.  How    Can    Greece    Be   Revived  and    United? — ■ 
Our  study  of  the  oriental  empires  has  shown  how  with  New 
the  decay  of  the  nations  of  culture  there  appear  new     *°p^^' 
peoples,   rude  and   strong,   to   overrun  and   rule   their 
weaker  but  more  highly  developed  neighbors,  absorb 
their  culture  and  carry  the  world  a  stage  farther  in  the 
march  of  progress  (§  35).     Such  was  to  be  the  solution  of 
the  problem  of  the  Greek  world.     In  the  western  and  in  the 
northern  parts  of  the  Greek  peninsula  was  a  mass  of  N"'''^^'^^'* 
peoples  on  the  borders  of  civilization,  becoming  slowly 
affected  by  it,  forming  out  of  loose  tribal  conditions  states 
of  a  steadily  increasing  strength  and  unity.     Some  had 
already  been  drawn  into  the  circle  of  Greek  politics  and 
war,  like  ^^tolia,  Acarnania  and  Ambracia.     And  now, 


220 


Rise  of  Macedon 


Relation 
to  Greece. 


The  First 
National 
Problems. 


even  beyond  these,  in  the  wild  region  of  Epirus,  occu- 
pied by  a  mixture  of  races,  kingdoms  like  that  of  the 
Molossi  began  to  emerge.  A  new  Greece  was  rising  as 
the  old  Greece  declined. 

269.  Rise  of  Macedonia. — It  was  in  the  northeast, 
rather  than  in  the  west,  however,  that  advance  was  more 
rapid.  This  was  to  be  expected,  since  the  eastern  coast  of 
Greece  had  been  the  scene  of  the  most  vigorous  life  from 
the  earliest  period.  Here,  lying  back  from  the  north- 
western yEgean  and  cut  off  from  Thessaly  by  lofty  moun- 
tains, lay  Macedonia.  Its  people  was  a  strange  com- 
plex of  races:  to  the  north  and  west  Illyrian,  to  the 
east .  Thracian,  mixed  with  the  purer  Greek  blood,  but 
all  paying  uncertain  allegiance  to  a  line  of  kings  whose 
capital  was  at  ^gse,  far  in  the  interior,  at  the  head  of 
the  great  plain  that  stretched  down  to  the  Thermaic 
gulf.  These  kings,  handing  down  their  throne  from 
father  to  son,  steadily  grew  in  power  and  importance. 
The  position  of  Macedonia  drew  them  early  into  the 
circle  of  Greek  politics;  it  is  their  lasting  merit  that  they 
saw  and  valued  the  importance  of  cultivating  relations 
with  the  Greek  states.  The  first  of  the  kings  to  come 
into  historic  light  took  the  side  of  the  Greeks  in  the 
first  Persian  wars.  They  encouraged  Greek  settlements 
on  their  shores.  They  even  claimed  descent  from  the 
Greek  god  and  hero,  Heracles,  and  the  claim  was  ac- 
knowledged by  the  privilege  conferred  upon  them  of  con- 
testing in  the  Olympic  games. 

270.  Growth  of  Macedonian  National  Life. — Brought 
thus  into  close  contact  with  the  intense  spirit  of  Greek 
national  life  and  culture,  the  Macedonian  king  and  his 
people  naturally  were  inspired   to  develop    their   own 


King  Philip  221 

nationality.  Two  things  were  necessary  for  this  result. 
First,  the  loose  attachment  of  the  tribes  in  the  west  and 
north  must  be  turned  into  a  firm  allegiance  to  the  sov- 
ereign. Second,  the  sea-coast  must  be  secured.  The  first 
of  these  was  undertaken  in  a  series  of  military  opera- 
tions carried  on  by  king  after  king  with  very  moderate 
success.  The  second  meant  obtaining  supremacy  over 
the  flourishing  Greek  cities  which,  for  centuries  planted 
on  the  peninsulas  of  Chalcidice,  had  monopolized  the  rich 
trade  with  the  interior.  As  most  of  the  cities  belonged  to 
the  Athenian  empire,  the  kings  were  involved  in  diffi- 
culties with  Athens.  This  complication  bound  them  up 
even  more  closely  with  the  political  and  military  move- 
ments of  the  Greek  world.  Thus,  little  by  little,  Mace- 
donia was  being  prepared  to  grapple  decisively  with  the 
problem  that  Athens,  Sparta  and  Thebes  in  turn  had  laid 
down. 

271.  King  Philip. — At  this  crisis  Philip  was  on  the 
throne,  a  man  in  genius  and  energy  fully  equal  to  the 
situation.  He  brought  to  a  successful  end  the  unifying  of 
his  kingdom.  By  a  series  of  tremendous  campaigns  in 
west  and  north  and  east,  he  broke  down  the  resistance  of 
the  rude  and  warlike  Illyrian  tribes,  drove  back  or  ab- 
sorbed the  Thracians  and  welded  all  into  a  living  and 
concordant  unity.  The  nation  that  sprang  into  full 
life  was  animated  by  a  common  spirit  of  military  zeal 
and  personal  loyalty  to  the  king.  A  new  army  was  His  Army 
formed  and  trained  to  a  perfection  never  before  reached. 
He  drew  the  Macedonian  peasantr}^  into  militar\^  service, 
and  by  joining  them  as  infantry  to  the  aristocratic  cavalry 
he  at  one  stroke  doubled  the  strength  of  his  army  and 
freed  himself  from  dependence  upon  his  nobles.     All 


222  Rise  ofMacedon 

told  he  controlled  an  army  of  three  to  four  thousand 
horse  and  twenty-five  thousand  hoplites.  The  foot- 
soldiers  were  formed  in  close  array  somewhat  deeper 
than  the  ordinary  Greek  hoplite  army  and  armed  with 
longer  spears.  This  was  the  Macedonian  phalanx.  The 
chief  reliance  was  the  cavalry,  both  light  and  heavy 
armed,  made  up  of  the  nobility,  men  in  the  prime  of 
physical  vigor  and  of  high  spirit.  In  a  battle  their  charge 
upon  the  enemy's  flank,  made  as  one  man  with  tremen- 
dous force,  usually  decided  the  day.  All  advances  in  the 
art  of  war  made  by  the  Greeks  during  the  preceding 
years  were  brought  together  by  Philip  in  his  rhilitary  or- 
ganization. He  had  an  abundance  of  light-armed  troops 
and  a  splendid  siege-train.  He  himself  was  the  animat- 
ing soul,  the  directing  genius  of  the  whole  organization. 
All  the  soldiers  were  called  "companions,"  and  the  word 
well  expresses  the  relation  to  their  head  which  he  was 
able  to  inspire.  The  new  Macedonia  was  a  nation  under 
arms. 

272.  The  Advance  to  the  Coast. — Philip  was  equally 
successful  in  the  second  of  th-e  tasks  laid  upon  the  Mace- 
donian sovereign — the  securing  of  the  sea-coast.  By  a 
combination  of  skilful  diplomacy  and  vigorous  warfare 
he  proceeded  to  wrest  from  Athens  the  cities  under  her 
influence  and  to  reduce  the  others  to  subjection.  With 
the  fall  of  the  most  important  of  them  all,  Amphipolis 
(357  B.C.),  he  was  master  of  the  central  trade-routes;  the 
gold  mines  on  the  northeastern  border  were  secured;  the 
city  of  Philippi  was  built  to  guard  them;  a  small  navy 
Conquest  was  bcgun.  By  348  B.C.  every  Greek  city  on  the  coast 
Greek  ^^  Macedonia  was  in  his  hands.     The  capital  of  his  king- 

cities.  dom  was  removed  from  ^Egae  and  established  farther 


Annexation  of  Thessaly  223 

down  the  plain  at  Pella.  The  completion  of  these  tasks 
invited  him  to  the  other  and  greater  achievement — the 
leadership  of  Greece. 

273.  Philip  Secures  a  Foothold  in  Greece. — The  op- 
portunity came  in  an  outbreak  in  middle  Greece.  The 
Amphictyonic  council  (§  128)  had  proceeded  against 
the  Phocians  on  a  charge  of  doing  violence  to  the  rights 
of  the  temple  at  Delphi,  On  their  refusal  to  submit,  the 
council  declared  war  against  them.  They  seized  the  The 
temple  and  borrowed  its  treasures  to  hire  soldiers  for  ■w^^*' 
their  defence.     Little  by  little  all  Greece  was  drawn  in. 

The  active  members  of  the  Amphictyonic  council  were 
Thebes,  Locris  and  Thessaly.  For  Phocis  were  Athens 
and  Sparta.  The  Phocians  also  succeeded  in  gaining  the 
tyrants  of  Thessalian  Pherae  to  their  side;  this  led  the 
rest  of  the  Thessalians  to  ask  Philip  to  lead  them.  Thus  Gains 
Philip  crossed  the  border  of  Greece  and  became  master  ^^^  ^' 
of  Thessaly  (353  b,c.),  the  possession  of  which,  among 
other  advantages,  more  than  doubled  the  number  of  his 
cavalry.  The  full  meaning  of  the  new  situation  soon 
became  clear.  Greece  was  on  the  verge  of  a  greater 
struggle  than  the  petty  "sacred  war."  Philip  had  come 
within  her  gates,  and  he  would  have  entered  central 
Greece  at  this  moment  had  not  Athens,  Sparta  and  their 
allies  placed  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men  in  the 
pass  at  Thermopylae  to  prevent  his  farther  advance. 

274.  His  Attitude  toward  Greece. — It  is  important 
to  observe  Philip's  ideals  and  ambitions.  He  was  a 
true  Macedonian,  a  fearless,  impetuous,  relentless,  un- 
sparing warrior,  a  deep  drinker  and  reckless  reveller, 
yet  devoted  to  the  upbuilding  of  his  kingdom  and  utterly 
unscrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  accomplishing  it.     At 


224 


Rise  of  Macedon 


His  Ideal 
for  Greece. 


What  His 

Leadership 

Meant 


the  same  time  he  cherished  a  strong  admiration  for 
Greece,  was  immensely  proud  of  his  Greek  descent,  and 
estimated  the  favor  and  recognition  conferred  by  Greece 
above  almost  everything  else  in  the  world.  Greek  cult- 
ure, long  welcomed  at  the  Macedonian  court,  had  deeply 
impressed  him.  For  some  years  he  had  resided  at  Thebes 
as  a  hostage  in  the  hands  of  Epaminondas,  and  had 
studied,  not  in  vain,  the  political  situation.  He  aspired 
to  be  the  leader  of  Greece,  not  merely  for  his  own  glory 
and  that  of  Macedonia,  not  that  he  might  plant  his  foot 
on  the  neck  of  Greek  freedom,  but  rather  because  he  was, 
in  a  kind  of  romantic  reverence  for  her  ancient  fame  and 
her  immortal  culture,  conscious  of  the  dignity  and  glory 
to  be  gained  thereby.  This  feeling  seemed  to  concentrate 
on  Athens.  Although  Philip  was  constantly  at  war  with 
that  city,  he  was  ever  ready  to  make  peace  with  her,  to 
excuse  the  hostility  and  perfidy  with  which  she  dealt 
with  him  and  to  spare  her  at  the  last.  Thus  the  leader- 
ship which  he  craved  vv^as  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
peace  among  free  Greek  communities.  He  would  have 
them  recognize  in  him  their  arbiter  and  friend.  He 
went  a  step  farther,  and  saw  in  the  unity  of  Greece,  se- 
cured by  him,  the  means  for  carrying  out  the  ideal  which 
Isocrates  had  already  described  (§  267),  the  punishment 
of  Persia  for  its  lordship  over  the  Greek  states.  It  was 
with  purposes  like  these,  in  which  the  lust  of  conquest 
was  mixed  with  the  higher  ideals  of  Greek  unity  and 
supremacy,  that  Philip  set  foot  upon  Greek  soil  and  began 
to  push  steadily  southward. 

275.  The  Old  Problem  Revives. — Who,  after  all,  could 
or  would  oppose  him?  Had  not  everything  been  mov- 
ing in  the  direction  of  unity — Athens,  Sparta,  Thebes 


Philip  and  Demosthenes  225 

seeking  to  bring  it  about?  Why  not  hail  his  coming  as 
a  relief  from  the  half-century  of  turmoil  that  had  just 
passed?  The  answer  to  these  questions  is  the  same  as 
that  which  was  given  to  Athens,  Sparta  and  Thebes- 
Greece  will  not  submit  to  the  authority  of  one.  Inde- 
pendence for  the  separate  states — the  principle  of  auton- 
omy— was  now  to  clash  again  with  the  impulse  to  unity. 
Strange  to  say,  the  leader  in  this  last  struggle  for  Greek  Athens 
freedom  was  Athens.  There  were,  indeed,  men  in  this  p^uip*' 
city  who  were  not  averse  to  Philip,  men  who  looked  to 
Macedonia  for  the  relief  from  democratic  oppression 
which  they  had  earlier  sought  from  Sparta — namely, 
the  rich  aristocrats.  The  spokesman  of  this  group  was  ^schines 
the  orator  .Eschines  (es'ki-nez),  but  he  had  with  him  ordi-  ""^'^^"^^ 
narily  only  a  small  minority  of  the  citizens.  Isocrates,  too, 
received  the  rise  of  Macedon  with  pleasure.  We  have 
already  seen  how  Philip's  successful  activities  in  securing 
the  Macedonian  sea-coast  had  brought  him  into  conflict 
with  the  Athenians  (§  270).  A  vigorous  campaign  in 
352  B.C.  had  made  him  master  of  Thrace,  v/here  he 
threatened  the  Athenian  possessions  on  that  coast.  The 
"sacred  war"  (§  273)  had  embittered  the  situation  still 
more.  Thus  far,  however,  Athens  had  done  little  more 
than  defend  herself  against  Macedonian  aggression.  But 
now  she  entered  upon  a  new  activity  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Demosthenes,  the  most  famous  orator  of  the  an- 
cient world. 

276.  Demosthenes. — Demosthenes  (384-322  B.C.)  be- 
gan the  study  and  practice  of  oratory  under  I-sae'us,  one 
of  the  leading  practical  lawyers  of  Athens,  in  order  to 
recover  his  property,  of  which  in  his  orphaned  childhood 
his  guardians  had  robbed  him.     He  overcame  all  his 


226  Rise  ofMacedon 

many  natural  defects  by  persistent  toil,  and  in  the  proc- 
ess became  not  only  a  wonderful  speaker,  but  a  success- 
ful politician.  His  orations  against  Philip — called  Philip- 
pics— and  his  other  speeches,  of  which  many  have  been 
preserved,  show  a  combination  of  close  logic,  intensity 
of  spirit  and  beauty  of  language  which  are  without  par- 
allel. The  most  renowned  of  them  is  the  Oration  on 
the  Crown,  delivered  in  defence  of  his  policy  on  the 
occasion  of  a  proposal  to  the  people  to  offer  him  a  crown 
in  reward  for  his  public  service  (330  B.C.). 

277.  He  Champions  the  Anti-Macedonian  Policy. — 
Demosthenes  had  already  advocated  a  more  vigorous 
war  policy  than  the  defensive  one  which  had  hitherto 
prevailed,  and  had,  in  fact,  carried  the  Athenians  with 
him  in  his  plan  to  preserve  Chalcidice  against  Macedon. 
But  by  stirring  up  a  revolt  in  Euboea  Philip  kept  the 
Athenians  employed  nearer  home,  while  he  himself  in- 
vaded Chalcidice,  took  its  towns  partly  by  bribery  and 
partly  by  force  and  finally  captured  Olynthus  and  sold  its 
inhabitants  into  slavery  (349-348  B.C.).  Now  the  realm 
of  Philip  stretched  unbroken  from  Thermopylae  to  the 
hinterland  of  Byzantium.  After  these  brilliant  successes 
Demosthenes  had  agreed  to  a  peace  in  346  B.C.,  the  so- 
called  peace  of  Philocrates,  which  was  sorely  needed  by 
Athens.  But  when  Philip  desired  to  enter  into  closer  re- 
lations of  friendship  with  Athens,  Demosthenes  induced 
the  Athenians  to  hold  back.  Meanwhile,  Philip  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  Amphictyonic  league  in  the 
place  of  the  Phocians,  and  thus  was  entered  legally 
among  the  Greek  powers.  This  was  the  opportunity 
taken  by  Demosthenes  to  launch  his  new  enterprise — 
the  aggressive  union  of  all  the  Greek  states  against  the 


Greek  Unity  227 

dangerous  Macedonian  enemy.  He  had  some  success; 
states  in  the  Peloponnesus  and  on  the  northern  /Egean 
entered  a  league.  At  last,  the  Amphictyonic  council, 
unsupported  by  Athens  and  Thebes,  invited  Philip  to 
lead  another  "sacred  war."  This  brought  matters  to  a 
head.  The  Thebans  joined  the  anti-Macedonian  union 
and  prepared  to  resist  Philip's  march.  The  decisive  chaeroneia 
battle  was  fought  in  Boeotia  at  Chseroneia  (ker'o-ne'a) 
(338  B.C.).  The  Macedonian  cavalry  was  led  by  Philip's 
son  Alexander,  then  eighteen  years  of  age.  Demos- 
thenes served  as  a  heavy-armed  soldier  in  the  Athenian 
ranks.  The  result  was  the  complete  victory  of  Philip; 
the  Thebans  were  cut  to  pieces;  the  Athenians  were  routed 
and  ran  away. 

278.  Result:  Philip  at  the  Head  of  Greece. — The  vic- 
tory of  Chaeroneia  meant  the  supremacy  of  Macedonia 
and  the  Macedonian  king  over  the  Greek  world.  The 
Greeks  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  no  city-state  among 
their  own  number,  but  found  a  master  in  the  monarch  of 
a  kingdom  which  they  regarded  as  outside  their  circle 
and  had  only  grudgingly  admitted  among  them.  But 
Philip  had  no  intention  of  playing  the  tyrant.  He  wanted 
to  be  the  acknowledged  head  of  free  communities 
united  of  their  own  accord  under  his  leadership.  Ac-  congress 
cordingly,  he  summoned  the  states  to  meet  at  Corinth  o^corinth. 
and  form  a  confederacy.  The  Greek  cities  were  to 
wage  no  wars  against  one  another  and  to  have  internal 
liberty,  but  to  acknowledge  the  suzerainty  of  Macedon 
by  electing  Philip  their  commander-in-chief  in  the  war 
which  he  announced  against  Persia.  It  was  necessary, 
however,  to  establish  Macedonian  garrisons  in  strategic 
points;  for  the  Greeks  were  unwilling  even  now  to  accept 


228  Civil  Wars  in  Greece 

Macedonian  supremacy.  The  outcome,  however,  was 
certain,  since  the  power  of  Philip  was  too  great  to  be 
successfully  resisted.  Opposition  to  it  could  only  end 
in  disaster,  in  the  renewal  of  strife,  which  was  ruinous  to 
the  states  themselves,  and  could  not  accomplish  anything 
except  bring  down  the  wrath  of  Philip  and  sorer  punish- 
ment at  his  hands. 


REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  noted: 
Cunaxa,  Coroneia,  Olynthus,  Megalopolis,  Epirus,  Pella,  Chae- 
roneia?  2.  Who  were  Lysander,  Dionysius,  Agesilaus,  Conon, 
Pelopidas,  Iphicrates,  Mausolus,  Xenophon,  Isocrates,  Demos- 
thenes, Critias,  Theramenes,  Jason  of  Pherae,  Scopas?  3. 
What  is  meant  by  harmost,  autonomy,  peltast,  academy, 
phalanx,  amphictyony? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  Spartan  imperial 
rule  with  that  of  Athens  (§§  185,  186,  213).  2.  Compare 
Epaminondas  with  Pericles.  3.  Compare  the  battle  of  Chae- 
roneia  with  that  of  Marathon. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Thirty  at  Athens.  Bury, 
pp.  507-513.  2.  Art  and  Literature  at  Athens.  Bury,  pp. 
574-590.  3.  The  Empire  of  Dionysius.  Bury,  pp.  638-666. 
4.  Epaminondas  and  Thebes.  Bury,  pp.  625-626.  5.  Macedo- 
nia. Bury,  pp.  683-68S.  6.  Philip  and  Demosthenes.  Bury, 
pp.  687-737.    7.  The  "Anabasis"  of  Cyrus.     Bury,  pp.  517-530. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  Spartan  Im- 
perialism. Morey,  pp.  277-281;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  260-273;  Bots- 
ford,  pp.  250-268;  Plutarch,  Lives  of  Lysander  and  Agesilaus. 
2.  Xenophon.  Jebb,  pp.  109-114;  Capps,  pp.  330-338;  Murray, 
ch.  15.  3.  Plato.  Jebb,  pp.  126-129;  Capps,  ch.  15;  Murray, 
ch.  14.  4.  Isocrates.  Jebb.  jjp.  1 19-120;  Capps,  pp.  345-347; 
Murray,  pp.  341-352.  5.  The  Empire  of  Dionysius.  Botsford, 
pp.  239-245;  Morey,  pp.  284-286.  6.  The  Theban  Uprising.  Bots- 
ford, pp.  268-274.  7.  Epaminondas  and  Thebes.  Shuckburgh, 
pp.  274-278;  Zimmern,  ch.  19;  Botsford,  pp.  275-283;  Pkitarch, 
Life  of  Pelopidas.  8.  Macedonia.  Morey,  pp.  300-302;  Shuck- 
burgh, 280-282;    Botsford,  pp.  297-302.    9.  Philip  and  Demos- 


End  of  Epoch  of  City -States  229 

thenes.  Shuckburj^h,  pp.  283-291;  Zimmcrn,  ch.  20.  10.  The 
**Anabasis"  of  Cyrus.  Zimmern,  pp.  301-307;  Bury,  pp.  517- 
530 

279.  The  Passing  of  Greece. — Thus  the  brilh'ant 
chapter  of  Greek  independent  political  life  came  to  an 
end.  Beginning  with  petty  communities  growing  up  in 
secluded  valleys,  the  Greeks  came  to  value  above  all  else 
the  blessing  of  freedom,  the  glory  of  the  independence  of 
separate  states,  each  working  out  its  own  problems. 
They  learned,  also,  how  to  give  to  each  citizen  a  place  and 
a  part  in  the  common  life.  But  situated  as  the  Greek  Summary 
peninsula  was,  midway  between  east  and  west  and  open  career, 
to  the  influences  of  oriental  civilization,  its  states  were 
drawn  together  by  the  unifying  forces  of  commerce  and 
international  politics.  A  heroic  war  of  defence  against 
the  conquering  empire  of  Persia  made  them  one  for  a 
season,  and  the  resulting  political  conditions  gave  the 
opportunity  to  one  of  their  states — Athens^to  take  a 
commanding  position  in  the  ^^gean  sea.  Thus  the  im- 
pulse to  union  was  strengthened  and  took  on  an  imperial 
form.  But  the  new  tendency  to  empire  clashed  with  the 
old  principle  of  autonomy,  and  the  conflict  dominated 
succeeding  Greek  history.  Athens  fell,  only  to  be  suc- 
ceeded by  Sparta  and  Thebes,  each  following  in  her  steps. 
A  similar  movement  was  made  in  Sicily,  where  Dionysius 
extended  his  personal  rule  over  a  wide  territory.  But  in 
the  fierce  conflict  of  old  and  new  all  these  imperial  en- 
deavors perished.  The  consummation  of  the  centuries 
of  troubled  progress  toward  unity  was  at  last  realized  in 
Philip  of  Macedon,  with  whose  victory  at  Chaeroneia  the 
importance  of  the  separate  city-states  came  to  an  end. 
Their  endeavors  after  empire  were  swallowed  up  in  a 


230  Civil  JVa?'s  in  Qreece 

mightier  imperial  achievement  which  now  appeared  on 
the  horizon — the  empire  of  Alexander. 

GENERAL    REVIEW   OF   PART    II,   DIVISION    5;     §§216-279 

431-:«1  B.C. 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  The  fundamental  politi- 
cal issue  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  traced  through  the  various 
stages  of  the  war  (§  21(1).  2.  The  growth  of  imperialism  as 
illustrated  in  the  history  of  the  states  of  the  time  (§§  180,  186, 
213,  250,  259,  260,  267).  3.  The  policy  of  Athens  in  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian war  as  illustrated  in  the  leaders  Pericles,  Cleon, 
Nicias,  Alcibiades.  4.  The  policy  of  Sparta  in  the  war  as 
illustrated  in  the  leaders  Brasidas  and  Lysander.  5.  The  new 
learning  as  illustrative  of  the  spirit  of  the  times  (§§  223-230). 

6.  A  list  of  the  ten  greatest  men  of  Greece,  from  431-331  b.c. 

7.  The  part  played  by  Persia  during  the  period  from  431-338 
B.C.  8.  The  relation  of  Macedonia  to  the  Greek  states  his- 
torically traced  down  to  338  b.c.  9.  The  part  played  by  sea 
power  in  the  Peloponnesian  war.  10.  The  divisions  of  the 
Greek  world  which  were  chiefly  the  scene  of  the  Peloponne- 
sian war. 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES,  i.  Make  a  map  of  Greece 
during  the  Peloponnesian  war  and  locate  the  chief  land  battles. 
2.  Make  a  map  of  the  jEgean  and  locate  on  it  the  chief  naval 
battles  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  3.  How  did  it  happen  that 
statues  like  the  Hermes  (Plate  XIX)  and  buildings  like  the 
Parthenon  (Plate  I)  were  produced  by  the  Greeks  and  not  the 
oriental  peoples?  4.  Study  Plate  XXII  to  observe  how  superior 
the  Greek  sculpture  is  to  the  Egyptian  in  composition.  What 
has  the  Egyptian  which  the  Greek  lacks? 

SUBJECTS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,  i.  The  Weaknesses  of 
Athenian  Democracy  as  Illustrated  in  the  Peloponnesian  War. 

Fowler,  The  City  State  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  pp.  176-183, 
245-260.  2.  A  Play  of  Euripides,  e.g.,  the  "Electra"  or  "Bac- 
chae" — the  story  of  the  play  and  its  testimony  to  the  times. 
Coleridge,  Translation  of  Euripides.  3.  A  Talk  with  Socrates 
Regarding  His  Condemnation  by  the  Athenians.  Plato,  the 
Apology.  4.  A  Study  of  the  Character  of  Alcibiades.  Plu- 
tarch, Life  of  Alcibiades.     5.  Why  the  Greeks  were  Able    to 


Training  of  Alexander  231 

Drive  Back  the  Persians  and  yet  Fell  under  the  Macedonian 
Power.  Fowler,  The  City  State,  etc.,  chs.  9,  ii.  6.  A  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Disaster  at  Syracuse.  Jowett's  Thucydides.  7.  A 
Report  of  the  Discussion  in  the  Athenian  Assembly  Concern- 
ing the  Punishment  of  Mytilene.     Jowett's  Thucydides. 


6.— ALEXANDER  THE   GREAT 

336-323  B.C. 

280.  Alexander  King  of  Macedonia. — Hardly  had 
Philip  organized  his  new  Greek  confederacy  when,  in 
connection  with  troubles  in  the  Macedonian  court,  he  was 
murdered  (336  B.C.).  His  son  Alexander  succeeded  to  his 
throne  and  his  plans.  The  son  was,  in  many  respects,  the 
image  of  his  father — of  splendid  physical  constitution  and 
fascinating  personality,  possessing  the  same  combination 
of  unyielding  will  and  romantic  sensibility;  both  were  too 
much  alike,  indeed,  to  get  on  well  together,  and  it  was 
said  that  the  father  had  little  notion  of  permitting  the 
son  to  succeed  him.  But  Alexander's  training  had  been 
such  as  to  prepare  him  to  rule.  His  education  had  been  His  Prep, 
conducted  under  Greek  teachers;  his  tutor  was  Aristotle, 
the  keenest  and  most  learned  mind  of  the  time.  His 
military  training  had  been  gained  in  his  father's  school 
of  arms,  and  Philip  was  the  first  soldier  of  his  day.  Now 
the  victories  of  Philip  had  put  into  his  hands  a  united 
Macedonia  and  the  leadership  of  the  Greek  world;  he 
was  the  general  of  a  magnificently  organized  and  equipped 
army  of  fifty  thousand  men;  the  splendid  project  of  the 
deliverance  of  the  Asiatic  Greeks  from  the  Persian  sway 
was  left  to  him  for  realization.  He,  the  young  man  of 
twenty  years,  stood  on  the  threshold  of  an  incomparable 


aration  for 
the  Throne. 


232  Alexande?^  the  Great 

career;  on  his  action  hung  the  destiny  of  centuries  to 
come. 

281.  His  Settlement  with  Greece. — His  first  task  was 
to  establish  his  position  in  Greece.  Here  the  death  of 
Philip  was  followed  by  attempts  to  throw  off  Macedonian 
supremacy.  Two  expeditions  were  sufficient  to  settle 
matters.  In  the  first,  Alexander  was  acknowledged  by 
the  states  assembled  at  Corinth  as  head  of  the  Greek 

Destruction  confederacy.     In  the  second,  a  Theban  rebellion  was 

of  Thebes.  .  

nipped  in  the  bud  and  Thebes  was  levelled  to  the  ground 
as  a  punishment  (335  B.C.).  Athens,  though  equally 
offending,  was  spared.  During  the  same  time  the  king 
made  two  campaigns  upon  his  northern  borders;  in  the 
one  he  subdued  the  Thracians  and  crossed  the  Danube; 
in  the  other  he  routed  the  Illyrians  in  the  northwest. 

282.  His  Purpose  against  Persia. — Already  to  the  dar- 
ing ambition  of  the  youthful  Alexander,  Philip's  plan 
to  deliver  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  from  Persia  had  be- 
come too  small.  His  purpose  was  nothing  less  than  to 
strike  at  the  heart  of  the  empire  itself  and  to  take  full 
vengeance  for  the  wrongs  which  it  had  inflicted  upon  the 
Greeks.  To  the  fulfilment  of  this  purpose  he  now  set 
himself.  His  main  dependence  rested  upon  his  Mace- 
donian army  with  its  trained  soldiery  and  its  skilful 
generals,  all  alike  devoted  to  himself;  but  he  had  to  leave 
the  half  of  it  behind  him  with  his  trusty  general,  Anti- 
pater,  who  was  deputed  to  maintain   Macedonian  au- 

The  start,  thority  in  Greece  during  the  absence  of  the  king.  The 
co-operation  of  the  Greeks  had  Indeed  been  promised, 
and,  in  fact,  of  the  army  of  some  30,000  infantry  and 
4,500  cavalry  with  which  he  set  forth  across  the  Helles- 
pont in  334  B.C.,  12,600  were  of  that  nationality.     But 


The  Start  233 

none  the  less  the  slightest  reverse  meant  a  general  in- 
surrection in  Greece. 

The  spirit  and  purposes  of  the  kinj^  and  his  j^cnerals  are  illustrated 
in  the  anecdote  perserved  in  Plutarch.  On  the  eve  of  his  departure 
he  distributed  among  his  friends  who  were  to  accompany  him  a  great 
part  of  his  royal  property.  Whereupon  Per-dic'cas  asked  him  what 
he  left  for  himself.  He  replied,  "My  hopes."  Then  Perdiccas  said, 
"Let  us  be  your  partners  in  these,"  and  refused  to  accept  the  king's 
gift. 

283.  Condition  of  Persia. — The  Persian  empire,  al- 
though it  had  sadly  declined  from  the  spirit  of  its  foun- 
ders, and  the  lu.xury  and  corruption  of  the  court  had 
undermined  the  vigor  and  efficiency  of  the  rulers,  was 
still  a  mighty  and  formidable  state.  Artaxerxes  III 
(§  260)  had  been  very  successful  in  putting  down  re- 
bellions and  had  restored  imperial  prestige.  But  court 
intrigues  made  way  with  him  in  ^;i^^  B.C.  and  with  his 

son  after  him.  Now  there  sat  on  the  throne  Darius  III  Darius  ni 
(Codomannus),  a  noble  not  of  the  royal  line,  a  high- 
minded  and  generous  ruler,  but  able,  neither  in  intellect 
nor  in  circumstances,  to  cope  with  the  situation  that  faced 
him.  Neither  he  nor  his  counsellors  realized  that  they 
were  no  longer  contending  with  a  divided  and  inefhcient 
Greece,  whose  leaders  they  had  been  accustomed  to  cor- 
rupt with  their  gold,  or  render  powerless  by  stirring  up 
difficulties  at  home. 

284.  Alexander  in   Asia  Minor. — Accordinglv,    Alex- 
ander found  himself  confronted  with  an  army,  not  much 
larger  than  his  own,  led  by  the  Persian  satraps  of  Asia 
Minor.     A  battle  took  place  in  June,  334  B.C.,  at  the  Granicus. 
river  Gra-ni'cus,  on  the  farther  bank  of  which  the  Persian 

army  was  posted  in  a  strong  position.     Alexander  swept 


234  Alexander  the  Great 

across  the  river  with  his  heavy  cavalry  and  fell  upon  the 
enemy's  cavalry.  On  their  rout  the  Macedonian  pha- 
lanx followed  and  engaged  the  Persian  infantry  in  front, 
while  the  cavalry  attacked  their  flanks — the  favorite 
military  tactics  of  Alexander.  They  could  not  stand,  and 
when  they  fled  the  battle  was  won.  The  rest  of  the  year 
was  occupied  in  winning  back  the  Ionian  cities  and  the 
other  strongholds  of  western  Asia  Minor.  The  most 
obstinate  resistance  was  encountered  at  Halicarnassus 
where  the  Persian  commander-in-chief,  Memnon,  took 
up  temporary  headquarters  after  his  defeat.  With  its 
capture  the  first  part  of  the  task  was  accomplished. 

285.  Issus. — In  the  spring  of  333  B.C.  Alexander  set 
out  from  Gordium  in  Phrygia,  by  a  rapid  march  seized 
the  passes  into  Cilicia  and  captured  Tarsus,  its  capital. 
After  being  delayed  here  for  some  days  on  account  of  a 
nearly  fatal  illness,  he  marched  forward  along  the  coast 
toward  Syria.  Meanwhile,  Darius  with  his  army  had 
advanced  into  Syria,  and  failing  to  find  his  enemy,  had 
marched  through  an  upper  road  into  Cicilia  and  de- 
scended to  the  plain  of  Issus  in  the  rear  of  Alexander.  The 
•  latter  immediately  turned  about,  and  the  second  great 
battle  was  joined  at  Issus.  Again,  as  at  the  Granicus, 
the  Persians  stood  on  the  defensive  at  the  bank  of  a  river 
and  Alexander  sprang  like  a  tiger  upon  the  enemy  with 
his  heavy  cavalry,  followed  by  his  foot-soldiers.  The 
struggle  was  much  more  fierce;  once  the  phalanx  seemed 
to  be  broken;  the  light  cavalry  on  the  left  were  hard 
pressed.  But  again  Alexander's  rush  carried  all  before 
it;  the  phalanx  recovered  and  the  Persians  broke  in  flight 
Escape  of  for  the  mountains.  Darius  barely  escaped,  leaving  his 
tent,  personal  baggage  and  household  to  fall  into  the 


Invasion  of  Persia 


235 


enemy's  hands.     The  way  was  now  open  for  the  conquest 
of  western  Asia,  and  Alexander  descended  into  Syria. 

286.  Alexander  Moves   Southward. — -Leaving  Darius 
to  continue  his  flight  to  the  east  unhindered,  Alexander 


m  □ 

'""/'iiiiimni^'^'- 


BATTLE  OF  ISSUS. 


1  Persian  Cavalry 

2  Heavy-armed  Greeks 

in  Persian  Employ 
3,4  Heavy-armed  Asiatics 
5  Xiight -armed  Asiatics 


a  Greek  Cavalry 

b  Heavy-armed  Greeks 

c    Phalanx 

d   Royal  Guards 

e  Macedonian  Cavalry 

f  Light-armed  Troops 


moved  southward  to  take  possession  of  Phoenicia,  Pales- 
tine and  Egypt.  Tn  the  meanwhile  the  Persian  fleet, 
which  was  master  of  the  sea,  had  failed  in  its  mission  to 
recall  Alexander  by  stirring  up  revolt  in  Greece  as  Conon 
had  done  in  394  B.C.  It  was  made  up  chiefly  of  Phoeni- 
cian vessels,  and  could  be  subdued  only  by  getting  pos- 


^36  Alexander  the  Great 

Tyre.  scssion  of  the  Phoenician  seaports.     City  after  city  sub- 

mitted until  Tyre  was  reached.  Situated  on  an  island, 
strongly  fortified,  it  held  out  for  seven  months  in  one  of 
the  greatest  sieges  of  history.  The  king  built  a  mole  to 
the  island  half  a  mile  into  the  deep,  and,  by  the  aid  of 
the  fleets  of  the  cities  of  Phoenicia  and  Cyprus  that  had 
yielded  to  him,  finally  carried  the  city  by  assault.  A 
similar  siege  at  Gaza  was  successful;  the  way  was  open 
to  Egypt,  which  he  occupied  without  a  battle. 

287.  The  Jews. — While  on  the  way  down  the  coast,  as 
the  story  is  told  by  Josephus  the  Jewish  historian,  he 
visited  Jerusalem.  After  the  overthrow  of  their  king- 
dom and  their  exile  to  Babylon  (§  80),  the  Jews  had  been 
permitted  by  Cyrus  to  return  and  rebuild  their  city  and 
temple  (538  B.C.).  Since  that  time  they  had  been  under 
Persian  rule  and  had  devoted  themselves  to  the  upbuild- 
ing of  their  religious  system  under  the  leadership  of  their 
high-priests.  They  had  suffered  much  from  their  neigh- 
bors, the  Samaritans,  but  were  faithful  to  the  law  of 
Moses  as  their  teachers  enlarged  and  explained  it.  As 
Alexander  advanced  to  the  city,  the  high-priest  with  his 
attendants  came  forth  to  meet  him.  The  king,  who  was 
at  first  inclined  to  be  angry  with  the  Jews  for  not  taking 
his  side,  was  led  by  a  vision  which  he  had  seen  some  time 
before  to  give  them  special  favors. 

Founding  288.  Egypt. — In  Egypt  Alexander's  chief  work  was 

the  founding  of  a  city  at  the  western  mouth  of  the  Nile, 
between  lake  Mareotis  and.  the  island  of  Pharus.  Join- 
ing the  island  with  the  mainland  by  a  causeway,  he 
made  two  fine  harbors  for  the  city,  which  he  named  after 
himself  and  destined  to  take  the  place  of  ruined  Tyre  as 
the  commercial  centre  of  the  western  Mediterranean. 


of  Alex 
andiia 


Gaugaviela 


237 


This  destiny  was  fulfilled,  for  Alexandria  became  one  of 
the  most  important  cities  of  the  ancient  world. 

289.  To  the  East. — A  visit  to  the  temple  of  Zeus 
Anion  in  the  western  desert,  where  the  god  declared  him 
his  own  son  and  therefore,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Greek  world, 
a  god,  was  followed  by  the  organization  of  the  govern- 


ment of  Egypt.  By  the  spring  of  331  B.C.  Alexander 
started  for  the  far  east.  In  September  he  found  the  Arbeia. 
Persian  king  awaiting  him  with  a  vast  army,  east  of  the 
Tigris,  near  the  old  Assyrian  city  of  Ar-be'la.  This  city, 
or  the  nearer  village  of  Gau'ga-me'la,  has  given  the  name 
to  the  battle  which  was  joined  on  the  first  of  October. 
Over  against  the  Macedonian's  40,000  foot  and  7,000 
horse  were  said,  with  gross  exaggeration,  to  be  arrayed 
1,000,000  foot  and  40,000  horse  under  the  command  of  the 
Great  King — a  motley  host,  mighty  only  by  sheer  weight 


238  Alexander  the  Great 

and  momentum.  Alexander's  tactics  were  directed  to  the 
breaking  up  of  this  tremendous  mass  and  the  routing  of 
the  enemy's  centre,  where  Darius  had  taken  his  stand.  A 
cavalry  charge  led  by  Alexander  himself  was  the  decisive 
stroke,  and  by  nightfall  the  Persians  were  in  flight.  The 
king  escaped  into  the  eastern  mountains,  but  his  empire 
over  the  Mesopotamian  valley  was  utterly  lost.  Alexander 
never  had  to  fight  another  great  battle  against  the  Per- 
capture  sians.  He  marched  southward  to  Babylon,  which  opened 
Persiln  ^^^  gatcs  without  a  struggle,  then  eastward  into  Elam  and 
Capitals,  the  old  Persian  land  (§  77),  where  he  captured  the  cities 
of  Susa  and  Per-sep'o-lis — capitals  and  treasure-cities  of 
the  Persian  king.  One  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
talents  ($140,000,000)  were  said  to  have  been  obtained 
from  the  latter  city. 

290.  Pursuit  of  Darius. — In  330  B.C.  the  conqueror 
marched  northward  into  Media  in  pursuit  of  Darius. 
He  arrived  at  Ec-bat'a-na,  the  old  Median  capital,  only  to 
find  that  the  Persian  had  fled  eastward.  Alexander  was 
now  at  the  parting  of  the  ways.  He  had  taken  vengeance 
for  the  Persian  invasion  of  Greece.  He  had  torn  from 
the  Persian  king  the  fairest  of  his  dominions — the  richest, 
most  famous  and  cultured  districts  of  the  oriental  world. 
To  the  east  lay  the  vast  regions,  deserts  and  mountains, 
whence  the  Medes  and  Persians  had  come  to  conquer 
The  New  the  world.  Why  should  he  advance  farther  ?  Only  be- 
and  iir  cause  a  new  purpose  had  taken  shape  in  his  mind — that 
Solution.  hg  would  be  not  only  king  of  Macedonia  and  captain- 
general  of  the  Greeks,  but  also  lord  of  the  Persian  empire. 
To  unite  the  west  and  the  east  under  his  own  sway  was 
now  his  ambition.  Hence,  at  Ecbatana,  he  dismissed 
those  of  the  Greeks  in  his  army  who  desired  to  return 


Adopts  PcTsian  Cufitovis  239 

home  and  loaded  them  with  presents.  Some  of  them, 
on  his  invitation,  remained  and  re-enlisted  as  his  own 
soldiers.  With  an  army  which  no  longer  represented 
the  Greek  states,  but  obeyed  him  alone,  he  advanced  to 
the  conquest  of  the  far  east. 

291.  Death  of  Darius. — Darius,  meanwhile,  had  fallen 
into  the  power  of  his  satraps,  who  were  hurrying  him 
eastward,  where  he  might  make  a  new  and  final  struggle 
against  the  conqueror.  Alexander  put  forth  every  ef- 
fort to  capture  him,  followed  on  his  track  day  and  night 
with  his  best  soldiers,  only  at  last  to  come  upon  him 

dead,  killed  by  his  own  people.  What  remained  was  to  Conquest 
make  a  systematic  campaign  against  the  eastern  prov-  parEast. 
inces.  It  required  three  years  (330-327  B.C.)  of  stren- 
uous, heart-breaking  warfare  among  deserts,  through 
wintry  tempests,  over  lofty  mountains.  At  last  the  work 
was  fairly  done  and  he  was  Persian  emperor  in  very  fact, 
lord  of  the  last  foot  of  ground  that  had  once  acknowledged 
the  authority  of  the  Ach'e-men'i-die. 

292.  Alexander's  Plan  to  Unite  Greeks  and  Persians. 
— Alexander's  purpose  to  be  ruler  of  Persia  did  not 
mean  to  substitute  Greek  ideas  and  customs,  or  Greek 
officials,  for  those  of  Persia,  but  rather  to  unite  the  two 
peoples  in  a  common  life.  He  placed  Persians  in  charge 
of  the  civil  affairs  of  the  provinces,  while  he  reserved  the 
military  authority  to  the  Macedonians.  He  began  him- 
self to  assume  something  of  the  gorgeous  state  of  a  Per- 
sian emperor;  he  surrounded  himself  with  the  splendors 
of  an  oriental  court.  He  married  Roxana,  the  beautiful 
daughter  of  a  chieftain  of  the  far  east.  He  settled  his 
veterans  in  cities  which  he  planted  in  these  regions  and 
gave  them  orientals  as  fellow-citizens.     All  this  could 


ishment. 


240  Alexander  the  Great 

The  not  be  pushed  through  without  rousing  the  anger  of  those 

oHhe ''°"  bold  and  loyal  Macedonian  nobles  who  had  followed  hirti 
Nobles.  through  all  perils  as  their  national  leader  and  who  dis- 
dained the  orientals  whom  they  had  conquered.  Dis- 
content grew  into  secret  plotting  or  open  opposition  on 
the  part  of  Alexander's  captains  and  counsellors.  He 
Its  Pun-  stamped  it  out  with  merciless  rigor.  Parmenio,  Philip's 
chosen  general,  his  son's  chief  of  staff,  now  left  behind 
in  Ecbatana  with  a  powerful  force  holding  Alexander's 
main  line  of  communications,  had  to  be  put  to  death 
when  his  son  Phi-lo'tas  was  discovered  in  a  conspiracy 
and  executed.  When  Clitus,  Alexander's  foster-brother, 
at  a  drinking-bout  boldly  expressed  the  unspoken  dissat- 
isfaction, the  king  ran  him  through  with  a  spear.  Cal- 
Hs'the-nes,  the  philosopher  and  historian,  refused  to  do 
obeisance  in  the  oriental  manner  to  his  Macedonian  lord, 
and  not  long  after  was  punished  with  death.  He  could 
not  escape  responsibility  for  a  plot  formed  against  Alex- 
ander among  the  pages  in  the  king's  own  household. 
These  young  men,  who  were  sprung  from  the  best  Mace- 
donian families,  resented  their  degradation  to  the  posi- 
tion of  menials  which  the  monarch's  new  attitude  en- 
tailed. Such  disturbances,  with  their  bloody  vengeance, 
speak  loudly  of  the  tremendous  changes  which  were 
coming  over  the  face  of  the  world  and  not  less  over  the 
character  and  position  of  Alexander  himself. 

293.  Campaign  in  India. — One  more  step  remained 
for  him  to  take.  Greece  and  the  Persian  empire  were 
not  suflficient  for  his  ambition.  He  aspired  to  be  con- 
queror of  the  world.  In  327  B.C.  he  crossed  the  moun- 
tains into  India,  whither  the  Persians  had  already  gone 
before  him  (§84).     He  overran  the  valley  of  the  river 


Return  from  India 


241 


Indus,  won  a  victory  on  the  banks  of  the  Hydaspes  from  Defeat  oi 
the  Indian  king  Porus,  and  would  have  marched  east- 
ward to  the  river  Ganges  had  not  his  army  stopped  at 
the  Hy'pha-sis  river  and  refused  to  follow  him  into  these 
unknown  and  distant  regions.  Returning,  he  moved 
down  the  Indus  to  its  mouth,  and  made  a  voyage  into  the 
Indian  ocean.  At  this  point  he  divided  his  forces.  One 
part  he  sent  with  his  admiral,  Xearchus,  to  sail  for  the 


THE   KXOAVX  AVORLD 

Aceordlngr  to  Eratosthenes 

335  B.C. 


head  of  the  Persian  gulf;  his  main  army  made  a  long 
detour  inland  through  Dran-gi-a'na,  while  he  himself  took 
the  rest  up  the  coast  in  a  march  of  terrible  difficulty, 
and  after  joining  his  other  divisions  at  Kirman  reached 
Susa  early  in  324  B.C. 

294.  Development  of  Imperial  Ideas. — Hardly  had  he 
returned  from  his  Indian  campaign  when  he  plunged 
into  the  task  of  organizing  his  empire  on  the  lines  which 
he  had  planned.  The  union  of  Macedonians  and  Per- 
sians was  encouraged  by  his  taking  as  another  wife  the 
daughter  of  Darius,  and  inducing  his  nobles  likewise  to 


242 


Alexander  the  Great 


The  Great 
Marriage 
at  Susa. 


Fusion  of 
Greeks  and 
Persians. 


His  Death. 


marry  Persian  women.  Thus,  in  324  B.C.,  a  great  mar- 
riage fete  was  held  at  Susa,  when  not  only  Alexander 
himself  took  a  Persian  wife,  but  eighty  of  his  officers  and, 
it  is  said,  ten  thousand  of  his  soldiers  did  likewise.  The 
army  was  also  recruited  from  Persians;  a  large  number 
of  their  young  men  were  trained  in  Macedonian  tactics 
and  in  the  use  of  Greek  weapons.  Their  best  horsemen 
were  drafted  into  the  cavalry;  some  were  even  enrolled 
in  the  crack  Macedonian  regiments.  Hostility  to  Alex- 
ander's view  that  Macedonians  and  Persians  were  all  alike 
his  subjects  had  been  already  encountered  among  the 
nobles.  It  now  flamed  out  at  Opis  among  the  common 
soldiers,  when  the  king  proposed  to  send  ten  thousand 
worn-out  Macedonian  veterans  home  to  their  native  land. 
Thereupon  the  whole  army  cried  out  to  be  sent  home 
rather  than  be  levelled  down  to  the  Persians.  But  the 
uproar  was  soon  quieted.  They  were  too  much  attached 
to  their  leader  to  stand  out  against  his  will. 

295.  Alexander  at  Babylon. — Alexander  went  to  Baby- 
lon in  323  B.C.  and  was  met  by  embassies  from  Car- 
thage, the  Phoenician  colonies  in  Spain,  the  states  of 
Italy,  from  the  Ethiopians  and  Libyans,  from  the  outly- 
ing peoples  of  the  north,  all  of  whom,  it  seems,  expected 
sooner  or  later  the  advent  of  the  conqueror  upon  their 
borders.  He  himself  was  planning  an  expedition  to  the 
coast  of  Arabia,  with  the  design  of  developing  trade  routes 
from  India  and  Babylonia  to  Egypt  and  the  Mediterranean. 
But,  after  a  night  of  feasting  and  drinking,  he  was  taken 
ill.  The  fever  increased,  and  on  the  13th  of  June,  323 
B.C.,  he  passed  away  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  his  age. 

296.  Alexander  Supreme  among  Greek  Heroes. — Alex- 
ander is  the  flower  of  the  Greek  race,  the  supreme  fig- 


Character  243 

ure  in  its  gallery  of  heroes.  In  physical  strength  and 
beauty,  in  mental  grasp  and  poise,  in  moral  purpose 
and  mastery,  he  was  pre-eminent  among  the  men  of  his 
time.  Of  high,  almost  sentimental,  ideals  of  honor,  a 
warm-hearted,  genial  companion  and  friend,  the  idol 
of  his  troops,  fearless  even  to  recklessness  in  the  day  of 
battle,  he  knew  how  to  work  tirelessly,  to  hold  purposes 
with  an  iron  resolution,  to  sweep  all  opposition  from  his 
path,  and  to  deny  himself  pitilessly  for  the  fulfilment  of 
his  plans.  To  reach  so  high  a  station,  to  stand  alone  at 
the  summit  of  human  achievement,  was  for  so  young  a 
man  almost  fatally  dangerous.  Alexander  did  not  escape 
unharmed.  Power  made  him  sometimes  arbitrary  and 
cruel.  Opposition  drove  him  to  crimes  which  are  with- 
out excuse.  Yet  in  an  age  of  license  he  was  chaste; 
though  given  to  Macedonian  habits  of  deep  drinking,  he 
was  no  drunkard.  In  thirteen  years  of  incessant  activity 
he  mastered  the  world  and  set  it  going  in  new  paths. 
While  accomplishing  this  task  he  made  his  name  im- 
mortal. 

297.  His  Military  Genius. — The  greatness  of  Alex- 
ander as  a  general  is  clearly  revealed  in  the  full  accounts 
of  the  battles  he  fought  and  the  campaigns  he  carried 
through  to  success.  He  was  the  mightiest  conqueror  the 
world  had  ever  seen.  But  it  has  been  reserved  for  mod-  His  states- 
ern  scholars  to  emphasize  the  most  splendid  and  endur- 
ing elements  of  his  career:  his  genius  for  organization, 
his  statesmanship,  his  far-reaching  plans  of  government 
and  administration.  Like  all  his  great  predecessors  in 
the  field  of  arms,  he  was  no  mere  fighter  for  the  sake  of 
fighting,  nor  did  the  lust  of  acquisition  spur  him  on  to. 
useless  and  empty  conquests.     The  crowning  and  deci- 


manship. 


244 


Alexander  the  Great 


Founding 
of  Cities. 


Compared 
with  Plato. 


Student  of 
Facts. 


sive  proof  of  this  is  seen  in  the  cities  which  he  founded. 
No  conquest  was  complete  until  he  had  selected  sites  for 
new  settlements,  and  these  sites  were  chosen  with  an 
unerring  insight  into  the  opportunities  for  trade  as  well 
as  for  defence.  _Sixteen  Alexandrias  all  over  the  east  go 
back  to  him  as  founder,  the  greatest  of  which  was  the 
Egyptian  metropolis  (§  288).  It  is  said  that  he  founded 
in  all  some  seventy  cities.  Many  of  them  were  so  wisely 
planted  that  they  exist  to  this  day  as  flourishing  centres 
of  commercial  life. 

298.  Aristotle. — Alexander's  interest  in  the  establish- 
ment of  new  city-states  is  one  of  the  many  bonds  which 
unite  him  to  his  great  teacher  A'ris-tot-le.  This  extraor- 
dinary man  had  come  to  Athens  upon  his  pupil's  ac- 
cession to  the  throne,  and  from  334  B.C.  to  323  B.C.  he 
taught  philosophy  in  the  Ly-ce'um  in  that  city.  He  had 
been  a  pupil  of  Plato  (§  266),  but  in  his  temperament, 
his  method  and  his  conclusions  he  departed  widely  from 
his  master.  Plato  was  a  poet,  full  of  imaginatiorij  aim- 
ing after  lofty  ideals  which  he  saw  by  a  kind  of  inspired 
vision.  Aristotle  was  a  cool  and  cautious  thinktCr,  seek- 
ing the  meaning  of  the  world  by  a  study  of  things  about 
him,  not  satisfied  until  he  brought  everything  to  the  test 
of  observation.  Thus  he  investigated  the  laws  which 
governed  the  arts  of  rhetoric  and  poetry;  he  collected 
the  constitutions  of  many  Greek  states  and  drew  from 
them  some  general  principles  of  politics;  he  studied  ani- 
mals and  plants  to  know  their  structure;  he  examined 
into  the  acts  and  ways  of  men  to  determine  the  essence 
of  their  right  and  wrong  doing.  He  set  his  students  to 
this  kind  of  study  and  used  the  results  of  their  work. 
Thus  a  new  method  of  investigation  was  created  and  new 


Alexander  and  Aristotle  245 

light  thrown  on  all  sides  of  life.     A  most  learned  man, 
he  had  a  passion  for  truth  and  reason;    one  of  his  most 
famous  sayings  is  ''  Plato  and  truth  are  both  dear  to  me, 
but  it  is  a  sacred  duty  to  prefer  truth."     His  works,  es-  His 
pecially  his  Politics,  Ethics^  and  Poetics,  have  had  vast      ^^  '"^^ 
power  in  guiding  the  thinking  of  men  since  his  day. 
His  style  is  usually  dry  and  difficult,  though  his  Consti- 
iution  of  .4 /AgW5_^ discovered  in  an  Egyptian  papyrus  in 
1890,  is  more  readable.     His  interest  in  universal  knowl-  His 
edge  was  in  harmony  with  the  wider  world-view  opened     ^^^  '  " 
by  the  conquests  of  Alexander;    in  this  respect  he  is  a 
true  son  of  his  times. 

299.  Alexander  and  Aristotle. — His  Politics,  the  last 
word  of  Greek  political  science  on  matters  affecting  the 
state,  taught  that  a  civilized  life  w^as  impossible  when 
people  lived  otherwise  than  in  cities  organized  on  the 
Greek  plan.     Yet  in  Asia — the  realm,  for  the  govern- 
ment of  which  Alexander  had  assumed  full  responsibil- 
ity— a  great  part  of  the  people  lived  either  in  unorganized 
villages  or  scattered  over  a  wide  district,  destitute  of 
political  rights,  and  either  lawless,  like  the  nomads  on  the 
desert  and  the  wild  mountaineers,  or  subject  to  the  will 
of  priests,  princes  or  officials.     It  was  one  purpose  of  xhePur- 
the  many  foundations  of  Alexander  to  provide  homes  for  ^°^  °cilies 
his  veterans  and  for  the  surplus  population  of  Greece 
which  flocked  into  the  Persian  empire  behind  the  con- 
(jueror's  army;   it  was  another  purpose  to  civilize  the 
natives,  to  luring  them  into  urban  communities  along  with 
the  immigrants  from  Europe,  to  fuse  the  new  and  the  Fusion  of 
old  into  a  new  stock  above  all  by  forcing  them  to  meet     ^°p*^' 
together  in  general  assemblies,  councils  and   executive 
committees  for  the  transaction  of  public  business.    More- 


24 ()  Alexa7ider  the  Great 

over,  the  maintenance  of  the  city-states  already  in  exist- 
ence and  the  founding  of  new  ones  settled  for  Alexander 
the  troublesome  question  as  to  the  administration  of  his 
empire.  He  gave  to  the  cities  responsibility  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  order,  administration  of  justice  and  collecting 
of  taxes  within  their  several  territories  and  looked  forward 
to  the  time  when  his  entire  realm  would  be  a  honeycomb 
of  little  urban  communities  such  as  Aristotle  thought 
ideal.  In  the  meantime  he  had  to  assume  the  burden  of 
Adminis-  administering  the  unorganized  tracts  which  lay  between 
the  cities.  This  he  did  by  using  the  Persian  instruments, 
satraps,  both  for  the  supervision  of  the  work  of  the  towns 
and  for  the  direct  government  of  the  interurban  districts. 
300.  The  Deification  of  Alexander. — The  sole  point 
in  which  his  scheme  might  have  done  violence  to  Greek 
thinking  was  in  the  supervising  power  assumed  by  him- 
self; yet  nothing  was  more  necessary,  since  otherwise 
struggles  were  sure  to  arise  among  the  cities,  and  individ- 
ually they  would  fall  an  easy  prey  to  foreign  attacks. 
This  difficulty  Alexander  met  by  a  genial  application  of 
a  principle  which  he  had  received  from  Aristotle,  that 
when  a  man  of  supreme  political  capacity  existed  in  a 
state  it  was  unjust  to  him  and  disadvantageous  to  the 
community  that  he  should  be  bound  by  the  laws,  which, 
though  they  helped  average  people,  fettered  genius. 
Such  a  person  Aristotle  had  taught  should  be  made  per- 
manent ruler  and  treated  as  a  god.  As  we  have  already 
seen,  Alexander  had  had  himself  greeted  as  a  son  of  Zeus 
by  the  oracle  of  Amon,  which  enjoyed  a  great  repute 
in  the  entire  Greek  world  in  the  fourth  century  B.C. 
In  324  B.C.  he  demanded  that  each  city  should  enrol  him 
in  its  circle  of  deities.     This  was  done  reluctantly  in  some 


Deification  of  Kings  247 

places,  as  in  Athens  and  Sparta,  but  in  general  it  was  done  The  Politi- 


cal Con- 
venience of 


with  enthusiasm;    for  henceforth  the  cities  could   take 

orders  from  Alexander  wi.thout  loss  of  self-respect.     To   Deification, 

obey  their  gods  was  a  duty,  while  on  the  other  hand,  to 

acknowledge  the  authority  of  an  outside  king  would  have 

been  humiliating  to  places  which  in  theory  were  free  and 

self-governing.     This  was  the  way  in  which  Alexander 

organized  his  vast  empire;  and  his  first  and  at  the  sam.e 

time  his  last  general  command  in  his  new  capacity  was 

that  all  the  cities  restore  their  exiles.     Otherwise  his  realm 

must  be  disturbed  indefinitely  by  the  discontent  of  lawless 

and  homeless  men. .  This  order  the  Athenians  protested 

against  and  the  ^Etolians  defied;   and  there  the  matter 

stood  when  the  whole  world  was  shocked  by  the  news  of 

the  death  of  its  lord,  the  departure  to  Olympus  of  its  god. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  famous: 
Granicus,  Issus,  Arbela,  Tyre,  Alexandria,  Persepolis,  Indus? 

2.  What    is    meant    by    Achemenidae,   high-priest,   phalanx? 

3.  What  is  the  date  of  the  founding  of  Alexandria,  of  the  death 
of  Alexander  ?  4.  What  principle  of  government  is  taught 
by  Aristotle's  politics?  5.  Did  Alexander  follow  Aristotle's 
teaching  in  organizing  his  empire? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Alexander  with  Alci- 
biades.  2.  Compare  the  empire  of  Alexander  with  that  of 
Assyria  or  Persia ;  with  the  Athenian  empire.  3.  "  No  single 
personality,  excepting  the  carpenter's  son  of  Nazareth,  has  done 
so  much  to  make  the  world  we  live  in  what  it  is  as  Alexander 
of  Macedon." — Can  you  justify  this  assertion? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Alexander's  Campaigns. 
Bury,  pp.  747-821.  2.  Alexander's  Empire.  Bury,  pp.  785-786, 
793-794,  815-816.     3.  Alexander.     Bury,  pp.  821-822. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,    i.  Alexander's 

Campaigns.  Zimmern,  ch.  21;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  20;  MahalTv, 
Alexander's  Empire,  pp.  12-42;  Moray,  pp.  309-314.  2.  Alex- 
ander's Empire.  Mahaffy,  pp.  1-3;  Moray,  pp.  322-323.  3. 
Alexander.     Plutarth,  Life  of  Alexander;  Morey,  pp.  314-316,  320. 


248 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


Lamian 
War 
(323-322 
B.C.). 


Battle  of 
Amorgos. 


Demos- 
thenes' 
Death. 


7.— THE   HELLENISTIC*   AGE 

32.3-200 -B.C. 

301.  Revolt  of  the  Greeks. — By  the  Greeks  in  the  far 
east  the  report  of  Alexander's  death  was  received  with 
fear  and  trembhng,  and  gathering  together  from  their 
cities  to  the  number  of  twenty-three  thousand  they  made 
a  vain  effort  to  force  their  way  back  to  the  Mediterranean. 
To  their  kinsmen  in  the  home  land,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  news  brought  jubilation  and  at  the  initiative  of 
Athens  and  iEtolia  a  general  outbreak  for  independence 
occurred.  The  war  which  ensued  is  called  the  La'mi-an 
war  because  of  the  fact  that  An-tip'a-ter  (§  282),  who  tried 
to  stem  the  tide  of  insurrection  with  inadequate  forces, 
sought  refuge  in  the  Thessalian  town  of  Lamia  and  there 
stood  a  siege.  Greek  success  depended  upon  preventing 
reinforcements  from  arriving  from  Asia,  but  for  this  the 
Athenians,  whose  navy  at  first  controlled  the  sea,  were 
too  weak,  and  a  defeat  first  in  the  Hellespont  and  then 
in  a  decisive  battle  at  A-mor'gos  opened  the  way  for  army 
after  army  to  cross  from  Asia  into  Europe  to  Antipater's 
rescue.  Thus  reinforced  Antipater  defeated  the  Greeks 
at  Crannon,  whereupon  the  league  which  they  had 
formed  dissolved  and  Athens,  threatened  by  sea  and  land, 
surrendered  unconditionally.  The  democracy  was  over- 
thrown, an  oligarchy  established  and  a  governor  put  in  the 
Piraeus.  Among  the  democratic  leaders  whose  person 
was  demanded  was  Demosthenes.  Rather  than  yield 
to  certain  death  he  committed  suicide.     "Had  but  the 

*  By  Hellenistic  we  mean  the  yjeriod  which  fell  between  Alexander's 
death  and  the  last  great  revolt  of  the  Greeks  at  the  time  of  Mithridates 
(88  B.C.). 


Struggle  for  Unity  249 

strength  of  thy  arm,  Demosthenes,  equalled  thy  spirit," 
ran  a  contemporary  epigram,  "  never  would  Greece  have 
sunk  under  the  foreign  yoke." 

302.  The  Regency. — In  the  meantime  an  attempt  was  The  Young 
being  made  by  the  device  of  a  regency  to  hold  the  vast  ^**°  "' 
empire   together   in  the   interest   of  Alexander's   family 

— his  half-witted  half-brother,  Philip  Ar-rhi-ds'us,  and 
the  child,  called  Alexander,  whom  Roxane,  Alexander's 
queen,  bore  shortly  after  his  death.  Three  regents  fol-  The  Three 
lowed  one  another  in  rapid  succession.  The  first,  Per-  ^^^°'^- 
diccas,  erred  through  assuming  too  much  power;  the 
second,  Antipater,  let  matters  take  their  course  and  con- 
tented himself  with  the  control  of  Macedon.  The  third, 
Pol-y-per'chon,  found  a  rival  for  the  possession  of  Mace- 
don in  Antipater's  son,  Cas-san'der,  and  a  contestant  for 
his  title  to  the  regency  in  An-tig'o-nus,  surnamed  Cyclops, 
or  the  one-eyed,  governor  of  Phrygia,  By  316  B.C.  Cas-  Antigonus 
sander  had  gained  Macedon  and  Antigonus  had  defeated 
and  slain  Eu'me-nes  of  Cardia,  a  brilliant  Greek  who  had 
been  Alexander's  secretary  and  who  supported  Polyper- 
chon  through  loyalty  to  his  master's  son.  The  regency 
came  thus  to  naught. 

303.  Antigonus  Struggles  for  Unity. — During  the 
following  thirty  years  (316-286  B.C.)  Antigonus  and  his 
son,  De-me'tri-us,  surnamed  Pol-i-or-ce'tes,  or  ''taker  of 
cities,"  made  three  vigorous  attempts  to  hold  the  empire 
together,  not  for  Philip,  who  was  murdered  in  317  B.C.,  nor 
for  the  young  Alexander,  whom  Cassander  put  out  of  the 
way  in  310  B.C.,  but  in  order  to  substitute  their  own 
dynasty  for  that  of  the  conqueror.  The  first  attempt  be-  First 
gan  when  in  316  B.C.  Antigonus  set  aside  the  satraps  of  the  (316^3,^, 
far  eastern  provinces,  even  Se-leu'cus  of  Babylon  being  ^-C-)- 


!^50  The  Hellenistic  Age 

forced  to  run  for  safety  to  Egypt.  This  drastic  action  was 
followed  up  by  a  proclamation  that  all  Greek  cities  were 
free,  which  caused  trouble  for  Cassander  in  Greece;  this 
in  turn  by  the  construction  of  a  fleet — for  without  sea 
power  unity  was  impossible — and  by  the  reduction  of 
Syria  and  Phoenicia.  The  crisis  came  in  312  B.C.  In  the 
spring  of  this  year  Antigonus  stationed  his  son,  Demetrius, 
at  Gaza  with  instruction  to  hold  Ptolemy,  ruler  of  Egypt, 
in  check  while  he  himself  had  his  main  army  massed  on 
the  Hellespont  in  order  to  support  the  operation  of  the 
fleet  with  which  he  had  already  opened  an  attack  on 
Battle  of  Macedon.  His  plan  of  campaign  was  foiled  by  the  in- 
subordination of  Demetrius,  who  instead  of  remaining  on 
the  defensive  risked  a  battle  and  was  defeated  decisively 
at  Gaza.  Antigonus  had  to  return  to  drive  the  Egyptians 
out  of  Syria.  This  he  did  with  ease,  since  Ptolemy  re- 
treated without  a  contest,  too  wise  to  risk  in  a  fight  what 
the  natural  defences  of  Egypt  made  tolerably  safe.  But 
in  the  meanwhile  Seleucus  had  slipped  off  to  Babylon 
and  installed  himself  in  his  old  satrapy. 

A  peace — of  which  one  condition  insisted  upon  by  Antig- 
onus was  that  the  Greek  cities  should  be  free — now  put 
Second         an  end  to  the  war  for  four  years.     But  in  307  B.C.  Antig- 
(307-30^       onus  began  his  second  attempt  for  world-empire.     This 
B.C.).  {{vat  he  singled  out  Egypt  for  his  main  attack,  but  in  order 

to  keep  Cassander  employed  he  sent  Demetrius  with  his 
fleet  to  free  Greek  cities — particularly  Athens,  where  dur- 
ing the  previous  ten  years  a  certain  Demetrius  of  Pha- 
le'rum,  a  pupil  of  Aristotle  and  The'o-phras'tus,  had 
governed  as  Cassander's  agent.  From  Aristotle  the  Pha- 
lerian  got  his  scheme  of  government,  from  Theophrastus 
the  main  ideas  for  a  new  law  code:  he  was  the  patron  of 


AntigoniLs  I  and  Demetrius  2.5 1 

the  great  comedian  Me-nanMer,  and  of  scientists  and 
artists  generally,  as  well  as  the  head  of  a  gay  and  clever 
court. 

304.  New  Comedy. — The  New  Comedy,  unlike  the  political  plays 
of  Aristophanes  (§  224),  took  as  its  theme  the  affairs  of  every-day 
life  and  handled  them  in  a  spirited,  keen,  sympathetic  and  delightful 
way.     The  shady  side  of  contemporary  manners  was  usually  shown 

up,  but  in  a  fashion  to  ridicule  vice  and  applaud  virtue.     Its  chief   Menander. 
representative  was  Menander   (342-292  B.C.),   only  fragments  of 
whose  plays  have  been  preserved.     So  sure  was  his  touch  and  so 
true  to  reality  that  the  ancients  said  of  him:    "Menander  and  life, 
which  of  you  is  the  imitator  of  the  oth«r?" 

305.  Demetrius  the  Taker  of  Cities. — During  his  re- 
gency the  Athenians  were  exceedingly  prosperous  and 
were  much  admired  and  envied.  None  the  less,  they  wel- 
comed the  "taker  of  cities,"  expelled  the  Phalerian  and 
fought  stoutly  against  Cassander  for  the  following  three 
years.  Meanwhile  Demetrius  had  turned  his  attention  to 
the  main  war.  In  306  B.C.  he  vancjuished  the  fleet  of 
Ptolemy  in  a  great  naval  battle  off  Salamis  In  Cyprus, 
whereupon,  after  assuming  the  regal  title,  he  by  sea,  his 
father  by  land,  attacked  Egypt.  They  failed  to  break  Failure  of 
down  the  defence  of  Its  monarch,  however,  and  reverting  on^Egypt'' 
to  the  plan  of  ^12  B.C. — Ptolemy  was  now  innocuous —  and  on 

T^  •  1  -1  .       ^  ^        Rhodes, 

Demetnus  returned  to  contmue  the  war  m  Greece.  On 
his  way  he  laid  siege  to  Rhodes — now  the  most  progressive 
commercial  centre  In  the  /Egean — but  the  Rhodlans  de- 
fended themselves  with  such  vigor  and  skill  that  despite  all 
his  efforts  he  failed  to  take  their  city  before  he  was  forced 
to  hurry  on  to  his  destination  in  order  to  prevent  Athens 
from  falling  Into  Cassander's  hands.  Athens  saved,  he  oc- 
cupied Greece  in  303  b.c.  and  was  pushing  Cassander  hard 


252  The  HeUeiiistic  Age 

in  Thessaly  when  he  was  obhged  to  return  to  Asia  Minor 
to  help  his  father;  for  the  danger  of  Cassander  had  so 
alarmed  the  other  monarchs,  who  now  called  themselves 
kings  too,  though  in  the  sight  of  Antigonus  they  were 
but  rebellious  satraps,  that  a  general  attack  was  concerted 
against  the  common  foe.  At  the  outset  Ptolemy  invaded 
Palestine  and  Syria:  to  be  sure,  he  withdrew  on  the  false 
report  of  the  defeat  of  his  partners  and  contributed  noth- 
ing to  the  issue.  Not  so  Seleucus  who,  having  mastered 
all  the  eastern  provinces  and  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  the  king  of  the  Punjab,  now  made  a  great  march 
with  horse,  foot  and  elephants  to  Asia  Minor  and  there 
effected  a  juncture  with  a  new  enemy  of  Antigonus.  This 
Was  Ly-sim'a-chus,  king  of  Thrace,  who  after  over  twenty 
years  of  persistent  effort  had  come  to  be  definitely  master 
in  his  own  unruly  country  and  was  now  in  a  position  to 
Battle  of  take  part  in  general  affairs.  Antigonus  recalled  his  son 
at  this  point;  part  of  Cassander's  army  came  to  the  as- 
sistance of  the  allies,  and  in  301  B.C.  at  Ipsus  in  Phrygia 
the  greatest  battle  yet  fought  in  European  history  took 
place.  On  each  side  were  upward  of  eighty  thousand 
trained  men.  The  impetuosity  of  Demetrius  determined 
the  issue.  Having  routed  the  enemy's  cavalry,  he  pur- 
sued them  too  far  and  returned  to  find  the  infantry  beaten 
and  his  father  slain.  With  the  death  of  Antigonus  dis- 
appeared the  most  important  figure  which  the  war  of  the 
diadochi  (successors)  produced.  He  was  a  great,  pow- 
erful man,  kingly  in  mind  and  disposition.  He  formed 
his  plans  carefully,  was  an  accomplished  strategist  and 
worked  tirelessly  to  secure  his  ends.  He  was  the  one  man 
in  the  whole  group  who  inherited  the  spirit  of  Alexander. 
His  son,  Demetrius,  was  still  ruler  of  the  sea,  and  with 


Ipsus. 


Division  of  Alexander' s  Empire        2.>r> 

this  as  a  starting-point  in  294  B.C.  he  took  Macecion  from 
the  incompetent  sons  of  Cassander,  who  had  died  in  297 
B.C.     Not  content  witli  the  kingdom  Alexander  had  in- 
herited, Demetrius  made  great  preparations  to  reconquer 
the  world.     The  third  attempt  for  the  union  was  fore-  The  New 
stalled  by  those  whom  it  menaced.     At  the  same  time  in  struggle 
288  B.C.   Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  and  Lysimachus  of  ^°^  ^^'^^ 
Thrace  invaded   Macedon,  and  Ptolemy  of  Egypt  de-  b.c). 
spatched  a  great  fleet  to  secure  control  of  the  sea.     The 
coalition  was  successful:  Demetrius  got  across  to  Asia  and  Fail  of 
undertook  a  wild  march  into  the  interior,  but,  defeated     ^^^ 
and  deserted  by  his  troops,  he  was  captured  by  Seleucus 
in  286  B.C.,  and  died  three  years  later.     The  thirty  years' 
war,  accordingly,  resulted  in  the  definite  dissolution  of 
Alexander's  empire  into  a  number  of  separate  states.     Its 
issue  was  as  disastrous  as  was  that  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war. 

306.  Lysimachus  and  Seleucus. — The  spoils  had  fallen 
largely  to  Lysimachus  of  Thrace  who  got  Asia  Minor 
after  Ipsus,  half  of  Macedon  after  the  expulsion  of 
Demetrius  and  the  remnants  of  the  latter's  fleet  when 
he  had  struck  into  the  interior  in  287  B.C.  In  283  B.C. 
Lysimachus  reunited  Macedon  by  expelling  Pyrrhus  from 
its  second  half,  and  was  about  to  seize  Greece,  which  De- 
metrius's  son,  Antigonus  II,  inherited,  when  he  in  turn 
was  assailed  by  Seleucus,  his  rival  in  Asia.  In  282  b.c.  Battle  of 
the  two  great  monarchs  met  at  Cor-u-pe'di-on  in  Lydia, 
and  Lysimachus  was  defeated  and  slain.  Thus,  by  acci- 
dent almost,  Seleucus  got  the  greater  part  of  the  distracted 
empire,  but  within  a  year  of  his  victory  he  was  foully 
murdered  by  Ptolemy  Ce-rau'nus,  the  disinherited  oldest 
son  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  to  whom  he  had  given  hospitality. 


Corupe- 
dion. 


254  The  Helleiilstic  Age 

The  murderer  seized  Macedon  and  Thrace,  but  his  title 
was  at  once  challenged,  not  only  by  Seleucus's  son,  Anti- 
ochus  I,  but  also  by  Demetrius's  son,  Antigonus  II;  and 
a  new  struggle  began. 

307.  The  Celtic  Migration. — At  this  moment  the  fac- 
tious Macedonian  kings  were  rudely  reminded  that  they 
were  not  the  only  ones  who  coveted  the  rich  world  which 
they  were  weakening  by  their  struggles.  Behind  the 
Alps,  stretching  from  the  mouths  of  the  Rhone  and 
Rhine  to  the  middle  Danube,  the  loose  conglomerate 
of  Celtic  tribes  had  been  massed  for  over  a  century. 
Now  finding  advance  south  checked  by  the  unification  of 
Italy  and  Rome's  advance  into  the  Po  valley  (§  376)  which 
they  had  occupied  in  about  390  B.C.  (§  369),  they  turned 
their  attention  eastward,  and  in  280  B.C.  a  great  avalanche 
of  barbarians  overwhelmed  Macedon.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus 
put  himself  hastily  in  their  way  but  lost  his  life  and  his 
army,  and  for  three  years  the  Celts  pillaged  and  murdered 
in  the  land  of  Alexander.  In  279  B.C.  Brennus  led  one  di- 
vision of  them  south  into  Greece,  but  though  it  reached 
Delphi  it  was  destroyed  chiefly  by  the  energy  of  the  Mio- 
lians.  About  the  same  time  another  division  went  east  and 
occupied  Thrace.  The  credit  for  breaking  the  onset  of 
the  barbarians  belongs  to  Antigonus  II,  who  first  defeated 
decisively  a  great  body  of  them  near  Ly-si-mach'i-a  in  277 
B.C.,  then  expelled  them  from  Macedon  and  made  himself 
its  king.  Thrace,  however,  was  lost  altogether;  the  civil- 
izing work  of  Philip,  Alexander  and  Lysimachus  in  this 
region  was  undone,  and  this  whole  district  lapsed  back 
The  Celts  into  the  barbarism  of  central  Europe.  Moreover,  the 
Thrace  and  Cclts  CTOsscd  the  Hellespont  into  Asia  Minor,  where  after 
Gaiatia.        ^  carccr  of  plunder  they  settled  down  in  the  heart  of  the 


The  Ptolemies  in  Egypt  255 

peninsula  and  forced  the  adjoining  cities  and  principalities 
to  buy  immunity  from  pillage  by  paying  them  tribute. 
Their  territory  was  called  Galatia. 

308.  Alliance  of  Macedon  and  Asia. — When  Antigo- 
nus  occupied  the  throne  of  Macedon  he  and  Antiochus 
ceded  away  their  claim  to  each  other's  territory  and 
formed  a  political  and  matrimonial  alliance  which  was 
the  basis  for  common  action  between  Macedon  and 
Asia  during  the  rest  of  the  third  century  B.C. 

309.  Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies.— They  were  forced 

to  co-operate,  moreover,  by  the  policy  of  Egypt.  The  first  sea  Power 
Ptolemy  had  kept  Egypt  free  from  invasion  and  given  °^  ^^ypt. 
it  an  opportunity  to  prosper;  he  had  constructed  a  great 
fleet,  and  with  it  finally  gained  control  of  the  eastern 
Mediterranean,  dominion  over  its  islands  and  a  claim 
to  suzerainty  in  Greece  and  rule  in  Palestine,  Phoenicia 
and  Syria.  He  had,  in  fact,  formed  the  policy  of  convert- 
ing the  sea  east  of  Sicily  into  an  Egyptian  lake,  and  by 
controlling  the  harbors  and  coast  towns  from  Gaza  to  Ma- 
ro-nei'a  in  Thrace,  he  aimed  to  concentrate  all  maritime 
commerce  in  Alexandria.  The  benefits  of  this  wise  and  ptoiemy  ir 
energetic  policy  were  enjoyed  by  his  son,  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  283  B.C.  Down  the 
Nile  came  the  results  of  the  labor  of  the  seven  million 
laborious  inhabitants  of  Egypt  and  in  addition  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  Soudan,  Abyssinia,  Arabia  and  India.  A 
great  light-house  built  on  the  island  of  Pharus  directed  to 
its  mouth  all  the  cargoes  of  Greece  and  the  Levant. 

310.  Alexandria. — Hence  Alexandria  grew  with  mar- 
vellous rapidity  and  soon  had  a  population  of  five  hun- 
dred thousand.  It  was  the  one  great  Greek  city  in 
Egypt.     The   Ptolemies   made   no   attempt   to   civilize, 


Philadel- 
phus. 


256 


The  Hellenistic  Age 


Ptolemies 

Leave 

Native 

Customs 

Unchanged. 


A  Bureau- 
cracy. 


Theocritus. 


Callim- 
achus. 


i.e.,  Hellenize,  the  natives.  The  Egyptians,  accordingly, 
were  not  brought  into  city  centres,  self-government  be- 
ing denied  to  them  altogether;  they  had  no  interest  in 
politics,  their  ideal  life  being  satisfied  by  religion;  and 
the  Ptolemies  had  no  scruples  of  conscience  about  foster- 
ing the  native  cults,  building  new  temples  for  the  native 
gods  and  posing  generally  as  the  successors  of  the 
Pharaohs. 

311.  The  Government  of  Egypt. — For  the  goverment 
of  the  country  they  used  a  vast  bureaucratic  system. 
By  means  of  officials  carefully  divided  into  departments 
of  justice,  police,  finance,  for  example,  and  carefully 
graded  according  to  rank,  the  wishes  of  Ptolemy  and  of 
his  prime  ministers  were  carried  from  Alexandria  to  the 
smallest  village  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile;  and  by  the  same 
agencies  the  taxes  were  collected.  The  chief  function  of 
the  native  population  was,  in  fact,  the  payment  of  taxes 
to  the  government,  and  it  was  by  the  control  of  ample 
revenues  drawn  from  this  source  that  Philadelphus  was 
able  to  make  Alexandria  the  seat  of  the  most  brilliant 
court  in  the  world. 

312.  Alexandrian  Culture. — Festivals  and  processions 
were  organized  on  a  colossal  scale,  and  nothing  indicative 
of  luxury  or  provocative  of  lust  was  neglected  by  the 
pleasure-loving  monarch.  The  two  greatest  poets  of  the 
age  lived  in  Alexandria  in  his  time — The-oc'ri-tus,  the 
writer  of  idylls  treating  of  idealized  country  life,  and 
Cal-hm'a-chus,  a  kind  of  literary  dictator,  and  the  com- 
poser of  finished  epigrams  and  elegies.  In  the  realm  of 
poetry  Theocritus  discovered  a  new  and  rich  field  called 
pastoral.  In  his  delicately  wrought  background  of  Sicil- 
ian country  life,  with  its  fountains,  shady  oaks,  stalwart 


Realism  in  Art  257 

shepherds,  graceful  maidens,  vineyards,  woodland  flow- 
ers and  murmuring  bees,  he  set  his  simple  scenes  of 
rustic  love.  In  them  the  worldly  and  sated  Alexandrians 
found  intense  delight  and  refreshment.  Following  The- 
ocritus as  his  model,  Vergil,  two  hundred  and  fifty  years 
later,  in  his  Bucolics,  brought  the  fragrance  of  the  country 
to  the  equally  worldly  and  sated  Romans  of  the  age 
of  Augustus. 

313.  Hellenistic  Art. — Similar  themes  were  handled 
by  one  group  of  Hellenistic  sculptors,  who  carved  little 
scenes  of  outdoor  life  wit^i  shepherds  and  shepherdesses 
or  mythological  personages  grouped  in  the  foreground. 
They  were  used  as  panels  in  the  decoration  of  houses. 
Doubtless,  similar  paintings  also  existed.  In  this  work  the 
tendency  toward  realism  which  characterizes  Hellenistic 
portraiture  is  also  noticeable.  The  portraits  were  not,  Realism, 
however,  grossly  realistic;  the  face  had  to  possess  some 
charm  or  nobility  even  though  it  ceased  to  be  c|uite  ac- 
curate. The  classic  restraint  which  limited  the  expres- 
sion of  feeling  to  suggestion  and  left  much  to  the  sympa- 
thetic imagination  of  the  observer  was  now  abandoned 
altogether,  and  particularly  in  the  Rhodian  and  Anatolian 
schools  faces  were  carved  contorted  with  pain  or  tense 
with  excitement.  Examples  of  these  are  the  La-oc'o-on 
Group  and  the  Battle  of  Gods  and  Giants  from  the 
great  altar  of  Zeus  at  Per'ga-mon,  Action,  not  repose, 
was  preferred,  and  the  artists  liked  to  achieve  dramatic 
eflfects  perhaps  inappropriate  to  work  in  stone.  There 
was  in  this  age  boundless  confidence  in  the  powers 
of  human  beings;  men  became  gods  and  overturned 
all  the  arrangements  of  society  and  states;  they  shrank 
from  no  tasks  however  difficult.     Hence  statues  of  super- 


258 


TJie  Hellenistic  Age 


The 
Museum. 


Eratosthe- 
nes. 


human  magnitude   like   the    Colossus   of   Rhodes   were 
attempted. 

314.  Alexandrian  Science. — Nowhere  was  the  realistic 
tendency  of  this  age  better  manifest  than  in  science,  of 
which  Alexandria  was  the  most  famous  centre.  For  the 
accommodation  of  scholars  the  Ptolemies  built  and  en- 
dowed the  Museum — or  Academy— of  literary  and  natural 
sciences.  To  its  equipment  belonged  a  great  library  for 
literary  and  a  garden  for  zoological  and  botanical  re- 
search. For  the  support  of  the  workers  the  government 
provided  salaries.  Thus  aidgd,  science,  the  dominant 
passion  of  the  Hellenistic  age,  made  remarkable  progress, 
and  its  greatest  names  prior  to  the  eighteenth  century 
A.D.  appear  in  the  annals  of  this  epoch.  E'ra-tos'the- 
nes  computed  the  circumference  of  the  earth  at  twenty- 
eight    thousand    miles,   which   is   surprisingly   near   the 

Aristarchus  corrcct  figurc.  A'ris-tar'clius  of  Samos  showed  that  the 
sun,  not  the  earth,  was  the  centre  of  this  planetary  system 
and  that  the  earth  revolved  on  its  own  axis,  thus  an- 
ticipating Ga'li-le'o  and  Co-per'ni-cus.  He-roph'i-lus 
foreshadowed  Harvey's  theories  of  the  circulation  of  the 
blood,  and  Ar'chi-me'des  of  Syracuse  is  said  to  have  used 
the  integral  calculus  long  before  it  was  rediscovered  by 
Leibnitz  and  Newton.  Even  if  this  is  not  the  case,  his 
contributions  to  mathematical  physics  are  sufficiently 
noteworthy.  Euclid  wrote  at  this  time  his  text-book  on 
geometry.  All  this  shows  that  the  constructive  imagina- 
tion of  men  had  free  play  as  well  as  large  bodies  of  new 
material  with  which  to  operate,  and  that  the  world  of 
thought  like  the  world  of  action  was  vibrant  with  fresh  life. 

315.  Alexandrian  Philology. — The  work  of  the  Alex- 
andrian scholars  in  literary  criticism  and  interpretation 


Archi- 
medes. 


Euclid. 


Science  and  Philology  259 

was  no  less  remarkable  than  in  natural  science.  It  was  Theinter- 
necessary  now  that  a  new  common  speech  was  extirpat-  fhePast?° 
ing  the  dialects,  and  now  that  a  new  age  was  rapidly 
pushing  the  world  of  the  little  city-states  into  a  distant 
antiquity,  that  the  older  literature — the  Ionian  epics  and 
the  Lesbian  and  Dorian  lyrics — as  well  as  the  comedies 
and  orations  which  dealt  with  local  persons  and  situations 
should  be  interpreted  or  else  abandoned.  Besides,  the 
Greek  language,  which  was  now  used  generally  for  public 
business,  literature  and  diplomatic  and  commercial  in- 
tercourse, had  to  be  organized  so  that  the  conquered  pop- 
ulations might  learn  it.  Hence  grammars  and  lexicons 
were  compiled,  authoritative  editions  of  the  classic  au- 
thors issued  and  learned  commentaries  on  them  pub- 
lished. Epoch-making  in  this  respect  was  the  work  of 
Callimachus  and  Aristarchus  of  Alexandria  on  Homer. 
Our  Iliad  and  Odyssey  date  from  their  revision  of  the 
text.  All  this  literature  was  bookish  and  learned;  it  was 
meant  to  appeal  only  to  the  initiated  and  hence  made 
little  popular  impression.  It  requires  a  long  time  to  popu- 
larize scientific  ideas  and  methods. 

316.  Ptolemy  II,  Philadelphus. — Philadelphus  was  a 
statesman  and  diplomat,  not  a  soldier  or  general;  hence 
he  remained  in  his  luxurious  court  at  Alexandria  and  sent 
out  his  admirals  and  paid  out  his  money  freely  in  sup- 
port of  his  foreign  policy. 

317.  Antigonus  II.— His  chief  rival  was  Antigonus  II 
of  Macedon.  Antigonus  was  a  pupil  and  patron  of 
Zeno,  the  great  founder  of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  and  from 
this  stern  creed  the  king  derived  his  sturdiness  of  charac- 
ter, his  devotion  to  duty  and  his  preference  for  a  life  of 
old-fashioned  simplicity.     It  became  clear  to  him  that 


Battle- 
ships. 


260  The  Hellenistic  Age 

he  could  not  be  at  peace  in  Macedon  and  rule  Greece  so 
long  as  Philadelphus  held  the  islands  of  the  ^gean  and 
by  the  use  of  money  and  promises  kept  stirring  up  trouble 
for  him  in  his  realm.  Hence  he  determined  to  gain  for 
himself  the  control  of  the  sea  which  since  287  B.C.  had 
been  securely  Egyptian. 

The  New  3 1 8.  Struggle   for   the    Eastern    Mediterranean. — Ac- 

cordingly, he  built  a  fleet  of  the  great  new-fashioned 
battle-ships  characteristic  of  this  age,  vessels  rising  high 
above  the  water  with  sometimes  as  many  as  sixteen  banks 
of  rowers,  powerful  artillery  and  crews  of  thousands  of 
men.  They  may  have  had  on  occasion  a  capacity  of 
upward  of  four  thousand  tons.  With  this  navy  he  began 
a  duel  for  sea  power  with  Egypt  in  about  256  B.C.  which 
lasted  with  interruptions  until  about  241  B.C.  In  its 
course  Antigonus  won  two  sea  fights,  one  at  Cos  and  the 
other  at  Andros,  the  first  against  the  admirals  of  Phila- 
delphus, the  second  against  the  admirals  of  Ptolemy  III, 
Eu-er'ge-tes,  who  took  his  father's  place  in  247  B.C.; 
the  first  in  alliance  with  Antiochus  II  of  Asia,  the  second 

The  in  alliance  with  the  Rhodians,  who,  having  first  defended 

their  freedom  against  Demetrius,  the  "taker  of  cities,"  now 
refused  to  be  subservient  to  their  old  ally  Egypt.  Thus 
they  won  a  position  of  general  respect.  Much  of  the  bank- 
ing and  carrying  trade  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  was 
their  reward.  Shortly  after  the  second  victory  Antigonus 
died  (239  B.C.),  and  Macedon  became  involved  for  ten 
years  in  a  destructive  war  in  Greece.  At  the  same  time  a 
dynastic  struggle— the  first  of  many — broke  out  in  Asia; 
but  none  the  less  Euergetes  failed  to  rebuild  his  fleet,  and 
without  it  his  far-spread  empire  was  merely  a  shell  whicli 
could  be  crushed  by  the  first  strong  pressure  from  without. 


The  Seleudds  in  Asia  !2G1 

319.  The  Seleucid  Empire. — Its  existence,  however, 
crippled  the  economic  and  political  power  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  Seleucids  in  Asia;  for  it  deprived  the  great  con- 
tinental empire  of  its  coast  lines,  and  prevented  it  from 
drawing  freely  from  Greece  the  men  who  were  needed  to 
colonize  its  vast  waste  tracts  and  to  reinforce  the  Hellenic 
element  in  the  settled  districts.  The  Seleucids  were  the 
real  heirs  of  Alexander  the  Great.  They  made  it  their 
mission  to  realize  Alexander's  vision  of  a  realm  honey- 
combed with  self-governing  cities  of  the  Greek  type. 
Thus  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  is  said  to  have  planted  Founding 
seventy-five  cities;  his  son,  Antiochus  I,  is  known  as  a  °  '  '^^' 
great  founder  also;  and  the  work  was  still  in  progress  when 
the  Romans  came  into  Asia.  What  they  accomplished 
was  to  carry  the  Greek  language,  ideas,  forms  of  govern- 
ment, art  and  drama  as  far  as  the  eastern  limits  of  the 
Persian  empire,  and,  indeed,  as  recent  discoveries  show, 
far  beyond,  into  distant  India  and  northeastward  through 
Eastern  Turkestan  to  China.  Naturally,  the  interests  of  Heiienizing 
the  dynasty  in  Heiienizing  these  kingdoms  provoked  na- 
tive reactions;  but  these  were  not  serious  till  Antioch  IV 
interfered  with  the  native  religions;  then  revolts  broke 
out,  notably  in  Ju-de'a,  where  the  Mac'ca-bees  took  up 
arms  for  Jehovah  against  Zeus  and  after  a  long  struggle 
succeeded  in  establishing  the  independence  of  the  Jewish 
community.  All  the  native  religions  were  not  so  obsti- 
nate, however,  and,  in  fact,  at  the  same  time  that  the 
Jews  resisted  Hellenization  they  translated  their  sacred 
books  into  Greek  for  the  use  of  the  Jewish  community 
in  Alexandria;  but,  unlike  the  oriental  cults  in  general, 
they  modified  their  beliefs  and  altered  their  rituals  so 
slightly  that  it  needed  a  religious  revolution  in  Judaism 


262  The  Hellenistic  Age 

before  it  could  become  a  rival  of  the  Se-ra'pis-I'sis  cult  of 
Alexandria,  the  At-ar'ga-tis  cult  of  Syria  or  the  Great 
Mother  cult  of  Asia  Minor  for  the  suffrages  of  the  Hellen- 
istic and  Roman  world.  These  latter  were  the  aggressive 
oriental  cults  in  the  Hellenistic  period.  The  instruments 
for  their  dissemination  were  religious  associations  (thiasi) 
formed  by  their  votaries  in  the  cities  of  the  old  Greek 
world.  These  clubs  were  made  up  at  first  of  foreigners  and 
provided  social  entertainment  in  the  shape  of  a  monthly 
dinner  which  was  at  once  a  banquet  and  a  sacrifice. 
They  also  provided  the  assurance  of  decent  funeral  obse- 
Orientai  quics  as  wcU  as  business  facilities  to  their  members.  In 
Greece?  ^^"^^  ^^^  native  Greeks  became  interested,  entered  the  as- 
sociations and  finally  got  the  new  deities  enrolled  in  the 
circle  of  their  native  deities,  whereupon  all  the  citizens 
became  at  once  votaries  of  the  oriental  god  or  goddess. 
It  was  in  this  way  that  Isis,  the  Syrian  Goddess  (Atar- 
gatis)  and  Cyb'e-le  (the  Great  Mother)  made  their  trium- 
phal progress  through  the  late  Hellenistic  world. 

320.  Greece— the  Achasan  and  jEtolian  Leagues. — 
The  policy  and  aggressiveness  of  the  Ptolemies  were  also 
fatal  for  the  stability  of  Macedonian  government  in 
Greece,  and  during  the  struggle  of  the  two  monarchies 
for  power  in  the  peninsula  the  Greeks  had  a  chance 
to  look  out  for  themselves.  To  be  sure  the  country 
suffered  through  frequent  wars;  but  in  this  respect  it  was 
no  worse  off  in  the  third  century  than  in  the  fourth  and 
fifth.  It  was  a  gain  that  its  surplus  population  was 
Shifting  of  provided  for  in  the  new  world  of  the  east.  The  serious 
cau:Tntres  Consideration  was  that  through  the  opening  of  the  Persian 
empire  to  European  enterprise  the  centres  of  commerce 
and  industry  ceased  to  be  situated  in  Greece.     Athens 


Federal  Government  263 

and  Corinth,  accordingly,  sank  in  size  and  wealth  as 
Ephesus,  Rhodes,  Antioch  and  Alexandria  rose.  Thus 
Greece  tended  to  revert  to  an  essentially  agricultural 
country,  and  impoverishment  and  depopulation  event- 
ually set  in.  Less  injury  was,  of  course,  sustained  by  the 
districts  which  had  never  been  commercial  and  it  was  in 
them  that  most  progress  and  vitality  survived  in  the 
third  century.  The  conviction  came  ultimately  to  be 
established  among  them  that  the  little  city-states  were 
unable  to  protect  themselves  by  individual  action;  hence 
from  two  centres,  one  in  Achasa  in  the  Peloponnesus,  and 
the  other  in  iEtolia  in  central  Greece,  movements  for  a 
union  of  the  whole  country  in  a  federal  league  began. 
A  large  territorial  state  such  as  defence  demanded  was 
thus  created  without  resort  to  monarchical  government. 
321.  Federal  Government. — The  plan  adopted  was 
to  delegate  to  federal  authorities  the  conduct  of  negoti- 
ations and  war,  the  preservation  of  peace  between  the 
cities  and  the  protection  of  individuals  while  abroad, 
leaving  the  raising,  paying  and  officering  of  troops,  the 
levying  of  the  taxes,  the  maintenance  of  order  within 
the  cities  and  the  whole  round  of  municipal  business  to 
the  local  governments.  Citizenship  was  to  be  common; 
also  money  and  weights  and  measures,  and  monarchical 
rule  was  not  permitted.  In  Achasa  the  federal  authorities  The 
were  an  annually  elected  general  who  was  at  once  mili-  League, 
tary  and  diplomatic  leader,  a  hipparch,  admiral  and 
secretary;  a  college  of  ten  demiurgi,  who  formed  a  sort 
of  inner  council;  a  great  council  made  up  each  year  of 
a  different  fraction  of  the  citizens  of  each  constituent  city, 
and  a  general  assembly  of  all  the  Acheeans.  This  latter 
body  met  at  least  annually  at  Ae-gium  for  the  election  of 


264  The  Hellenistic  Age 

officers,  but  it  might  meet  oftener  for  the  settlement  of 
peace  or  war  at  the  call  of  the  officials.  Each  city  had 
one  vote  in  the  general  assembly  regardless  of  size.  This 
gave  the  smaller  states  undue  influence.  The  constitu- 
tion of  ^tolia  was  similar.  A  difference  between  the 
two  was  caused  by  the  difference  in  the  character  and 
habits  of  life  of  the  peoples.  The  ^Etolians  were  a 
country,  mountain  people,  active,  fond  of  fighting  and 
inclined  to  freebooting;  the  Achaeans  were  more  civilized, 
had  urban  life  well  developed,  and  were  averse  to  mak- 
ing sacrifices  in  war  time.  The  one  was  warlike  and  the 
other  peaceful.  In  both  the  control  of  the  general  as- 
sembly tended  to  fall  to  the  propertied  classes  who  alone 
could  attend  the  sessions  in  considerable  numbers. 

322.  Growth  of  the  Leagues. — The  ^tolians  began  to 
expand  first;  they  seized  Delphi  in  about  292  B.C.,  and 
controlled  the  Amphictyony  from  then  on;  they  seized  first 
half,  then  all  of  Acarnania,  including  Ambracia;  for  a 
period  they  absorbed  Boeotia;  while  a  considerable 
portion  of  Thessaly  was  finally  in  their  control.  They 
remained  a  free  people  till  the  Romans  conquered  them 
in  189  B.C. 

Aratus  of  The  Achaeans  became  of  importance  for  the  first  time 

in  252  B.C.  when  A-ra'tus,  who  had  just  seized  the  govern- 
ment of  Sicyon,  his  native  city,  in  place  of  making  himself 
tyrant  with  the  backing  of  either  Antigonus  II  or  Phila- 
delphus,  added  it  to  the  ethnic  confederacy  which  some 
thirty  years  earlier  had  been  revived  among  the  towns 
of  Achaea.  From  this  time  on  Aratus,  a  skilful  politician 
and  adroit  leader  in  guerilla  warfare,  but  a  very  incom- 
petent general,  was  the  real  head  of  the  confederation, 
and  for  every  second  year  but  one  between  245  b.c.  and 


Sicyon. 


Stoics  and  Epicureans  265 

213  B.C.  he  was  chosen  their  general.  The  normal  atti- 
tude of  the  iEtolians  and  Achasans  was  one  of  hostility, 
but  during  the  reign  of  Demetrius  II,  who  had  succeeded 
Antigonus  II  in  239  B.C.  (§318),  they  joined  in  a  war 
against  Macedon,  and  at  its  issue,  with  the  death  of  their 
adversary  in  229  B.C.,  they  both  reached  the  summit  of 
their  power.  The  Achaean  league  then  included  most  of 
the  Peloponnesus, 

323.  Athens  and  Sparta. — Outside  of  these  stood 
Athens  and  Sparta,  neither  of  which  would  subordinate 
itself  to  the  federal  authorities.  In  229  B.C.  Athens 
threw  off  the  Macedonian  yoke,  but  despite  the  entrea- 
ties of  Aratus,  decided  to  remain  henceforth  neutral.  It  isolation 
asked  from  the  powers  and  in  fact  got  a  position  of 
complete  isolation,  its  internationalization  being  guar- 
anteed first  by  Egypt  and  then  by  Rome.     It  was  still 

the  seat  of  the  finest  Greek  culture,  and  in  the  world  of 
Hellenistic  change  it  remained  an  oasis  of  classicism. 
Its  art,  for  example,  was  dominated  by  the  style  of  Prax-i'- 
te-les  and  Scopas  and  to  its  school  belongs,  perhaps,  the 
celebrated  Aphrodite  of  Melos.  (PI.  XVIII.)  In  one  de- 
partment of  spiritual  life  alone  it  had  preserved  its  emi- 
nence— in  philosophy. 

324.  Philosophy  in  Athens. — The  city  became  in  the 
third  century  the  real  university  of  the  world,  whither 
students    flocked    to    study    philosophy.     Two    leading  schools  of 
schools   of  thought   divided   their  suffrages.     The   one  P^^i^^^pi^y' 
was  founded  by  Zeno  (333-261  B.C.),  who  taught  in  the 

Sloa  poilike  or  "Painted  Porch,"  in  the  heart  of  the  city, 

a  way  of  life  and  thought  which  was  called  Stoicism. 

He  held  that,  in  the  midst  of  the  seeming  confusion  of  The  stoic 

things  about  us,  there  was  a  real  order,  governed  by  un- 


266 


TJie  Hellenistic  Age 


The  Epi- 
curean. 


Restora- 
tion of  the 
Ancient 
Regime. 


changeable  laws;  that  the  secret  of  life  consists  in  seeing 
this  order  and  obeying  it.  The  chief  word  of  this  philoso- 
phy was  "virtue,"  and  he  is  the  "wise  man"  who  strives 
after  it.  Everything  else  is  unimportant;  even  life  itself 
is  not  worth  living,  if  virtue  cannot  be  realized.  Virtue 
can  be  found  in  one's  own  soul,  in  that  "reason"  which  is 
man's  way  of  expressing  the  order  of  the  universe.  All 
men  everywhere  in  whom  "reason"  or  "virtue"  rules 
are  brothers.  On  the  other  hand,  Ep'i-cu'rus  (341-270 
B.C.)  taught  that  true  virtue  is  found  in  "happiness," 
everything  that  contributes  to  make  man  happy  should 
be  sought,  while  all  that  is  disturbing  should  be  avoided. 
Hence,  to  him  religion,  which  spoke  of  reward  and 
punishment  from  the  gods  above,  was  harmful  and 
should  be  abolished.  This  philosophy  was  called  after  its 
founder  Ep'i-cu-re'an-ism.  Its  emphasis  of  pleasure  and 
its  indifference  toward  the  gods  brought  it  into  popular 
discredit  both  in  later  Greece  and  in  Rome.  And,  in 
fact,  as  interpreted  by  many  of  its  professed  followers  it 
was  an  excuse  for  sensual  indulgence.  Both  systems  are 
illustrations  of  the  broad  cosmopolitan  spirit  of  the  age, 
which  recognized  no  bounds  of  city  or  race.  They  had  a 
very  wide  influence  in  this  age  and  in  the  centuries  follow- 
ing. 

325.  Cleomenes  and  the  Revival  of  Sparta. — Sparta 
met  the  advance  of  the  Achaeans  not  by  an  appeal  to 
the  powers,  but  by  resort  to  the  sword,  and  it  happened 
that  it  possessed  at  this  time  a  remarkable  king,  Cle-om'- 
e-nes  by  name,  who  defeated  the  Achaeans  repeatedly  and 
roused  the  old  city  into  new  life  by  setting  aside  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  ephors  (§  153),  redividing  the  land  in  such 
a  way  that  instead  of  seven  hundred   there  were   four 


PLATE 

XXIII 

^H^^^^^^^^^^^H 

^H^^K  ^iP^^^^^^^^H 

1 

^B  pVv. .  ""^^^V^^^l 

1 

^^^mr^'  ^^jk^" '  ^^i|^«w¥^9s^H 

^^^^«»-^^^ '       ^'  iL^wS^S^m 

• 

^ _- ' ■■ — — «=Ba-2=!^^^B^^M 

^^^1        '<«MM».»,M»»>>.»..»»»»«^                                                                                                  ^^^H 

THE    LAOCOON    GROUP 

Pergamon  2(57 

thousand  Spartiatse,  and  re-establishing  with  antiquarian 
precision  the  old  tent  life  which  had  fallen  of  late  into 
disuse.  Then  he  pushed  the  Achaeans  so  hard  that  Ara- 
tus  was  forced  to  submit  to  either  Spartan  or  Macedonian 
hegemony;  he  chose  the  latter  alternative  and  in  222  B.C. 
the  Macedonian  king,  Antigonus  III,  crushed  Cleomenes 
on  the  battle-field  of  Sel-la'si-a,  and  became  overlord  of 
Greece — ^Etolia  alone  excepted.  Subsequently  the  Achae- 
ans  were  never  free  agents,  but  had  always  to  do  the 
bidding  of  somebody  else. 

326.  Pergamon. — It  was  in  the  interval  of  dynastic 
strife  in  Asia  and  of  fierce  conflict  in  Greece  and  Mace- 
don  (§318)  that  Pergamon  became  the  chief  among  the 
second-rate  powers  of  the  eastern  world.  Its  third  prince 
At'ta-lus  I  (241-197  B.C.)  refused  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
Celts  of  Galatia,  and  thus  became  involved  in  a  long 
struggle  with  them,  at  the  end  of  which  he  found  himself 
for  a  short  time  the  paramount  power  in  Asia  Minor.  This 
position  he  lost  in  a  few  years,  however,  when  unity  of 
rule  was  at  length  restored  to  the  Scleucid  empire.  Under 
Attains  Pergamon  became  a  rival  of  Alexandria  as  a  seat 
of  culture,  and  the  king  was  a  liberal  patron  of  philoso- 
phers, scientists  and  artists.  It  was  at  his  initiative  that  Art  of 
the  sculptors  of  Greece  got  a  new  theme  when  they  under- 
took to  immortalize  in  stone  the  victories  of  the  mon- 
arch over  the  Celts.  The  famous  ''Dying  Gaul"  is  the 
outcome  of  this  undertaking.  A  little  later  a  great  altar 
to  Zeus  was  erected  at  Pergamon,  the  frieze  of  which, 
now  in  Berlin,  is  the  best  monument  extant  of  Hellenistic 
sculpture.  It  deals  with  the  struggle  of  Gods  and  Giants. 
Full  of  vigor  and  vitality,  it  is  inferior  to  the  work  of  the 
classic  age  only  in  the  lack  of  simplicity  and  grace. 


Pergamot 


268 


The  Coming  of  Rome 


Philip  V 
and  Rome. 


Antiochus 
the  Great. 


Decay  of 

Egypt. 


327.  The  Crisis  of  Hellenistic  History. — About  220 
B.C.  three  young  men  came  to  the  thrones  of  the  three 
great  Hellenistic  monarchies.  Philip  V,  the  new  king 
of  Macedon,  became  at  once  involved  in  a  fierce  struggle 
with  the  iEtolians,  which  he  abandoned  (after  Cannae) 
to  join  Hannibal  against  Rome.  Till  205  B.C.  he  was 
fully  employed  by  the  war  with  the  ^Etolians  and  Attains 
of  Pergamon  which  the  Romans  stirred  up  against  him 
to  keep  him  employed  while  they  fought  it  out  with 
Carthage.  In  that  year,  however,  he  became  free  by 
making  a  peace  with  the  Italian  republic.  The  young 
king  of  Asia,  Antiochus  III,  the  Great,  opened  his  reign 
by  an  attack  on  Egypt,  and  but  for  a  revolt  in  his  eastern 
provinces,  which  gave  his  adversary  time  to  prepare,  the 
defeat  which  he  sustained  at  Raphia  in  218  B.C.  might 
have  been  a  victory.  For  thirteen  years  thereafter  he 
was  actively  employed  in  reasserting  his  authority  in  his 
own  empire,  which  a  long  dynastic  struggle  and  foreign 
embarrassments  had  paralyzed;  but  in  205  B.C.  he  re- 
turned to  the  Mediterranean  at  the  end  of  a  campaign 
which  covered  nearly  the  same  territory  as  Alexander's 
famous  march,  with  a  well-trained  army  and  a  desire  for 
further  action.  Two  years  later  Ptolemy  Phi'lo-pa'tor, 
the  fourth  Macedonian  king  of  Egypt,  died  leaving  as  his 
successor  a  mere  child.  He  had  neglected  all  the  vital 
problems  of  national  defence;  his  court  had  been  governed 
by  his  mistress  and  her  clique,  and  the  native  Egyptians 
who  had  fought  in  his  army  at  Raphia  were  in  revolt. 
Hence  Egypt  was  ready  for  the  spoilers.  By  her  wealth 
and  her  maritime  power  she  had  preserved  a  balance  of 
power  in  the  Hellenistic  world  since  277  B.C.,  and  in  274 
B.C.  she  had  formed  a  relationship  of  peace  and  friendli- 


The  Coming  of  Rome  269 

ness  with  Rome.  Now  that  the  Hannibalic  war  was 
drawing  to  a  close,  it  was  clear  to  Philip  and  Antiochus 
that  in  the  event  of  a  Roman  advance  into  the  east 
Egypt  would  be  her  ally;  hence  they  determined  to  take 
the  opportunity,  while  Rome  was  still  employed  else- 
where, to  divide  the  Ptol-e-ma'ic  empire  between  them. 
In  202  B.C.  Philip  attacked  the  possessions  of  Egypt  in  the 
^gean  world  including  neutrals  like  Athens  and  Rhodes 
which  had  maintained  their  freedom  by  Egyptian  support, 
and  at  the  same  time  Antiochus  assailed  the  Asiatic  do- 
minions of  Egypt.  Henceforth  the  Hellenistic  world  was 
to  have  two  great  states,  not  three.  The  battle  of  Za'ma 
(202  B.C.)  and  the  treaty  of  Rome  with  Carthage  (201  B.C.) 
came  too  soon,  however,  for  this  project  to  be  completed. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  events  are  connected  with  the 
names  of  Antipater,  Seleucus,  Demetrius  of  Phalerum,  An- 
tigonus  Gonatas,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  Menander,  Zeno, 
Poliorcetes,  Cleomenes,  Antigonus  the  one-eyed?  2.  For  what 
are  the  following  noted:  Galatia,  Pergamon,  Rhodes,  Epirus, 
Athens?  3.  What  is  meant  by  the  Museum,  Epicureanism, 
pastoral  poetry,  the  Dying  Gaul,  the  Painted  Porch?  4.  What 
is  the  era  of  Seleucus?  5.  The  significance  of  the  year  280 
B.C.  6.  What  was  the  course  and  what  the  outcome  of  Antig- 
onus's  struggle  for  unity?  7.  What  was  the  time  and  charac- 
ter of  the  settlement  of  Galatia?  8.  Explain  the  conditions 
existing  in  Egypt  during  the  Hellenistic  age.  9.  Describe  the 
growth  and  prosperity  of  Alexandria.  10.  The  characteristics 
of  Hellenistic  art.  ii.  The  naval  victories  of  Antigonus  II. 
12.  Describe  the  form  of  government  in  the  Achaean  and 
.^tolian  leagues. 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Eratosthenes  and  He- 
rodotus in  respect  to  their  views  of  geography.  2.  Compare 
the  leagues  of  this  period  with  the  Peloponnesian  and  the 
Delian  leagues. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,    i.  Greece  under  Alexander  and  His 
Successors.  Bury,  pp.  823-S33.   2.  Aristotle.  Bury,  pp.  833-835. 


270  Tke  Western  Greeks 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,     i.  The  Struggles 

of  Alexander's  Generals.  IMahatTy,  pp.  43-75;  Plutarch,  Lives 
of  Eumenes  anrl  Demetrius.  2.  Greece  under  Alexander  and  His 
Successors.  Bury,  j)p.  S23-833;  Shuckljurgh,  pp.  300-305.  3. 
The  Kingdoms  of  Alexander's  Successors.  Mahaffy,  pp.  89-95, 
111-141,  156-162;  Morey,  jjp.  317-319.  4.  Pergamon  and  the 
Artistic  Life  of  the  Time.  Morey,  pp.  323-328;  Tarbell,  pp. 
259-267.  5.  Aristotle.  Bury,  833-835;  Capps,  ch.  16;  Jebb, 
pp.  129-135;  Murray,  pp.  373-376.  6.  The  Moral  Philosophers. 
Mahaffy,  ch.  11;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  306-307.  7.  Alexandria  and 
Egyptian  Culture.  Mahaffy,  pp.  120-131,  142-155;  Capps,  ch. 
18;  Botsford,  pp.  320-322;  Morey,  pp.  330-332.  8.  The  Celtic 
Terror.  ^Mahaffy,  ch.  8.  9.  The  Leagues  of  Greece.  Mahaffy, 
ch.  18:  Botsford,  pp.  323-325;  Shuckbu1-gh,  pp.  311-324.  10. 
Pyrrhus  of  Epirus.  Plutarch,  Life  of  Pyrrhus;  Mahaffy,  ch.  2. 
II.  Conditions  under  Macedonian  Rule  in  Athens.  Ferguson, 
Hellenistic  Athens,  pp.  207-236.  12.  The  Regime  of  Demetrius 
of  Phalerum.     Ferguson,  pp.  38-94. 


8.— THE  WESTERN  GREEKS.     THE  TRANSI- 
TION TO  ROME 

350-275  B.C. 

Danger  of  328.  Timolcon. — The  dissolution  of  the  empire  of 
Greeks.^  Dionysius  II  in  357-346  B.C.  had  brought  with  it  anarchy 
in  Sicily  and  grave  peril  in  Magna  Graecia.  What  the 
likely  consequences  were  Plato,  the  philosopher,  foresaw 
when  in  a  letter  written  in  352  B.C.  he  said:  "Should 
things  continue,  no  end  is  attainable  until  the  whole  pop- 
ulation is  ruined,  the  Greek  language  disappears  from 
all  Sicily  and  the  island  falls  under  the  dominion  of 
the  Phoenicians  or  the  Italians."  The  impending  disaster 
was  postponed  for  over  two  generations,  however,  by 
help  given  time  and  again  by  the  eastern  Greeks.  The 
first  rescuer  was  the  Corinthian  Ti-mo'le-on  who  came  on 
the  invitation  of  the  Syracusans  in  345  B.C.  to  free  the 


PLATE  XXIV 


The  Greek  Temple  at  Passtum 


A  Roman  Temple  in  Gaul 
CLASSICAL    TEMPLES 


Italians  and  Magna  Grcccia  271 

Sicilian  cities  of  adventurers  \vho  had  used  the  anarchy  to 
make  themselves  tyrants.  He  was  needed  also  to  unite  the 
island  in  a  common  effort  against  the  invading  Carthagin- 
ians. Some  of  the  tyrants  joined  Timoleon,  others  were 
deposed.  He  relieved  Syracuse  of  the  enemy's  leaguer,  Battle  of 
and,  after  defeating  a  great  Carthaginian  army  which  had  ^f^^g"' 
been  sent  over  to  Sicily  to  check  his  progress  at  the  Cri- 
mi'sus  river  in  340  B.C.,  he  made  peace  with  Carthage,  es- 
tablished an  aristocratic  government  in  the  Sicilian  cities 
and  bound  them  together  in  a  league  with  Syracuse  at  the 
head.  Order  within  and  defence  against  foreign  attack 
being  secured,  large  numbers  of  new  colonists  from  old 
Greece  were  encouraged  to  settle  in  the  devastated  tracts 
of  the  island,  and  after  seven  years  of  successful  rule  Ti- 
moleon retired  into  private  life  in  337  B.C.  with  the  bless- 
ings of  all  Sicily.  He  was  one  of  those  rare  persons  who 
combined  singleness  of  purpose  and  absence  of  personal 
ambition  with  devotion  to  duty  and  high  capacity. 

329.  Italians  Assail  Magna  Graecia. — Magna  Groecia 
had  been  less  fortunate  in  its  deliverers.  The  first.  King 
Archidamus  of  Sparta  (343-338  B.C.),  had  accomplished 
so  little  that  in  334  B.C.  Alexander,  the  powerful  king 
of  neighboring  Epirus,  was  asked  by  Tarentum  to  come 
to  its  assistance  against  its  aggressive  Italian  neighbors, 
the  Lucanians,  Messapians  and  Bruttians.  Alexander  Alexander 
did,  indeed,  perform  his  mission  in  brilliant  style,  and  "^^p"""^- 
subdued  most  of  Italy  south  of  Campania  and  Sam- 
nium  and,  in  fact,  kept  the  latter  employed  in  a  de- 
fensive war  while  Rome  was  consolidating  its  power  in 
the  former.  The  trouble  was  that  he  came  not  as  a 
leader,  but  as  a  master;  hence  Tarentum  took  the  first 
opportunity  to  withdraw  its  support,  whereupon  he  fell 


272  The  Western  Greeks 

in  a  desperate  struggle  to  preserve  his  authority  over  both 
his  confederates  and  his  subjects.  Tarentum,  however, 
was  able  to  stand  by  itself  for  the  following  generation, 
the  energy  of  the  Italians  being  involved  between  327 
and  304  B.C.  in  the  great  struggle  between  Rome  and  the 
Samnites.  When  this  ceased  for  a  time  in  304  B.C. 
Tarentum  came  again  in  peril  and  got  assistance  from 
Cle-on'y-mus  of  Sparta  and  A-gath'o-cles  of  Syracuse 
successively;  but  on  its  resumption  in  298  B.C.  a  second 
respite  was  given.  The  decisive  victory  of  Rome  in 
290  B.C.  brought  a  new  and  greater  peril,  however,  and 
in  282  B.C.  Tarentum  was  forced  to  look  abroad  for  a 
new  and,  as  it  proved,  a  last  deliverer. 

330.  Agathocles  of  Syracuse, — In  the  meantime  Sicily 
had  been  the  battle  ground  of  a  fierce  struggle  between 
the  Greeks  and  Carthaginians.  It  had  been  occasioned 
by  the  breakdown  of  Timoleon's  system  during  struggles 
of  the  masses  to  set  aside  the  rule  of  the  aristocrats. 
The  victory  of  the  populace  in  Syracuse  elevated  a  cer- 
tain Agathocles  to  tyranny  in  316  B.C.  He  was  a  man 
of  great  physical  and  mental  ability,  one  of  those  "super- 
men" which  the  Hellenistic  age  produced — ready  of 
speech,  quick  in  decision,  rapid  in  execution,  at  once  an 
accomplished  demagogue  and  general,  and,  according  to 
Scipio  Africanus,  one  of  the  two  greatest  men  of  action 
Struggle  that  had  ever  lived.  He  had  to  fight  for  his  position  at 
once  against  aristocratic  emigrants  and  the  other  Greek 
cities  in  Sicily  which  feared  the  revival  of  Syracusan 
supremacy,  but  with  the  assistance  of  the  Carthaginian 
general  on  the  island  he  effected  a  reconciliation  with 
his  domestic  adversaries  and  made  his  city  supreme 
(3 13  B.C.) .     With  this  result  the  Carthaginian  government 


for  Power. 


Africa. 


Agathodes  273 

at  home  was  dissatisfied  and  in  311  B.C.  it  joined  Agatho- 
des' old  enemies  in  an  effort  to  put  him  down.  The 
coahtion  forced  the  tyrant  within  the  walls  of  Syra- 
cuse, and  since  no  relief  from  without  was  thinkable, 
Agathocles  seemed  doomed  to  destruction.  It  was  in  invasion  of 
this  crisis  that  he  put  his  army,  twelve  thousand  strong, 
on  board  sixty  ships  and,  giving  the  Carthaginian  fleet 
the  slip,  sailed  for  Africa.  The  Libyans  revolted,  a 
second  army  came  to  his  aid  from  Cy-re'ne,  even  Utica 
was  captured,  but  the  walls  of  Carthage  defied  assault 
and  the  sea  was  open.  Moreover,  Agathocles  could  not 
be  in  two  places  at  once,  and  while  he  was  at  home  in 
Sicily  on  a  necessary  visit  his  army  was  destroyed  in 
Africa,  and  on  his  return  the  remnant  lost  confidence 
in  him  and  mutinied.  Agathocles  escaped  to  Sicily,  how- 
ever, and,  unable  to  make  head  against  both  Carthage 
and  his  Sicilian  adversaries,  he  made  peace  with  the 
former,  which  feared  the  result  should  he  be  destroyed 
altogether,  and  forced  the  latter  to  submit.  Thereupon, 
in  306  B.c  he  took  the  title  of  king  and  till  his  death  in 
289  B.C.  ruled  Sicily  gently  and  wisely.  He  even  devel- 
oped an  empire  in  Magna  Groecia  and  on  the  shores  of 
the  Adriatic. 

331.  Pyrrhus. — On  his  death,  however,  the  old  dis- 
order was  renewed,  and  in  278  b.c.  the  Carthaginians 
were  again  dominant  on  the  island  and  Syracuse  was 
in  imminent  danger  of  falling  into  their  hands.  Some 
two  years  earlier  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  on  losing  his 
control  of  Macedon  and  Thessaly,  had  sought  glory  and 
empire  in  the  west  by  accepting  the  call  of  Tarentum  to 
protect  it  against  Rome.  He  had  defeated  the  Romans 
in  two  battles,  and  had  for  the  moment,  at  least,  freed  the 


274  Transition  to  Rome 

Pyrrhusin    Greek  citics  from  danger.     He  was  now  entreated  to 
"^'  ^'  rescue  Syracuse,  and,  crossing  to  Sicily,  he  wa&  joined  by 

everybody  and  rapidly  expelled  the  Carthaginians  from 
all  points  except  the  great  fortress  of  Li-by-bae'um,  the 
Gibraltar  of  the  island  (277  B.C.).  This  he  was  unable 
to  take,  and,  since  the  Greek  cities  viewed  his  mission 
as  accomplished,  and  wished  to  be  rid  of  their  protec- 
tor who  could  so  easily  become  their  master,  he  found 
himself  rapidly  deserted  by  his  allies  and  forced  to 
assume  the  defensive.  Hence,  in  disgust  he  left  Sicily 
to  resume  his  operations  against  the  Romans  (276  B.C.). 
He  is  said  to  have  stated  in  other  words  the  thought  of 
Plato  that  Sicily  was  destined  to  be  a  fine  battle-ground 
for  Rome  and  Carthage. 

GENERAL  REVIEW  OF  PART  II,  DIVISIONS,  6,  7  AND  8 

336-200  B.C. 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  The  main  purpose  mov- 
ing the  leaders  of  world-history  from  336-200  b.c.  :  how  far 
was  the  ideal  realized  in  actual  events?  2.  A  comparison  as 
to  origin,  leaders,  aims,  problems  and  historical  development 
of   the   three   kingdoms   rising  out  of  Alexander's    empire. 

3.  Course  of  the  history  of  Greece  proper  from  336-200  b.c. 

4.  The  great  epochs  of  contact  between  Persia  and  Greece  from 
500  B.C.  to  the  fall  of  the  Persian  empire.  5.  The  dates  of  not 
more  than  six  of  the  most  important  events  of  this  age,  with 
reasons  for  so  regarding  them.  6.  How  Aristotle,  Theocritus, 
Zeno  and  Menander  represent  their  age  and  its  spirit.  7.  The 
various  important  epochs  in  the  history  of  Sicily.  8,  The 
history  of  King  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus  as  illustrative  of  the  age. 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES.  1.  Draw  a  map  of  Alex- 
ander's empire  and  place  on  it  three  cities  founded  by  Alex- 
ander; explain  the  advantages  of  their  location.  2.  Com- 
pare the  Laocoiin  (Plate  XXIII)  with  the  Hermes  (Plate  XIX). 
What  are  the  differences — which  is  higher  art — how  does  each 
represent  the  times  in  which  it  was  produced?    3.  Comparing 


Genei^al  Review  275 

Plate  XXI  with  Plates  XV  and  XVI,  where  do  you  observe 
differences  and  resemblances?  4.  Study  the  Greek  coins 
(Plate  XXVII).  Observe  the  development  in  them — what 
facts  for  Greek  life  and  history  in  them — select  the  finest, 
with  reasons  for  the  selection. 

TOPICS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,  i.  What  Ahxander's  Empire 
Meant  for  World-History.  2.  A  Day  in  Alexandria,  250  n.c. 
Kingsley,  Alexandria  and  Her  Schools;  Mahaffy,  Alexander's  Em- 
pire. 3.  Alexander  as  a  General,  4.  A  Visit  to  the  Philosoph- 
ical Schools  of  Athens  in  the  Year  275  b.c.  Capes,  University 
Life  in  Ancient  Athens.  5.  Alexander's  Cities.  6.  A  Sketch  of 
Alexander's  Campaign  in  India.  7.  The  Career  of  Aratus. 
Plutarch,  Life  of  Aratus.  8.  A  Visit  to  Pergamon.  Alahatfy, 
Greek  Life  and  Thought,  ch.  14.  9.  A  Study  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  Achasan  League.  ISIahaffy,  Greek  Life  and 
Thought,  ch.  16;  Freeman,  History  of  Federal  Government,  see 
index.  10.  Write  a  series  of  notes  explaining  the  aUusions 
to  Greek  history  in  Byron's  "The  Isles  of  Greece." 


III.   THE   EMPIRE  OF   ROME 

350  B.C.-A.D.  800 

PRELIMINARY   SURVEY 

332.  Italy  and  the  Eastern  World. — The  appearance 
of  Rome  in  the  east  about  the  year  200  B.C.  shifts  our 
attention  from  the  lands  which  have  hitherto  occupied 
us  and  centres  it  upon  the  peninsula  of  Italy.  From  an 
early  period  this  land  had  come  within  the  circle  of  an- 
cient history.  Back  in  the  fifteenth  century  its  sea- 
rovers  may  have  reached  the  shores  of  Egypt  and  from 
that  time  took  service  in  the  armies  of  the  Pharaohs. 

Phoeni-  The  Phoenician  merchants  visited  its  coasts  and  estab- 
lished trading  posts  round  about  it  in  Africa,  Sicily,  Sar- 

Greeks.  dinia  and  Spain  (§§  50-52).  Soon  the  Greeks  found  it 
out  and  drew  its  people  into  the  sphere  of  their  life  and 
culture.  They  planted  permanent  settlements  in  Sicily, 
established  a  line  of  cities  on  its  southeastern  coast  and 
even  founded  colonies  on  its  western  shore  whence  they 
exchanged  their  goods  and  gave  their  civilization  to  its 
peoples  (§§  116-117).  The  foot  of  Italy  was  called 
Greater  Greece,  and  a  Greek  empire  sprang  up  about 
tlie  Sicilian  city  of  Syracuse  (§249).  The  wars  that 
shook  the  eastern  world  were  felt  in  Italy;  part  of  the 
Graeco-Persian  struggle  was  fought  in  Sicily  (§  176),  the 
strength  of  the  Athenian  empire  was  broken  by  the  dis- 
aster of  Syracuse  (§  234).  It  is  said  that  Alexander  con- 
templated the  conquest  of  Italy.     We  have  seen  how  Sicily 

276 


Physical  Features  of  Italy  277 

and  Magna  Grascia  were  regarded  by  the  Carthaginians 
and  ItaHans  as  their  fair  prey  (§§  328-331),  and  how  Pyr- 
rhus  attempted  in  vain  to  carve  out  for  himself  an  em- 
pire on  Itah'an  soil  (§  331).  The  series  of  circumstances 
which  led  the  states  of  the  east  to  draw  the  Romans  into 
their  political  entanglements  has  already  been  referred 
to  (§327).  Thus,  in  turning  to  Italy,  we  turn  not  to  a 
new  and  hitherto  unknown  land,  but  to  one  already 
attached  to  the  larger  historic  world.  Italy  simply  takes 
the  central  place;  the  former  leaders  become  the  fol- 
lowers; the  west  becomes  the  seat  of  the  dynamo  that 
supplies  power  to  drive  politics  and  civilization  to  higher 
achievements  in  a  wider  world. 

333.  Physical  Features  of  Italy. — In  its  physical  ge- 
ography Italy  combined  the  characteristics  of  both  the 
orient  and  Greece  (§  85),  having  level  and  broad  plains 
intersected  by  stretches  of  wild  mountain  country,  girt 
about  and  bathed  by  the  sea  on  every  side.  It^may  be  rhe  Four 
divided  into  four  zones  or  belts,  three  running  side  by 
side,  the  fourth  placed  straight  across  their  top.  The  The  Apen- 
central  of  the  three  parallel  belts  is  the  great  bow  of  the  '^'°^^" 
Apennine  mountain  range,  some  eight  hundred  miles 
long,  the  backbone  and  determining  feature  of  all  the 
rest.  Starting  far  to  the  left  at  the  head  of  the  north- 
western sea,  it  moves  at  first  to  the  east,  but  soon  swings 
to  the  south,  broadening  and  rising  as  it  advances,  until, 
in  the  centre  of  Italy,  its  summits  reach  the  height  of 
more  than  nine  thousand  five  hundred  feet  and  it  becomes 
a  highland  of  mingled  valley  and  mountain  fifty  miles 
wide.  Thence  it  narrows  and  declines,  as  it  sweeps  to- 
ward the  south  and  west,  and  is  continued  in  the  west- 
ward ranging  mountains  of  Sicily  and  the  projecting 


278 


Rome:   Preliminary  Survey 


The  Eastern 
Slope. 


The  West- 
ern Slope. 


The  North- 
ern Plain. 


highlands  of  North  Africa,  less  than  a  hundred  miles 
away.  Parallel  to  this  long  Apennine  bow,  on  either 
side  of  it,  are  the  two  belts  of  eastern  and  western  coast- 
land.  The  eastern  belt  in  its  upper  and  middle  parts  is 
narrow;  the  sea  lies  close  to  the  mountains,  which  fall  off 
steeply  into  it;  the  rivers  are  mountain  torrents;  harbors 
there  are  none,  and  the  stormy  winds  of  the  Adriatic 
sweep  along  the  inhospitable  shores.  To  the  south,  as 
the  mountains  draw  away,  the  plain  widens  out  into  a 
broad  upland.  The  sea  has  broken  into  it  from  the 
south  along  the  mountain-side  and  left  a  broad  promon- 
tory gently  descending  into  the  Mediterranean  to  the 
southeast.  The  western  belt,  occupying  the  concave  side 
of  the  bow,  has  an  exactly  opposite  character.  Its  upper 
and  middle  parts  make  a  widening  plain  through  which 
flow  two  considerable  rivers,  the  Arno  and  Jthe  Tiber. 
The  mountains  slope  off  in  gradual  terraces  to  the  sea; 
good  harbors  are  found.  Only  in  the  lower  portion,  as  the 
Apennines  draw  toward  the  southwest,  does  the  plain 
narrow  and  at  last  disappear.  The  upper  Apennines, 
in  their  eastern  trend,  form  the  southern  boundary  of 
the  fourth  belt,  which  lies  east  and  west  across  the  top 
of  the  other  three.  To  the  north  of  this  belt  runs  the 
wall  of  the  Alps,  the  western  end  of  which  is  washed  by 
the  Mediterranean  and  its  eastern  slope  by  the  head- 
waters of  the  Adriatic  Through  the  district  thus  marked 
out  between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines  flowed  two 
rivers.  Far  in  the  west  rose  the  Padus  (Po),  which 
gathered  the  mountain  streams  from  south  and  north 
and  swept  in  ever-increasing  volume  eastward  to  the 
Adriatic.  From  the  northern  Alps  came  down  the 
Ath'e-sis  (Adige)  and  reached  the  Adriatic  not  far  north 


The  Peoples  of  Italy  279 

of  the  Po.  Thus  a  rich  and  extensive  basin  was  formed, 
a  little  world  in  itself,  cut  off  from  the  north  by  the  Alps 
and  from  the  south  by  the  Apennines.  Entrance  into  it 
from  west  and  north  was  not  easy,  but  in  the  east  the 
mountain  streams  pouring  into  the  Adriatic  had  brought 
down  soil  which  they  deposited  in  the  sea,  pushing  it 
steadily  back  until  a  broad  and  open  pathway  had  been 
made,  through  which  outsiders  might  come  from  the 
region  of  the  Balkan  peninsula.  It  was,  perhaps,  by  this 
approach  that  the  Italian  peninsula  was  entered  and 
settled  by  its  historic  inhabitants. 

334.  The  Peoples  of  Italy. — History  has  preserv^ed  no 
record  of  this  incoming.  Only  a  comparison  of  the  lan- 
guages spoken  by  the  peoples  reveals  their  relationship. 
The  historically  unimportant  Ligurians,  occupying  the  Ligurians 
northwestern  mountains  about  the  Mediterranean,  are 
set  apart  as  a  separate  people,  as  are  also  the  Etruscans,  Etruscans. 
a  strong  and  progressive  race,  who  filled  the  wide  upper 
plain  on  the  inside  of  the  Apennine  bow  from  the  moun- 
tains to  the  sea  southward  as  far  as  the  Tiber.  The 
great  mass  of  the  remaining  peoples  spoke  the  dialects  of 
a  common  speech  which  allies  them  to  the  historic  in- 
habitants of  the  Balkan  peninsula  and  Greece,  the  Indo- 
European  (§5).  On  the  lowest  extremity  of  the  eastern  lUyrians. 
slope,  Illyrians  from  across  the  sea  had  settled  under  the 
name  of  the  lapygians  in  the  districts  of  Apulia  and 
Calabria,  while  others  of  the  same  stock  reached  Italy  at 
the  north  and  settled  as  the  Ven'e-ti  at  the  head  of  the 
Adriatic.  It  was  possibly  in  their  van,  and  across  the  Italians, 
sea  where  it  is  narrowest,  that  the  Italian  stock  entered 
their  historic  home.  The  rest  of  the  peninsula  was  in 
their  possession  at  the  dawn  of  history.     Of  them  there 


280  Rome:  Preliminary  Survey 

were  several  branches.  Of  that  in  the  lowlands  of  the 
west  and  south  the  most  famous  was  the  Latin  people 
in  the  plain  south  of  the  Tiber;  the  inhabitants  of  Sicily 
belonged  to  the  same  branch.  The  mountaineers  formed 
another  vigorous  branch  called,  from  their  chief  peo- 
ples, the  Umbro-Sabellians.  The  Umbrians  lived  in  the 
northern  Apennines  overlooking  Etruria;  the  Sabellians 
were  split  into  many  tribes  occupying  the  mountain 
valleys  of  the  centre  and  south.  The  most  vigorous  and 
numerous  stock  among  them  was  the  Samnites.  The 
northern  plain  of  the  Po  was  the  seat  of  mixed  popula- 
tions, a  kind  of  vestibule,  perhaps,  for  peoples  to  enter 
and  mingle  before  pushing  southward  to  permanent 
homes. 

335.  Influence  of  Italy's  Geography  on  Its  History.^ 
Italy,  thrust  like  a  limb  from  the  trunk  of  Europe  down 
into  the  Mediterranean,  was  given  by  its  position  an 
important  part  to  play  in  the  Mediterranean  world. 
Like  Greece,  it  was  in  the  pathway  of  history  advancing 
westward.  Yet,  unlike  Greece  (§  86),  it  did  not  invite 
and  embrace  its  opportunity,  but  rather  repelled  it.  Its 
eastern  coast  is  inhospitable  with  forbidding  mountains 

The  West-  and  an  absence  of  harbors.  To  get  at  Italy  you  must 
reach  its  western  coasts;  it  faces  the  setting  sun.  On  that 
side  are  the  broad  plains  and  the  harbors.  Hence,  west- 
ward-moving civilization  was  slow  in  getting  round  the 
barrier;  it  lingered  long  on  the  southeastern  shores  and 
in  Sicily  before  moving  up  to  the  heart  of  the  peninsula. 
Yet  it  is  evident  that  the  power  which  was  to  move  Italy 
must  be  situated  on  its  western  side. 

336.  The  Problem  of  Defence.— In  spite  of  the  grim 
eastern  shore,  there  was  an  abundance  of  easy  approaches 


ern  Door. 


The  Pi'ohlem  of  Defence 


>:>S1 


to  Italy.     In  the  north,  passes  led  clown  ihrougli  the  Alps, 
to  the  valley  of  the  Po.     The  long  coast-line  of  the  west 


and  south  was  open.     This  made  a  problem  for  Italy— 
the  problem  of  defence  against  attacks  from    without 


282  Rome:   Pi^eliminary  Survey 

which  every  political  power  that  has  held  Italy  has  had  to 
solve.  How  different  was  Greece  in  this  respect.  For 
Italy  the  solution  of  the  problem  depended  on  unity 
within  and  command  of  the  sea. 

337.  Contrast  of  Highland  and  Plain. — But  unity 
within  Italy  was  made  dithcult  by  the  opposition  of  high- 
land and  plain.  The  wide  Apennine  region  was  the 
home  of  vigorous  tribes  who  envied  the  prosperity  of  the 
plain  and  sallied  out  from  time  to  time  to  obtain  their 
share  in  it — a  proceeding  which  the  plainsmen  did  not 
relish  and  from  which  they  must  defend  themselves  until 
the  time  came  to  settle  once  for  all  which  should  be 
master. 

338.  Origin  of  Rome.— Out  of  conditions  such  as 
these  Rome  emerged,  a  city  on  the  bank  of  the  Tiber, 
in  the  southern  part  of  the  western  plain,  equidistant 
from  the  sea  and  the  mountains.     Itjwas_ma,de  up  of 

s^  villages  of  Latin  stock  united  by  mutualnecessitifis_aj)d 
Jnterests  in  a  common  city-state.  Its  origin  and  early 
history  are  veiled  in  mists  of  myth  and  legend  through 
Its  Historic  which  actual  history  vaguely  glimmers.  But,  from  the 
first,  the  chief  interest  for  the  student  of  ancient  history 
centres  in  the  relation  of  Rome  to  surrounding  peoples 
in  ever-widening  circles.  These  varying  relations  make 
the  framework  about  which  gathers  the  stately  structure 
of  its  brilliant  history. 

338a.  The  Grand  Divisions. — The  grand  divisions  of 
this  period  are  therefore  the  following. 

1.  The  Making  of  Rome,  i2oo(?)-5oo  B.C. 

2.  Rome's  Defence  against  Her  Neighbors,  500-390 

B.C. 


The  Grand  Divisions  283 

3.  The  Unification  and  Organization  of  Italy,  390- 

264  B.C. 

4.  The  Struggle  with  Carthage  for  the  Western  Medi- 

terranean, 264-200  B.C. 

5.  Rome's  Conquest  of  the  East,  200-133  ^^^• 

6.  The  Decline  of  the  Roman  Republic,  133-44  (27) 

B.C. 

7.  The  Roman  Empire  (Principate),  27  b.c.-a.d.  284. 

8.  The    Later    Roman    Empire     (Despotism),    284- 

395  A.D. 

9.  The  Breaking  Up  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 

End  of  the  Ancient  World,  a.d.  395-800. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Name  the  chief  rivers  of  Italy  and 
trace  them  on  the  map.  2.  Make  a  chart  of  the  peoples  of 
Italy,  showing  their  relationship.  3.  Draw  up  a  list  of  the 
early  relations  of  Italy  and  the  east,  look  up  the  references  and 
discuss  them  in  detail. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Geography  of  Italy. 
How  and  Leigh,  ch.  I.     2.  Italian  Peoples.     How  and  Leigh,  ch.  2. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Geog- 
raphy of  Italy.  DionysiuA  in  Munro,  j).  2;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  2; 
Botsford,  p.  15;  Myres,  ch.  i.  2.  Italian  Peoples.  Shuckhurgh, 
ch.  3;  Myres,  ch.  2.  3.  Divisions  of  Roman  History.  Shuck- 
burgh,  ch.  I. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  * 

For  bibliography  for  advanced  students  and  teachers,  see  Appendix  I. 
Abbott.     Roman  Political  Insliiutions.     Ginn  and  Co.     The  best  single 

book  on  the  .subject  in  moderate  compass. 
Botsford.     A  History  of  Rome.     Macmillan  Co.     (To  Charlemagne.) 
Well  written  and  illustrated.     The  best  book  of  its  size  covering  the 
whole  field. 
Carter.     Religion  of  Numa.     Macmillan  Co.     The  best  little  book  on 
the  subject. 

*  For  previous  bililiographies,  see  §§  5a,  cSga. 


284  The  Making  of  Rome 

FoWLEP.      The  City  State  of  the  Creeks  and  Romans.     See  §  89a. 

Fowler.  Social  Life  at  Rome  in  the  Age  of  Cicero.  Macmillan.  A 
charming  book.     Useful. 

How  AND  Leigh.  A  History  of  Rome  to  the  Death  of  Casar.  Longmans. 
Illustrated.     Contains  vivid  characterizations  and  descriptions. 

Johnston.  The  Private  Life  of  the  Romans.  Chicago:  Scott,  Fores- 
man  and  Co.     A  much  more  elaborate  work  than  that  of  Wilkins. 

Laing.  Masterpieces  of  Latin  Literature.  Houghton,  MifBin  and  Co. 
A  serviceable  single  volume  of  literary  extracts  with  scholarly  in- 
troductions. 

Mackail.  Latin  Literature.  Scribners.  Of  the  same  type  as  Murray's 
Greek  Literature  (§  89a).     A  little  above  a  beginner. 

MOREY.  Outlines  of  Roman  History.  American  Book  Co.  A  brief 
sketch,  well  organized,  with  useful  helps. 

MUNRO.  A  Source  Book  of  Roman  History.  D.  C.  Heath  and  Co.  An 
indispensable  collection  of  historical  materials  covering  a  variety  of 
phases  of  Roman  life.     English  translations. 

Myres.     a  History  of  Rome.    Rivingtons.     (To  the  death  of  Augustus.) 

Pelham.  Outlines  of  Roman  History.  Putnams.  The  best  propor- 
tioned, compact  and  generally  reliable  summary  in  English. 

Plutarch.  Translation  by  Dryden,  edited  by  Clough.  5  vols.  Little, 
Brown  and  Co.;   or  by  Stewart  and  Long.     4  vols.     Bohn. 

Seignobos.  History  of  the  Roman  People.  Holt.  Covers  the  whole 
period.     Picturesque,  anecdotal,  simply  written. 

Shuckburgh.    a  History  of  Rome  to  the  Battle  ofActium.    Macmillan  Co. 

Wilkins.  Roman  Antiquities  (History  Primer).  American  Book  Co. 
An  excellent  brief  summary  of  the  essentials. 

Wilkins.     Roman  Education.     Cambridge  Univ.  Press. 


1.  THE  MAKING  OF  ROME 

1200  B.C.(?)-500  B.C. 

339.  Its  Geographical  Position. — Rome  lay  on  the 
south  bank  of  the  Tiber,  the  chief  navigable  river  of  the 
western  slope.  It  skirted  the  Etrurian  plain  and  opened 
a  way  into  the  highlands  of  the  central  and  upper  Apen- 
nines.    An  easy  ford  near  by  the  city  was  the  natural 


The  Site  of  Rome  285 

crossingJrpm^tjieJLaim  to  the  Etrurian  country.     These  a  com- 
facts  made   Rome  a  place  where  roads  met,   through  cem'^r'e' 
which   traders  passed;     they  gave   it  some  commercial 
importance.     At  the  same  time  it  was  midway  between  Protected, 
the  sea  and  the  mountains,  far  enough  away  from  the  one 
to  be  protected  from  the  sea-rovers  that  preyed  upon  com- 
merce, and  sufficiently  distant  from  the  other  to  have 
timely  warning  of  the  raids  of  the  mountaineers.     The 
city  was  also  placed  on  a  series  of  low  hills,  which  fringed 
the  northern  border  of  the  Latin  land;  the  rude  fortifica- 
tions on  their  summits  were  sufficient  to  guard  the  inhabi- 
tants against  attack  and  to  enable  them  to  control  the 
land  round  about.     Thus  the  city  was  not  only  commer-  indepen- 
cially  important,  but  had  an  independent  position.     It    ^° " 
was  central  and  yet  isolated,  in  the  midst  of  the  plain  and 
yet  secure  from  interference — an  ideal  site  destined  to 
greatness.     A  river,  a  ford,  a  fortress — these  were  the 
chief  physical  factors  contributing  to  the  making  of  Rome. 
340.  The  Seven  Hills.— Rome  is  said  to  have  been 
built  on  seven  hills.     The  central  and"mosFrmportant  The 
one^called  the  Palatine,  stood  isolated.     It  was  almost  ^*'*'''^*- 
square,  with  its  corners  turned  to  the  four  points  of  the 
compass,  and  almost  directly  opposite   the  river  ford. 
Back  of  it  and  away  from  the  river,  standing  side  by  side, 
were  other  hills,  called,  respectively,  the   Caelian,   the 
Es'qui-line,  the  \'iminal  and  the  Qui'ri-nal.    TXnTtheir 
eastern  side  they  fell  away  to  the  plain.     South  of  it, 
overlooking  the  river,  was  the  Aventine.  hill;   north  of  it 
the  Cap'i-to-line,  isolated  and  steep.     Across  the  river, 
lying  over  against  the  ford,  was  the  ridge  called  the  Jani'- 
cu-lum.     In  the  narrow  ravines  and    valleys   between 
these  hills  were  the  roads  and  open  spaces  which  came 


280 


The  Making  of  Rome 


to  be  famous  in  history.     Thus,  between  the  Aventine 

and  the  Caehan  ran  the  Appian  Way;   the_Circus  Maxi- 

mus_(where  the  public  games  were  held)  lay  between  the 

The  Forum.  Aventiue  and  the  Palatine:   the  Forum  (the  market  and 


place  of  citizen-assembly)  to  the  north  of  the  Palatine; 
where  the  Tiber  makes  a  great  bend,  the  low  stretch 
between  it  and  the  Capitoline,  the  Campus  Martius  (the 
"Field  of  Mars,"  where  the  army  exercised). 

341.  Earliest  Period. — This  site  had,  in  all  probability, 
been  occupied  by  men  since  the  opening  of  the  neolithic 
age;  and  at  a  time  perhaps  six  hundred  years  before  the 


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Pairiciams  and  Plebeians  287 

rule  of  the  Tarquins  it  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Latins.  What  happened  to  the  earlier  inhabitants  we 
do  not  know.  If  they  were  not  extirpated  altogether, 
they  had  fused  with  the  Latins  long  before  our  knowledge 
begins.  Nor  do  we  know  anything  definite  about  the 
long  six  hundred  years  which  followed,  except  that  in  this 
interval  the  Latins  were  influenced,  slightly,  it  seems,  by 
the  Phoenicians,  much  more  strongly,  however,  by  the 
civilized  peoples  who  settled  first  north  (Etruscans)  and 
then  south  (Greeks)  of  them. 

342.  Social  and  Political  Organization. — In  these 
circumstances  progress  was  accelerated.  The  villagers  The  City- 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Seven  Hills  formed  a  single  city,  ^^'^* 
Rome,  to  which  now  belonged  all  the  land  in  the  vicinity 
(Campagna).  Some  families  became  rich,  owning  large 
estates.  In  time  their  members  stood  as  nobles  (patri-  Patricians, 
cians)  over  the  neighboring  peasants,  who  had  become 
"their  clients  or  serfs.  In  all  the  families  the  father  {pater 
jamilias)  had  power  of  life  and  death  over  its  members, 
his  wife  and  sons  and  unmarried  daughters  included;, 
and  with  their  discipline  or  offences  the  state  had  no 
concern  whatever.  Groups  of  rich  families  bound  to- 
gether by  intermarriages,  and  by  the  bonds  of  factional 
war,  and  claiming  descent  from  a  common  ancestor,  to 
whom  they  owed  their  common  name,  formed  a  clan 
or  ^ns.  Of  these  as  many  as  one  hundred  or  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  appeared,  varying,  of  course,  in  size  and 
influence.  Examples  are  the  gens  Fabia,  Cornelia  and 
Claudia.  The  members  of  the  gen'tes  were  the  patri-  TheOentes 
cians.  That  portion  of  the  population  which  did  not 
belong  to  the  gentes  and  was  not  dependent  upon  them 
remained  free.     It  is   called   the   plebs.     The    traders  Plebeians. 


288  The  Making  of  Rome 

and  artisans  resident  in  Rome  belonged  to  it,  as  did  a 
body  of  small  farmers  who  owned  their  own  lands.  As 
the  power  of  the  patricians  increased  the  power  of  the 
ancient  head  of  the  state,  the  king,  waned,  and  the  power 
of  his  council  of  elders,  called  the  senate,  in  which  the 
The  nobles  congregated,  became  paramount.     There  was,  of 

Cudlt'a.  course,  a  general  assembly  {co-mit'i-a  cur-i-a'ta)  of  the 
citizens  {qiiir-i'tes)  to  be  considered,  and  from  of  old  it 
had  met  for  legislative  and  military  purposes  in  ciiricB 
(brotherhoods  or  phratries).  Now  this,  too,  was  threat- 
ened by  the  power  of  the  nobles,  and  in  fact  it  ultimately 
ceased  to  be  of  any  account  and  the  curias,  of  which  there 
were  thirty,  ceased  to  have  any  real  function  to  perform; 
but  before  this  occurred,  Rome  as  we  shall  see  in  a 
moment,  like  the  rest  of  La'ti-um,  and  for  that  matter  all 
the  lowlands  as  far  south  as  the  Greek  city  of  Cumse,  near 
the  bay  of  Naples,  was  seized  by  bands  of  Etruscan 
nobles  and  their  retainers.  The  dynasty  which  occupied 
the  town  by  the  Tiber  was  that  of  the  Tarquins,  who 
came,  perhaps,  from  Tarquinii,  one  of  the  chief  Etruscan 
cities. 

343.  The  Legends  of  Rome's  Beginning. — About  this  natural 
and  prosaic  origin  of  Rome  *  the  Romans  wove  a  variety  of  pictu- 
resque stories  which  were  preserved  and  put  in  order  by  Livy  and  other 
historians  many  centuries  later.  In  these  legends  the  Roman  people 
were  connected  with  ^Eneas,  one  of  the  heroes  of  Troy  (§  no),  who 
wandered  to  Italy  and  married  Lavinia,  daughter  of  Latinus,  king  of 
Latium.  One  of  his  descendants,  Rhea,  gave  birth  to  twin  sons, 
Romulus  and  Remus;  their  father  was  the  god  Mars.     Shortly  after 

*  The  later  Romans  dated  the  founding  of  the  city  in  753  B.C.  Thus 
A.u.c.  (anno  urbis  conditse,  "in  the  year  of  the  founding  of  the  city," 
or  "ab  urbe  condita,"  "from  the  founding  of  the  city")  corresponds  to 
our  A.D.  (Anno  Domini,  "in  the  year  of  the  Lord"). 


Stories  of  the  Roman  Kings  289 

their  birth,  theix-vwek^d  uncle,  tl>e  king,  ordered  tliem  to  be  thrown 
into  the  Tiber,  but  the  river  yielded  them  up  to  a  herdsman,  who 
brought  them  up  as  his  children.  On  growing  up,  they  discovered 
their  real  origin,  killed  their  uncle  and  proceeded  to  found  a  city. 
A  quarrel  arising  between  them,  Romulus  killed  his  brother  and  be- 
carne  founder  and  king  of  the  city,  called  Rome  after  his  name.  He 
gave  the  city  its  laws  and  religion,  invited  all  men  desirous  of  change 
and  advancement  to  become  its  citizens,  and  appointed  one  hundred 
of  them  senators.  In  order  to  secure  wives  for  his  people,  he  pro- 
claimed a  festival  and  invited  neighboring  peoples  to  the  spectacle; 
when  they  had  gathered,  on  a  signal  his  men  seized  their  daughters 
and  took  them  as  wives.  A  fierce  war  arising  in  consequence,  Romu- 
lus defeated  all  his  enemies  except  the  Sabines,  who  were  induced, 
by  the  intercession  of  the  Roman  women,  their  daughters,  at  the 
crisis  of  a  hot  battle,  to  make  peace  and  join  the  new  community. 
Romulus,  not  long  after,  was  carried  away  into  heaven.  He  was 
followed  in  the  kingship  by  the  wise  and  pious  Sabine,  Numa  Pom- 
pilius,  whose  achievement  it  was  to  organize  the  religion  and  civiliza- 
tion of  Rome.  His  wife  was  a  goddess,  the  nymph  E-ge'ri-a,  whom  he 
was  wont  to  meet  and  consult  in  a  grove  whence  a  spring  flowed. 
TuUus  Hostilius,  a  Roman,  succeeded  him,  a  warrior  who  fought 
with  Alba  Longa  and  overthrew  the  Albans.  In  this  war  there 
were  on  one  occasion  three  twin  brothers  in  either  army,  the  Roman 
Horatii  and  the  Alban  Curiatii,  who  agreed  to  fight  a  combat,  the 
issue  of  which  was  to  determine  the  war.  The  Horatii  conquered, 
one  brother  surviving.  On  his  return  home,  his  sister,  who  was  be- 
trothed to  one  of  the  slain  Curiatii,  lamented  grievously.  This  so 
enraged  the  victor  that  he  slew  her.  About  to  be  put  to  death  by  the 
judges  for  this  crime,  he  appealed  to  the  people,  who  acquitted  him. 
TuUus  was  followed  by  the  Sabine,  Ancus  Marcius,  a  grandson  of 
Numa,  who  won  considerable  victories  over  the  Latins  and  added 
people  and  territory  to  the  city.  Such,  according  to  the  legends, 
was  the  origin  and  early  history  of  Rome. 

344.  Italy  Makes  Rome. — During  all  this  time  Rome 
was  a  city  of  Latium,  the  land  of  the  Latins.     The  cities  Latium 
of  Latium  had  long  formed  a  league,  and  the  Romans 
naturally  formed  part  of  it.     The  league  had  its  centre  in 


and  Its 
League. 


290 


The  Making  of  Rome 


the  city  of  Alba  Longa,  where  representatives  of  thirty 
cities  met  yearly,  united  in  worship  of  the  god,  Jupiterj 
and  deliberated  on  affairs  of  common  interest.  Thus 
an  opportunity  was  offered  Rome  of  taking  part  in  the 
life  of  a  larger  world.  Second,  the  various  civilizing 
and  progressive  influences  of  the  east  had  long  been 
affecting  the  Italian  communities  of  the  west  coast  and 
creating  a  new  and  vigorous  social  and  political  life. 
Of  all  these  communities,  the  Etruscans  had  been  most 
capable  of  profiting  by  such  influences.  They  had, 
at  a  very  early  period,  expanded  their  borders  southward 
to  the  Tiber  and  eastward  to  the  Apennines;  they  had 
seats  in  the  valley  of  the  Po,  and  from  the  sea  coast  made 
voyages  throughout  the  Tyrrhenian  sea  to  Corsica  and 
Sardinia.  The  Phoenicians  brought  them  the  products  of 
the  oriental  civilization,  and  the  Greeks  gave  to  them  their 
own  rich  and  splendid  achievements  in  art  and  culture. 
Egyptian  seals  and  Greek  vases  have  been  found  in  Etrus- 
can graves.  Etruscan  art  took  such  objects  as  models  and 
developed  skill  in  the  making  of  weapons  of  war  and  ob- 
jects of  trade.  The  commerce  of  their  cities  grew;  they 
became  rich  and  powerful.  As  the  Greeks  began  to  settle 
in  Italy,  their  merchants  brought  along  with  their  wares 
the  intellectual  riches  of  the  mother-country.  From  the 
Greek  colonies  Etruria  learned  the  art  of  writing,  the 
names  and  worship  of  Greek  gods  and  Greek  arts  of  life. 
The  Etruscans  were  thus  good  exponents  of  the  culture 
of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  world  when  the  Tarquins 
seized  Rome. 


345.  Etruscan  Kings. — During  the  reign  of  Ancus  Marcius— 
the  Roman  legends  go  on  to  relate — there  came  to  Rome  from  Tar- 
quinii  in  IClruria  a  man  whose  name  was  Lucius  Tarquinius  Priscus. 
It  was  said  that  on  the  journey  to  Rome  an  omen  of  his  future  great- 


Stories  of  the  Etruscan  Kings  291 

ness  was  given;  an  eagle  flew  down,  took  off  his  cap,  circled  about  him 
and  replaced  it.  He  grew  in  wealth  and  influence  and  was  appointed 
guardian  of  the  king's  children.  On  the  king's  death  he  sought  and 
obtained  from  the  people  election  to  the  throne.  To  strengthen  his 
position  he  added  one  hundred  men  to  the  Senate.  He  fought  vie-; 
toriously  with  Latins  and  Sabines;  he  laid  out  the  Circus  -Maximus 
and  exhibited  games  there;  he  began  to  wall  the  city,  to  drain  its 
hollows  by  sewers  and  to  lay  out  the  space  for  a  temple  to  Jupiter  on 
the  Capitoline  Hill.  But  the  sons  of  Ancus  Marcius,  who  sought 
revenge  for  having  been  supplanted  by  a  foreigner,  plotted  against 
the  king  and  brought  about  his  murder.  They  failed,  however,  to 
secure  the  throne.  A  young  man,  Servius  Tullius,  a  captive  and 
slave,  had  been  favored  by  the  king  and  betrothed  to  his  daughter. 
It  is  said  that  the  king's  attention  had  been  drawn  to  him  by  a  strange 
portent;  as  the  boy  lay  asleep  in  the  palace,  his  head  suddenly  flamed 
with  fire,  which  disappeared  when  he  awoke.  On  the  king's  murder, 
before  it  was  widely  known  that  he  was  dead,  Servius  assumed  his 
duties  and  at  last  seized  the  throne  and  established  himself  firmly. 
He  was  a  wise  and  vigorous  ruler.  Under  him  the  Roman  state  was 
reorganized.  He  instituted  the  census,  or  classification  of  the  people 
in  classes  and  centuries  on  the  basis  of  property,  chiefly  for  purposes 
of  war.  The  citizens  thus  organized  numbered  eighty  thousand.  He 
enlarged  the  city  and  surrounded  it  with  a  wall  and  a  moat.  After  a 
long  reign  he  was  slain  by  Tarquinius,  the  son,  or  grandson,  of  Priscus, 
urged  on  to  the  crime  by  his  wife,  the  daughter  of  Servius,  who  was 
eager  for  royal  power.  Tarquinius,  called  Superbus,  "the  proud," 
because  of  his  haughty  and  unbending  temper,  ruled  with  energy 
and  success.  He  gained  for  Rome  greater  influence  in  the  Latin 
league,  warred  with  the  mountaineers  and  won  the  city  of  Gabii. 
At  home  he  made  many  improvements  in  the  city;  built  the  great 
sewer,  erected  seats  in  the  Circus  and  began  a  splendid  temple  to 
Jupiter  upon  the  area  marked  out  by  Priscus.  But  a  series  of  events 
followed  which  brought  about  his  overthrow  and  the  disappearance 
of  kings  from  Rome. 

346.  Growth  under  Etruscan  Rule. — It  is  clear  that 
under  the  Etruscan  kings  Rome  entered  upon  a  new  ca- 
reer.    All  sides  of  its  inner  and  outer  life  received  fresh 


292  The  Making  of  Rome 

impulse.  But  of  their  temples,  fortifications  and  sewers 
little  or  nothing  remains,  since  they  were  replaced  at  a 
later  date  by  new  constructions  such  as  the  Clo-a'ca  Max- 
ima which  drained  the  Forum  and  the  so-called  walls  of 
Romulus  and  Servius.  The  Roman  power  made  itself 
felt  in  Latium.  The  headship  of  the  Latin  league  fell 
into  the  hands  of  these  kings.  The  extension  of  Etrus- 
can power  throughout  the  western  plain  contributed  to 
New  the  spread  of  commerce  and  trade.     A  larger  share  of 

Wealth 

these  fell  to  Rome  and  brought  increased  wealth  and 
culture  from  the  east,  as  well  as  a  greater  population  to 
take  advantage  of  the  larger  opportunities. 

347.  Roman  Religion. — Two  spheres  of  Roman  life, 
affected  by  the  Etruscan  domination,  deserve  special 
mention;  the  religious  and  the  political  organization. 
Roman  religion  was  a  very  simple  and  practical  affair. 
The  Spirit  befitting  a  farmer-folk  without  culture.  They  believed 
themselves  surrounded  by  spirits  who  were  active  every- 
where in  nature  and  in  the  affairs  of  men.  These  spirits 
dwelt  in  animals,  in  trees,  in  fountains  and  the  like. 
The  farm  life  had  its  special  divine  patrons,  worshipped 
in  rude  festivals  occurring  at  set  times,  sowing  or  har- 
vest. By  ceremonies  suitable  to  the  occasion — the  pro- 
cession of  farmers  with  their  farm  animals  around  the 
fields,  or  a  rustic  feast  with  boisterous  games  and  rough 
horse-play — the  worshippers  appeased  the  higher  powers 
and  secured  their  help  in  the  growing  and  ripening  of 
the  crops.  The  farm-house  had  its  deities — Vesta,  the 
guardian  of  the  hearth,  and  Janus,  the  spirit  of  the  door- 
way. As  life  in  the  city  supplanted  life  in  country  vil- 
lages, these  powers  took  up  their  home  there,  and  their 
worship  was  organized.     Some  spirits  became  patrons 


World. 


Early  Roman  Religioii  5^93 

of  private  life,  as  the  La'res,  who  were  guardians  of  the 
families,  and  the  Pe-na'tes,  who  presided  over  the  pro- 
visions. There  was  still  much  indefiniteness  as  to  the 
names  and  power  of  the  spirits.  The  Romans  thought 
more  of  what  they  did  than  of  what  they  were  called  and 
how  they  looked.  Yet,  as  the  public  life  became  more 
regular,  the  more  important  gods  came  to  have  special 
names  and  a  suitable  worship  (§  loo).  So  we  have  Jupiter,  The  Great 
the  sky  god,  Diana,  the  forest  goddess,  Ceres,  the  mother 
of  agriculture,  Venus,  goddess  of  fruitfulness  and  love, 
Mars,  god  of  war,  Neptune,  of  the  sea,  Vulcan,  of  fire 
and  mechanic  arts,  Juno,  goddess  of  motherhood  and 
patron  of  families  and  clans.  The  world  of  the  dead 
was  regarded  as  beneath  the  earth  and  had  its  deity, 
Dis-pa'ter.  King  Numa  stood  in  the  tradition  as  the 
prime  organizer  of  the  Roman  state-worship  of  the  va- 
rious gods.  To  him  was  ascribed  the  appointment  of  Religious 
the  chief  body  of  priests,  called  pontifices,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  the  pontifex  maximus;  of  the  Vestal  virgins, 
six  in  number,  who  kept  the  fire  ever  burning  in  the  shrine 
of  Vesta — the  hearth  goddess  of  the  state;  of  the  flamens 
(lighters)  who  kindled  the  fire  on  the  altar  and  performed 
the  sacrifice  to  the  great  gods,  Jupiter,  Mars  and  Quiri- 
nus;  of  the  fet'i-a'les  who  declared  war  by  hurling  a  spear 
into  the  enemy's  territory  and  solemnized  peace  by  swear- 
ing on  a  sacred  stone  brought  from  the  temple  of  Jupiter 
Fe-ret'ri-us  and  thus  pledging  the  faith  {jidcs)  of  the  peo- 
ple; and  finally  of  the  Salii  who  guarded  the  shield  of 
Mars  which  had  fallen  from  heaven,  it  was  said.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  no  one  knows  how  or  when  these  sacred 
offices  originated.  The  sentiment  of  law  and  order, 
which  was  so  characteristic  of  Roman  life  everywhere, 


Officials. 


294  The  Making  of  Rome 

had  full  sway  in  religious  matters  and  led  to  a  very  care- 
ful arrangement  of  the  relations  between  gods  and  men. 
Though  the  Romans  were  not  on  familiar  terms  with 
their  gods — they  feared  rather  than  loved  them — and 
did  not  imagine  them  beautiful  beings,  as  did  the  Greeks 
(§  112),  yet  they  believed  one  thing  firmly  and  strongly 
about  them,  that  they  would  be  as  honest  and  as  faithful 
to  their  agreements  as  were  their  worshippers.  Thus, 
attention  was  directed  to  learning  the  terms  on  which 
the  gods  would  live  at  peace  with  men  and  prosper  them; 
and  having  learned  this,  having  come  to  terms  with  the 
gods,  the  Romans  faithfully  and  scrupulously  kept  their 
part  of  the  contract  and  expected  in  turn  that  the  gods 
would  do  their  part.  Honest  fulfilment  of  definite  ob- 
ligation, this  was  man's  duty  toward  the  gods.  This 
made  the  old  Roman  strong  and  strenuous  in  his  daily 
work  at  home  and  abroad. 

348.  Etruscan  Influence  on  Religion. — The  Etruscan 
period  brought  in  new  gods  and  new  religious  forms. 

Minerva.  The  most  important  new  deity  was  Minerva,  goddess  of 
wisdom,  patron  of  trade  and  commerce.  New  temples 
were  built;  particularly  the  state  temple  on  the  Capi- 
toline,  where  Jupiter,  Juno  and  Minerva  were  worshipped 
together  and  thus  became  the  chief  deities  of  the  city. 

Omens.  But  the  principal  result  of  Etruscan  influence  was  to  aid 
Roman  religion  to  determine  more  clearly  the  will  of  the 
gods  by  a  system  of  omens.  An  *'omen"  was  an  indi- 
cation of  what  the  gods  wanted  or  how  they  felt;  it 
could  be  deliberately  watched  for,  or  it  could  be  a 
seemingly  chance  event  in  the  natural  world,  such  as  the 
actions  of  animals— a  rat  running  across  the  path,  for 
example,  a  case  of  epilepsy  or  a  thunder-storm.     The 


Etruscan  Divijiation  295 

Etruscans  were  experts  at  devising  means  to  this  end. 
The  meaning  of  such  things  had  been  studied,  and  a  sys- 
tem of  laws  discovered,  by  which  the  gods  revealed  them- 
selves to  the  one  who  knew  how  to  interpret  these  signs, 
called  auspicia.  Such  a  development  of  their  religion 
was  natural  and  acceptable  to  the  Romans  and  became 
an  essential  part  of  it.  Officials,  called  augurs  and 
ha-rus'pi-ces,  were  set  apart  to  study,  put  in  order  and 
practise  this  system,  to  learn  and  interpret  the  auspices. 
Thus  the  religion  became  more  and  more  rigid  and  for- 
mal, yet  also  more  definite  and  concrete.  Its  name  in- 
dicates its  character — religio — that  which  ''binds"  gods 
and  men  to  keep  their  word,  to  fulfil  a  contract,  the 
terms  of  which  are  known  and  acknowledged  by  both 
parties.  The  corresponding  word  for  man's  attitude 
toward  the  gods — the  honest  doing  of  duty  as  prescribed 
in  definite  law  and  ritual — was  pietas. 

The  story  went  that  once  the  Sibyl  visited  Tarquin  the  Proud  The 
and  offered  to  sell  him  nine  books  by  which  the  will  of  the  gods  could  Sibylline 
be  interpreted.  The  price  was  high  and  the  king  refused.  She 
burned  three  of  them  and  offered  him  the  rest  for  twice  the  price. 
Again  he  refused.  She  burned  three  more  and  again  doubled  the 
price  for  the  three  that  remained.  The  king  reflected  and  finally 
paid  what  she  demanded.  These  three  Sibylline  Books  came  to  be 
most  precious  possessions  of  the  state  and  were  consulted  at  critical 
moments  in  its  history. 

349.  Etruscan  Political  Influence  on  Rome. — Roman 
political  organization  underwent  important  changes  in 
the  Etruscan  period.  As  these  kings  were  foreign  con- 
querors, they  could  deal  with  the  political  arrangements 
of  the  state  as  they  liked.  There  was  need  of  change. 
During  Rome's  progress  in  commerical    and    political 


296  The  Making  of  Rome 

importance,  while  the  original  basis  of  citizenship  (§  342) 
had  remained,  the  population  of  the  city  had  greatly 
The  Army     altered.    A  rearrangement,  ascribed  to  King  Servius  Tul- 
ized.  lius  (§  345),  brought  the  people  into  the  service  of  the 

community  by  making  them  a  part  of  the  army.  This 
was  done  by  making  the  possession  of  property  the  sole 
condition  for  military  service.  An  entire  reorganization 
of  the  military  arrangements  of  the  state  was  thus  made 
necessary.  A  larger  and  more  efhcient  army  was  created, 
the  strength  of  the  state  increased  and  the  power  of  the 
king  heightened  by  the  devotion  of  the  people,  thus  hon- 
ored by  him.  It  cannot  be  proved  that  a  king  named 
Serv^ius  Tullius  ever  lived,  much  less  that  he  reordered 
the  army  in  this  fashion.  Still  we  know  that  an  arrange- 
ment of  the  soldiers  in  centuries  on  the  basis  of  property 
dates  from  at  least  the  fifth  century  B.C. 

350.  The  Classes  and  the  Centuries. — The  traditional  account 
of  the  arrangements  of  Servius,  as  preserved  by  later  Roman  writers 
The  Early  and  interpreted  by  modern  scholars,  is  as  follows:  The  very  richest 
Roman  ^f  j-|jg  people  were  appointed  to  the  cavalry  (equites  or  knights). 
This  cavalry  force  was  divided  into  eighteen  companies  called  "cen- 
turies" or  hundreds.  The  rest  of  the  people  made  up  the  infantry. 
They  were  organized  into  five  "classes,"  grading  down  according  to 
property.  Each  class  *  was  made  up  of  a  certain  number  of  cen- 
turies. The  first  class,  composed  of  men  whose  wealth  was  estimated 
at  one  hundred  thousand  asses,t  had  eighty  centuries  of  fully  armed 
soldiers;  the  second  class,  men  worth  seventy-five  thousand  asses; 
the  third  class,  men  worth  fifty  thousand  asses,  and  the  fourth  class, 
men  worth  twenty-five  thousand  asses,  had  each  twenty  centuries 
and  were  armed  in  less  complete  fashion;  the  fifth  class,  men  worth 

*  Theterm  "class"  here  has  the  meaning  of  "calling  out,"  i.e., "Levy." 

t  The  as,  of  bronze,  was  the  unit  of  value  in  Roman  currency.     In  the 

time  of  Servius  the  property  was  in  land;   the  estimate  in  money  value  is 

the  work  of  a  later  time.     Compare  the  similar  organization  of  Solon 

(§  159)- 


The  Kxpulsioji  of  the  Tarquhui  297 

eleven  thousand  asses,  in  thirty  centuries,  were  slingcrs.  The  land- 
less formed  one  century.  Four  other  centuries  were  made  up  of 
artificers  and  trumpeters.  The  cavalry  and  the  men  of  military  age 
in  the  first  five  classes  constituted  the  army  in  the  field.  The  infantry 
was  drawn  up  in  two  bodies,  each  called  a  Legio  (legion).  These 
were  made  up  of  men  of  the  first  three  classes;  the  fourth  and  fifth 
classes  supplied  the  light  armed  troops.  The  legion  was  drawn  up  six 
men  deep  with  a  front  of  500  men;  with  its  light  armed  troops,  there- 
fore, it  numbered  4,200.  Two  such  legions  made  up  of  those  be- 
tween 17  and  46  (juniors)  constituted  the  field  army.  Two  other 
legions,  held  at  home  to  protect  the  city  and  made  up  of  men  past 
military  age,  raised  the  total  military  force  of  Rome  to  16,800  men. 

351.  The  Roman  Reaction. — It  seemed  as  though  the 
influence  of  the  Etruscan  kings  among  the  people  and 
their  pre-eminence  in  Latium  would  secure  to  them  a 
long  and  firm  hold  upon  Rome.  But  it  did  not  so  turn 
out.  The  noble  families  grew  stronger;  the  sentiment  Fan  of 
of  nationality  opposed  the  rule  of  strangers;  at  last  the 
Etruscan  rulers  were  driven  out;  with  them  went  the  End  of  the 
power  of  the  kingship  itself.  The  process  was,  no  doubt, 
much  the  same  as  in  Greece  (§  106).  Remains  of  the 
kingly  dignity  sunnved  only  in  the  religious  sphere.  The 
rex  sacroriim,  "king  of  sacred  things,"  became  the  highest 
priestly  representative  of  the  state  in  certain  non-political 
religious  exercises,  and  the  Regia,  "royal  palace,"  was 
turned  into  a  holy  place  where  priests  dwelt  and  sacri- 
fices were  performed.  The  aristocracy  took  control  of 
affairs  and  Rome  became  an  aristocratic  state.  The 
date  traditionally  set  for  this  change  was  509  B.C.  The 
transformations  brought  about  in  connection  with  it, 
both  in  the  life  of  Rome  and  in  its  relations  to  Italy,  are 
so  important  as  to  make  it  a  turning-point  in  Roman 
history,  the  beginning  of  a  new  period. 


Etruscan 
Kings  and 


298  The  Making  of  Rome 

352,  Legend  of  the  Expulsion. — The  Roman  legends  describe 
the  growing  arrogance  of  Tarquin  the  Proud  and  his  family,  under 
which  the  Romans  were  impatient  but  submissive.  Finally  a  gross 
act  of  violence  was  inflicted  by  Tarquin's  son  upon  Lucretia,  wife  of 
the  noble  Collatinus;  under  the  shame  of  it  she  killed  herself  in  the 
presence  of  her  husband  and  his  friends.  The  king  was  at  the  time 
absent  from  the  city,  waging  war.  They  raised  a  rebellion;  the  gates 
of  the  city  were  closed  against  him,  and  the  kingship  was  formally 
abolished  by  the  citizens. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  How  did  the  Tiber  and  the  Pala- 
tine affect  the  early  history  of  Rome?  2.  What  is  meant 
by  gens,  patrician,  plebeian,  omen,  religio,  pietas,  equites? 
3.  What  was  the  traditional  date  of  the  founding  of  Rome? 
of  the  expulsion  of  the  kings? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i .  In  what  was  the  early  organization 
of  Rome  (§  342)  like  and  unlike  that  of  the  Greek  communi- 
ties of  the  Middle  Age  (§§  105-107)?  2.  Compare  the  origin 
of  Rome  with  that  of  Athens  (§  107).  3.  Compare  the  geog- 
raphy of  Greece  and  Italy  and  show  how  differently  the  his- 
tory of  each  land  was  thus  affected.  4.  Compare  the  reforms 
of  Servius  with  those  of  Solon  (§  159). 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Sources  and  Trustworthiness 
of  Early  Roman  History.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  34-37.  2.  The 
Reforms  of  Servius  in  Some  Detail,  with  a  Diagram.  How 
and  Leigh,  pp.  28,  46-47.  3.  The  Early  Roman  Legends  and 
Their  Value.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  34-37.  4.  Origin  and  Growth 
of  Rome,  the  City.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  37-39  (see  map,  p.  38). 
5.  The  Institutions  of  Early  Rome.     How  and  Leigh,  pp.  40-45. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  Sources 
and  Trustworthiness  of  Early  Roman  History.  Munro,  pp. 
3-5;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  54-60;  Myres,  pp.  38-41;  Seignobos,  pp. 
33~3S-  2.  Stories  of  the  Kings  from  Romulus  to  Ancus.  Plu- 
tarch, Romulus  and  Numa;  Munro,  pp.  66-68;  Seignobos,  pp.  15-20. 
3.  Stories  of  the  Etruscan  Kings.  Seignobos,  pp.  21,  27.  4, 
The  Reforms  of  Servius  in  Some  Detail,  with  a  Diagram. 
Munro,  pp.  45-47;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  43-49;  Myres,  pp.  56-63;  Ab- 
bott, pp.'  20,  21.  5.  The  Curiae  and  the  Comitia  Curiata.  Ab- 
bott, pp.  18-20.  6.  Sanitary  Conditions  of  Ancient  Rome. 
Lanciani,  Ancient  Rome  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries,  pp. 
53~73-  7'  The  House  of  the  Vestals.  Lanciani,  pp.  134-177. 
8.  The  Auspices.     Botsford,  Roman  Assemblies,  pp.  100-118. 


The  New  Government  299 

3.— ROME'S  DEFENCE  AGAINST  HER 
NEIGHBORS 

500-390  B.C. 

353.  The  New  Government. — The  growing  power  of 
the  noble  houses  had  resuhed  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
kingship.  Into  the  place  of  the  monarchy  stepped  the 
aristocracy,  to  whom  fell  the  organization  and  conduct 
of  the  state.  They  occupied  the  offices,  made  and  ad- 
ministered the  laws  and  determined  the  policy.  Two  officials, 
officials,  called  prcetors  (later  consuls),  were  appointed 
for  the  administration.  In  taking  office  they  were  given 
the  imperium,  which  was  equivalent  to  the  possession  of 
kingly  powers;  they  led  the  armies,  pronounced  judgment 
and  performed  the  chief  public  religious  services.  But 
the  aristocracy  had  no  idea  of  substituting  new  kings 
for  the  old.  The  powers  of  the  consuls  were  carefully 
limited.  They  were  elected  for  one  year  only;  they 
must  be  aristocrats;  their  powers  were  equal  and  hence 
each  could  nullify  the  acts  of  the  other.  When,  however, 
unity  of  command  was  necessary,  a  dictator  was  nom- 
inated by  the  consuls  and  for  a  term  of  at  most  six 
months  he  had  absolute  power  over  both  citizens  and  sol- 
diers. He  nominated  a  master  of  horse  to  exercise  under 
him  the  command  of  the  cavalry.  The  consuls  also  ap- 
pointed assistants  (quaestors)  to  help  them  in  collecting 
the  revenues  and  in  searching  out  foul  crimes.  An  im-  citizens, 
portant  change  took  place  in  the  citizen  body.  The  army, 
as  reorganized  in  the  centuries  attributed  to  Servius 
(§  350),  may  have  helped  the  aristocracy  in  accomplish- 
ing the  revolution;   it  was  now  more  than  ever  necessary 


300 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


Senate. 


With  the 
Latins. 


With  the 
Mountain- 
eers. 


in  maintaining  the  state.  Very  naturally,  therefore,  it 
was  the  most  important  body  of  the  pet)ple;  all  its  mem- 
bers became  active  citizens  and  were  organized  as  a  new 
assembly  for  the  election  of  consuls  and  the  making  of 
laws.  It  was  called  the  co-mWi-a  cen-lu'-rla'ta  and  soon 
put  the  old  curiate  assembly  (§  342)  in  the  shade.  The 
latter  continued  to  meet,  but  was  insignificant.  The 
senate  was  the  real  power  in  the  new  state.  It  was  com- 
posed entirely  of  aristocrats.  It  practically  dictated  the 
election  of  consuls,  determined  their  policy  and  indicated 
what  laws  should  be  passed  by  the  people. 

354.  Difficulties  with  Neighbors. — The  dangers  that 
confronted  the  new  government  were  sufficiently  alarm- 
ing. With  the  passing  of  the  monarchy,  the  Latin  cities 
rejected  the  leadership  of  Rome;  indeed,  it  is  probable 
that  they  also  put  off  Etruscan  domination  and  set  up 
for  themselves  in  the  same  fashion  as  did  Rome.  The 
rivalry  thus  created  might  have  proved  disastrous  had 
not  a  new  danger  driven  them  back  to  the  old  alliance. 
This  was  the  invasion  of  the  mountain  tribes,  long  held 
in  leash  by  the  strong  Etruscan  power  in  Latium.  The 
Latin  league  was  said  to  have  been  re-established  by 
Spurius  Cassius  in  493  B.C.  Thereupon,  Rome  led  the 
plainsmen  out  against  the  invading  mountaineers.  From 
the  east  the  Sabines  and  Hernici  were  advancing,  from  the 
south  the  iEqui  and  Volsci.  But  the  Hernici  were  secured 
as  allies,  and  thus  the  eastern  and  southern  invaders  were 
separated.  Yet  the  conflict  was  long  and  trying.  From 
time  to  time  the  hillsmen  swept  down  to  the  very  gates 
of  Rome,  raiding  and  burning  the  fields  and  homesteads. 

355.  With  the  Etruscans. — An  even  fiercer  struggle 
was  forced  by  the  Etruscans,  who  would  not  willingly 


Etruscan  JFa?'S 


301 


yield  up  their  hold  on  Rome  and  Latium.  We  have 
rumors  of  a  struggle  in  which  Rome  succumbed  for  a  time 
to  the  superior  strength  of  Lars  Por'se-na  of  Clusium; 
of  another  in  which  Aruns,  his  son,  was  defeated  by  the 


THE 
ENVIRONS  0EK03IE. 


^.££l4„^^j^<0(liC5: 


combined  forces  of  Cumce  and  the  Latins;    and  of  still 

a  third  in  which  the  Fabian  gois  fought  alone  against  Veii 

on  behalf  of  Rome.     Still  the  Romans  gradually  got  the  Decline  of 

better  of  their  antagonist,  owing  not  more  to  their  own  ^^^'^• 

valor  than  to  the  general  decline  of  the  Etruscan  power, 


302 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


Capture  of 
Veil. 


I.  The 

Etruscan 

Wars. 


Porsena. 


which  was  being  attacked  on  all  sides.  Thus  in  474  B.C. 
the  fleet  of  Etruria  was  destroyed  in  the  harbor  of  Cumae 
by  Hieron  of  Syracuse — a  blow  which  apparently  carried 
with  it  the  loss  of  the  Tyrrhenian  sea;  and  a  generation 
later  the  settlements  in  Capua  and  its  neighborhood  fell 
before  the  invading  Campanians.  Moreover,  a  new  en- 
emy in  the  north,  the  Celts  (Gauls),  was  pushing  down 
upon  them;  it  drove  them  out  of  the  Po  valley  and  com- 
pelled them  to  stand  on  the  defensive.  In  this  situation 
they  could  not  concentrate  their  waning  strength  on 
Rome.  At  last  Veii,  a  strong  Etruscan  city,  situated  a 
few  miles  to  the  north,  fell  before  a  Roman  assault 
(396  B.C.).  The  Romans  advanced  into  the  heart  of 
Etruria  and  took  possession  of  the  southern  half  of  the 
land. 

356.  The  Legends  of  These  Struggles, — Many  stories 
of  heroic  exploits  were  told  about  these  early  wars  of 
Rome  with  its  neighbors: 

When  the  gates  of  the  city  had  been  shut  against  him,  Tarquin  the 
Proud  immediately  set  about  recovering  his  power.  At  first  a  plot 
was  formed  within  Rome  among  the  noble  youth  who  felt  that  they 
were  under  restraint  in  the  new  conditions.  But  just  as  they  were 
about  to  spring  their  trap,  they  were  betrayed  by  a  slave  who  over- 
heard their  treasonable  communings.  Even  though  the  sons  of  the 
consul,  they  were  not  saved  from  summary  execution  inflicted  under 
their  father's  direction.  Whereupon  Tarquin,  having  solicited  aid 
from  the  cities  of  Etruria,  came  against  Rome  with  an  army  from 
Veii  and  Tarquinii.  In  the  battle,  Brutus,  the  consul,  and  Aruns, 
Tarquin's  son,  found  death  in  single  combat.  Help  was  then  sought 
by  Tarquin  from  Lars  Porsena,  king  of  the  powerful  city  of  Clu- 
sium,  who  led  down  from  the  north  a  mighty  host  against  Rome. 
He  would  have  forced  a  passage  over  the  Sublician  bridge  had  not  a 
brave  warrior,  Horatius  Codes,  supported  by  two  companions,  held 
the  entrance  against  the  enemy,  never  retiring  until  the  Romans  cut 


Legends  of  the  Wars  303 

down  the  bridge  behind  him;  then  plunging  into  the  Tiber  he  swam 
safely  back  to  his  friends.  Porsena  brought  the  city  low  by  a  block- 
ade; he  was  persuaded  to  give  up  his  hostile  endeavors  only  through 
the  heroic  act  of  Mucius,  who,  in  disguise,  entered  the  Etruscan 
camp  in  order  to  kill  the  king.  By  a  mistake  he  killed  the  king's  sec- 
retary and,  when  arrested  and  brought  before  Porsena,  he  declared 
that  there  were  three  hundred  other  Roman  youth,  like  himself,  sworn 
to  kill  the  king.  In  proof  of  his  determination,  he  thrust  his  right  hand 
into  the  fire  that  was  lighted  for  the  sacrifice.  Hence  he  was  after- 
ward called  Scasv'o-la,  "the  left-handed."  Porsena,  moved  with  ad- 
miration and  fear,  dismissed  the  youth  unharmed.  Soon  he  made 
peace  and  retired. 

But  the  people  of  Veii  continued  to  war  with  Rome,  harassing 
them  with  frequent  raids.  On  one  occasion,  the  noble  family  of  the  The  Fabii. 
Fabii  offered  to  proceed  against  them  and  conduct  the  war.  So 
they  marched  out  three  hundred  and  six  strong  amid  the  prayers  and 
praises  of  the  people.  Arrived  at  a  strong  place  at  the  river  Crem'e-ra, 
they  fortified  it,  and  for  a  time  fought  the  Veientes  with  great  success. 
But,  at  last,  growing  confident  and  careless,  they  were  ambushed  by 
the  enemy  and  cut  off.  Only  one  of  them,  and  he  a  child,  was  left  to 
represent  his  family.  A  few  years  after,  peace  for  forty  years  was 
declared  between  the  two  states.  Then  the  war  broke  out  again 
with  the  going  over  of  Fi-de'nae,  a  Roman  colony,  to  Veii.  In  the 
battle  that  followed,  Aulus  Cornelius  Cossus  slew,  with  his  own 
hand,  Tolumnius,  king  of  Veii,  and  hung  up  the  royal  spoils  beside 
those  dedicated  by  Romulus  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Feretrius. 
Not  long  after,  Fidenas  was  taken  by  storm.  But  the  war  continued 
with  varying  success,  until  the  other  Etruscan  cities  decided  to  give 
no  more  help  to  Veii.  Then  the  Romans  resolved  to  lay  siege  to  the  siege  of 
city.  For  ten  years  their  armies  lay  before  it,  but  the  city  was  de-  ^®"- 
fended  with  vigor.  In  despair  the  Romans  sought  an  oracle  from 
Delphi  (§  128),  and  were  told  that  victory  def)ended  on  letting  out 
the  waters  of  the  Alban  lake.  When  this  was  done,  Marcus  Furius 
Ca-mil'lus,  the  dictator,  solemnly  invited  Juno,  the  goddess  of  Veii, 
to  abandon  the  doomed  city  and  come  to  Rome;  then  the  assault 
was  made  and  Veii  fell. 

News  came  to  the  Romans  that  thirty  Latin  cities  had  entered    2.  The 
into  alliance  against  them  under  the  leadership  of  Octavius  Mamil-   ^^''°  ^^^ 


304 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


Battle  of 

Lake 

Regillus. 


3.  Wars 
with  the 
Hill-Folk. 


Cincin- 
natus. 


Coriolanus. 


ius.  It  was  said  that  Tarquin  the  Proud,  now  an  old  man,  had  in- 
stigated this  movement  and  was  present  in  the  hostile  army.  So  great 
was  the  terror  of  the  Romans,  that  now,  perhaps  for  the  first  time, 
they  appointed  a  dictator  who  superseded  the  consuls  in  carrying  on 
the  war.  The  armies  met  at  Lake  Regillus,  and  the  battle  was  long 
and  fierce.  The  supporters  of  Tarquin  charged  with  great  fury.  In 
the  thick  of  the  fight,  twin  heroes,  mounted  on  white  horses,  were 
seen  leading  on  the  Romans.  Under  their  inspiration  the  leader  of 
the  enemy  was  slain  and  his  army  routed.  Strange  to  say,  immedi- 
ately after  the  battle,  the  heroes  disappeared  and  were  seen  at 
Rome  with  foaming  horses,  bearing  the  news  of  the  victory.  They 
were  soon  recognized  as  the  twin  gods.  Castor  and  Pollux,  and  a 
temple  was  built  in  their  honor  by  the  fountain  in  Rome  where  they 
appeared.  Soon  after,  the  Latins  made  peace  and  entered  into  a 
league  with  the  Romans. 

In  one  of  the  many  wars  with  the  mountain  tribes  the  Roman 
army  had  been  surrounded  by  the  /Equi  and  was  in  danger  of  de- 
struction. News  was  brought  to  Rome.  Hope  was  found  only  in 
the  appointment,  as  dictator,  of  the  first  citizen  of  the  state,  Lucius 
Quinctius  Cincinnatus.  The  messengers  found  him  at  work  culti- 
vating his  little  farm  of  four  acres  across  the  Tiber.  He  wiped  the 
sweat  and  dust  from  his  face  and,  just  as  he  was,  received  the  con- 
gratulations of  the  messengers  and  their  announcement  of  his  ap- 
pointment. The  desperate  situation  was  explained;  he  came  into 
the  city,  raised  an  army,  defeated  the  enemy,  and  delivered  his 
countrymen.  Sixteen  days  from  the  time  of  receiving  his  appoint- 
ment he  gave  it  up  and  returned  to  his  farm. 

Caius  Marcius,  surnamed  Cor'i-o-la'nus,  from  his  valor  at  the  capt- 
ure of  the  city  of  Corioli,  incurred  the  hatred  of  the  plebeians  by 
his  arrogant  behavior  and  was  condemned.  He  retired  to  the 
Volsci,  and,  being  kindly  received  by  them,  became  their  leader. 
Led  by  him  the  Volsci  brought  the  Romans  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 
He  took  his  stand  a  short  distance  from  the  city  and  devastated  the 
country  far  and  wide.  All  overtures  for  peace  w^re  rejected  by  the 
general,  until  his  mother  and  wife,  leading  his  children,  came  to  him. 
As  he  rose  to  embrace  his  mother,  she  reproached  him  with  his 
treachery  to  his  native  land,  saying,  "Before  I  receive  yoiar  embrace, 
let  me  know  whether  I  have  come  to  an  enemy  or  to  a  son."    These 


New  Officials  305 

words  and  the  lamentations  of  the  women  overcame  his  resolution. 
He  withdrew  his  army  and  Rome  was  saved. 

357.  Division   of   Powers   among   New   Officials. — In 

the  centuriate  army,  if  not  in  the  centuriate  assembly, 
the  middle-class  farmers,  who  formed  the  most  consider- 
able element  in  the  plebs,  and  who  lived  for  the  most 
part  in  the  city  of  Rome  along  with  the  plebeian  artisans 
and  traders,  were  obviously  so  numerous  and  indispens- 
able that  they  did  not  long  endure  their  exclusion  from 
the  government.  During  the  troubled  years  of  the  fifth 
century  B.C.,  to  hold  its  course  successfully  between  the 
ambitions  of  individual  nobles  and  the  demands  of  the 
aggressive  plebeians  was  no  easy  task  for  the  aristocratic 
government.  The  account  of  the  events,  which  was 
handed  down  from  these  early  times,  has  sadly  mixed 
up  the  activities  of  the  patricians  in  both  these  directions. 
But  it  is  clear  that  with  the  increase  of  public  business 
new  magistracies  were  created  whose  very  existence 
weakened  the  power  of  the  consuls  by  distributing  it 
among  other  officials.  The  most  important  of  these  ^nsors. 
officials  were  the  two  censors,  whose  duty  it  was  to  keep  a 
roll  of  the  citizens,  to  decide  as  to  the  political  status  of 
each  citizen  and  to  determine  the  taxes  each  should  pay. 
They  supervised  public  and  private  morals;  indeed,  the 
censorship  was  a  kind  of  national  conscience,  deciding 
as  to  what  was  good  or  bad  citizenship  and  punishing 
breaches  of  good  order.  Two  qucestors  already  existed  Quastors. 
to  have  charge  of  the  public  treasury;  they  received  and 
paid  out  money  on  the  order  of  the  senate.  Two  other 
quaestors  were  now  elected  to  perform  similar  duties  with 
respect  to  the  military  chest.  Two  cB'diles  were  elected  by 
the  plebeians  to  care  for  the  temple  {ce'des)  of  Diana  on 


306  The  Defence  of  Rome 

the  Aventine  and  other  popular  shrines.     A  little  later 

two  others — the  so-called  curule  asdiles,  were  chosen  by 

the  people  to  look  after  public  buildings  and  streets  and 

preserve  order  and  decency  at  all  public  festivals.     Thus, 

important  functions  were  performed,  but  not  by  the  con- 

Over-  suls.     At  the  same  time,  whenever  anyone  seemed  likely 

Am°bTtious     to  be  rising  too  high  in  the  state  and  aiming  at  supreme 

Leaders.       power,  the  govcmmcnt  made  away  with  him.     We  are 

told  of  the  ambitions  and  the  fall  of  Spurius  Cassius,  of 

Spurius  Maelius  and  of  Coriolanus, 

As  the  story  goes,  the  consul  Spurius  Cassius,  who  had  deserved 
well  of  the  Roman  people  by  bringing  the  Latins  back  into  union 
with  Rome,  devised  a  scheme  for  dividing  certain  conquered  lands 
equally  among  the  Romans  and  the  Latins.  This  excited  grave 
disturbances  within  the  state,  and  the  patricians  tried  to  stir  up  the 
people  against  him.  He,  in  his  turn,  sought  to  gain  them  to  his  side 
by  refunding  to  them  certain  moneys  which  rightfully  belonged  to 
them.  But  they  suspected  him  of  aiming  at  royal  power  and  refused 
the  bribe.  As  soon  as  he  went  out  of  office,  he  was  condemned  and 
put  to  death. 

358.  Growing  Power  of  the  Plebeians. — It  seemed  as  if 
the  government  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  plebeians, 
since  all  powers  were  in  the  hands  of  the  patricians. 
But  the  plebeians  could  not  fail  to  have  their  part  in 
Rome's  new  wealth  and  importance.  Some  of  them  grew 
rich,  and  all  were  necessary  in  the  wars  which  the  state 
was  waging.  Indeed,  they  found  themselves  suffering 
most  from  the  hardships  which  the  wars  brought  with 
them.  The  raids  of  the  mountaineers  bore  hard  on  the 
poorer  farmers  who  could  not  care  for  their  fields  whiie 
fighting  in  the  armies.  The  chains  of  debt  and  slavery 
hung  the  more  heavily  about  them  and  their  families. 
The  patricians  had  no  mercy  upon  them.     The  aristo- 


The  Tribunes-  307 

cratic  government  administered  the  law  with  merciless 

severity  to  suit  the  privileged  class.     When  this  yoke   Rebellion 

becanje   unendurable,   the   plebeians  rose   in   rebellion.    ^'*^'  ^■^■)' 

Of  their  uprising  nothing  is  known  except  the  result —  Plebeian 

that  in  471  B.C.  four  tribunes  of  the  plebs  were  chosen,  '^'■'''"°"- 

one  apparently  as  the  leader  of  each  of  the  four  tribes 

(tribus)  into  which  the  urban  population  of  Rome  was 

at  that  time  divided.     The  electorate  consisted  of  the 

plebeians;   and,  in  order  to  protect  their  officials  against 

the  magistrates,  who  were  patricians,  they  consecrated 

to  the  infernal  gods  by  a  solemn  curse  anyone  in  private 

or  official  position  who  injured  them  or  interfered  with 

them  in  their  work.     Such  a  person  could  be  slain  with 

impunity,  and  the  tribunes  themselves  were  obligated  to 

have  him  thrown  from  the  Tarpeian  rock.     The  work  of 

the  tribunes  was  in  the  first  place  to  protect  individuals 

who  appealed  to  them  against  the  injurious  action  of  the 

magistrates;  and  that  they  might  be  at  hand  when  needed 

they  sat  by  day  on  a  long  bench  in  the  market-place 

(forum),  while  their  houses  had  to  be  open  at  all  times  to 

suppliants  and  they  could  not  leave  the  city  overnight. 

Outside  the  city  they  were  powerless,  and  within  it  they 

could  act  only  when  appealed  to  personally.    Their  work 

in  the  second  place  was  to  serve  as  the  executive  officials 

of  the  assembly  of  the  plebeians  which  elected  them. 

This  was  organized  in  such  a  fashion  that  the  tribes 

were  the  voting  groups.     Hence  it  was  called  the  comitia  The  comit- 

Iributa.     In  each  tribe  every  man's  vote  was  equal  to  **'^"''"'*- 

every  other  and  the  majority  of  votes  determined  the  vote 

of  the  tribe. 

359.  Number  of  Tribunes  Increased. — The  tribes  did 
not  long  remain  four  in  number.     At  some  point  in  the 


308 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


Emancipa- 
tion of  the 
Serfs. 


Peculiarity 
of  Rome. 


next  twenty  years  sixteen  new  tribes  were  organized  in 
the  district  lying  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Rome — the 
so-called  rustic  tribes.  Since  each  of  these  received  its 
name  from  a  gens,  the  probability  is  that  in  it  lay  the 
estates  of  the  interrelated  noble  families  of  which  the 
gens  was  formed,  and  that  the  essential  feature  of  the 
change  is  the  admission  of  the  clients  or  serfs  to  the  as- 
sembly of  the  plebeians.  Henceforth,  there  were  only 
patricians  and  plebeians  in  Rome.  At  the  same  time, 
probably,  the  number  of  tribunes  was  raised  from  four  to 
ten,  so  that  henceforth  each  pair  of  tribes  had  one  tribune. 
There  was  nothing  to  exclude  the  patricians  from  the  comi- 
tia  tributa,but  it  is  only  natural  that  they  at  first  disdained 
to  attend  its  meetings,  and  that  at  a  later  time  attempts 
were  made  to  exclude  them,  without  success,  however. 

The  organization  of  the  ''masses"  (plebeians)  in  the 
comitia  tributa  under  the  leadership  of  tribunes  is  the 
most  striking  feature  in  the  constitutional  growth  of 
Rome.  The  natural  outcome  of  such  an  uprising,  and 
the  one  regularly  reached  in  the  cities  of  Greece  (§  137), 
was  either  that  the  aristocracy  suppressed  it  and  contin- 
ued to  govern  as  before,  or  that  it  overturned  the  govern- 
ment and  substituted  a  tyranny  for  the  rule  of  the  nobles. 

360.  Increasing  Power  of  the  Tribunes. — In  Rome, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  temper  of  the  people  and  the  politi- 
cal sagacity  of  the  senate  prevented  such  extremes,  and 
the -outcome  was  that  the  revolution  was  recognized,  its 
meetings  tolerated,  its  officials  allowed  to  do  their  work, 
not  without  interference  doubtless,  but  none  the  less  ef- 
fectively. No  tyranny  issued  in  Rome,  but  the  power  of 
the  tribunes  collectively  speedily  became  tyrannical  in 
urban  affairs.     The  order  and  circumstances  of  the  rise 


Growth  of  the  Tribunate  309 

of  the  tribunate  are  not  known:  we  are  simply  told  that  Tribunate 

from  interfering  with  the  magistrates  in  their  harsh  treat-  xy^a^ny  i^ 

ment  of  the  citizens  individually,  they  acquired  the  right  Commis- 
sion, 
to  veto  proposals  for  new,  and  possibly  harsh,  lav;s  made 

by  the  magistrates  to  the  comitia  ccnturiata;  and  since 
all  laws  were  required  to  be  presented  and  enforced  by 
the  magistrates,  the  tribunes  became  thus  masters  of 
the  sovereign  assembly.  The  senate  chamber,  into  which 
only  members  and  magistrates  were  admitted,  was  at  first 
closed  to  the  tribunes,  but  they  drew  their  bench  to  the 
door  of  the  building — no  one  daring  to  interfere  with 
them — and  listened  to  the  discussions  from  without;  and 
after  a  time  they  went  so  far  as  to  draw  it  into  the 
chamber  itself  and  to  interpose  their  veto  on  the  propo- 
sitions laid  by  the  magistrates  before  their  advisers.  At 
this  stage  the  only  thing  which  prevented  the  tribunes 
from  controlling  Rome  was  the  fact  that  the  senate  had 
already  made  the  tribunes  its  own  tools. 

361.  The  Senate:  Plebeians  Admitted. — This  was  pos- 
sible through  the  fact  that  the  senate  had  ceased  to  be 
an  exclusively  patrician  body.  It  was  recruited  from 
ex-magistrates,  who  in  turn  wxre  elected  by  the  comitia 
centuriata.  In  this  assembly  the  plebeians  had  always 
had  a  considerable  representation  though  not  enough  to 
overcome  the  majority  of  centuries  which  was  controlled 
by  the  patricians.     Besides,  the  elections  were  subject 

to  the  veto  of  the  senate.     Clearly,  it  was  the  sagacity  sagacity  of 
and  patriotism  of  the  senate  which  made  possible  the  '  ^  ^'^^'^' 
admission  of  plebeians  to  the  magistracies  and  to  its 
own  membership. 

362.  Reorganization  of  the  Army. — ^Thc  fact  was  that 
in  the  first  half  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  owing  to  the 


310 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


The  Three 
Lines  and 
the  Mani- 
ples. 


Plebeians 
Are  Elected 
to  Magis- 
'~«cies. 


stress  of  the  foreign  wars,  the  organization  of  the  army 
was  changed,  and  instead  of  the  solid  phalanx  of  spear- 
men ranged  in  ranks  according  to  wealth  and  equipment, 
there  came  the  distinctively  Roman  formation  by  lines 
{hastati,  principes  and  iriarii)  and  maniples.  Henceforth, 
a  man's  position  and  value  were  determined  solely  by  his 
skill  and  experience.  In  other  words,  the  army  became 
a  democracy,  the  rules  of  its  iron  discipline,  to  which  the 
patricians  were  subject  like  the  others,  being  the  equiva- 
lent of  the  laws  in  a  constitutional  state.  The  comitia 
of  centuries  did  not  become  at  the  same  time  a  comitia 
of  maniples;  but  the  army  and  the  assembly  were  so 
closely  associated  in  men's  thinking  that  merit  and 
distinction  acquired  by  humble  persons  in  war  could  not 
be  ignored  at  elections.  Hence  distinguished  plebeian 
soldiers  were  elected  officers  and  generals,  and  at  the 
expiry  of  their  terms  were  enrolled  in  the  senate,  which 
came  in  consequence  to  consist  of  patres  et  conscripti. 

363.  Plebeian  Gains. — A  plebeian  was  elected  gen- 
eral for  the  first  time  in  400  B.C.,  but  after  366  B.C.  one 
consul  was  regularly,  and  the  second  not  infrequently, 
a  plebeian.  During  the  second  half  of  this  century 
plebeians  got  elected  to  the  dictatorship,  censorship, 
praetorship  and  curule  asdileships,  and  at  its  close  in 
300  B.C.  they  were  admitted  to  the  priestly  colleges  by  the 
Lex  Ogulnia.  They  probably  formed  a  large  part  of  the 
senate  at  this  date,  so  that  this  body  now  represented 
not  the  patricians  or  the  plebeians,  but  a  new  class  formed 
by  their  matrimonial  and  social  fusion — the  so-called 
office-holding  nobility,  and  it  was  to  this  altered  senate 
that  the  tribunes  became  subservient. 

The  increase  in  the  powers  of  the  tribunate  had  been 


tion  of  the 
Law. 


The  Twelve  Tables  311 

accompanied  by  an  increase  in  popular  rights.  In  the  first 
place  (45 1  B.C.)  there  came  the  codification  of  the  law  which, 
besides  facilitating  business,  limited  the  caprice  of  the 
magistrates  in  conducting  trials  and  inflicting  penalties. 

364.  The  Decemvirs  and  the  Law  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  codifica- 
— A  commission  of  ten  men,  the  decemviri,  was  appointed 
to  draw  up  a  code  which  was  later  known  as  the  law 
of  the  Twelve  Tables  and  became  the  foundation  of  the 
Roman  legal  system.  The  procedure  was  the  same  as 
that  of  the  appointment  of  the  lawgivers  in  Greece 
(§  136)  and  was  probably  copied  from  that.  The  old 
magistracy,  the  consuls  and  even  the  tribunes,  ceased 
to  be;  the  decemviti  were  given  the  entire  direction  of 
the  state.  They  were  to  be  elected  yearly.  But  after 
two  years  the  experiment  did  not  succeed  and  the  old 
administrative  officers  with  the  tribunes  returned. 

Some  of  the  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  are  as  follows: 

One  who  has  confessed  a  debt  or  against  whom  judgment  has 
been  pronounced  shall  have  thirty  days  in  which  to  pay  it. 

Unless  he  pays  the  amount  of  the  judgment,  or  some  one  in  the  Its  Brutal 
presence  of  the  magistrate  interferes  in  his  behalf  (as  vindcx),  the 
creditor  is  to  take  him  home  and  fasten  him  in  stocks  or  fetters.  He 
is  to  fasten  him  with  no  less  than  fifteen  pounds'  weight  or,  if  he 
choose,  with  more.  [After  he  has  been  produced  in  court  on  three 
market  days  and  no  one  has  appeared  to  help  him,  let  the  creditors 
on  the  third  occasion]  cut  him  into  pieces.  Should  they  cut  off  more 
or  less  than  their  several  shares  the  division  is  none  the  less  legal. 

If  a  father  sells  his  son  three  times,  the  son  shall  be  free  from  the 
power  of  the  father. 

Whenever  a  contract  or  conveyance  is  made,  as  it  is  specified  by 
word  of  mouth,  so  let  it  be  binding.  " 

(The  owner  of  the  land)  must  take  care  of  the  road.  If  he  does 
not  pave  it,  (the  one  having  the  right  of  way)  may  drive-  his  team 
where  he  pleases. 


and  Forma] 


312 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


If  a  man  maims  a  limb  (of  another),  unless  some  agreement  is 
arrived  at,  he  shall  be  subject  to  retaliation  (i.e.,  his  limb  shall  be 
broken). 

Women  shall  not  scratch  their  cheeks  or  inflict  any  wound  (on 
themselves)  on  account  of  a  funeral  (i.e.,  not  show  excessive  grief). 

If  a  patron  defrauds  his  client,  let  him  be  accursed. 


The  Victory 
of  the  Peo- 
ple over 
the  Magis- 
trates. 


Plebiscita 

Become 

Laws. 


365.  The  Lex  Valeria. — More  important  still  in  this 
respect  was  the  Lex  Valeria  of  301  B.C.,  by  which  all  cit- 
izens were  guaranteed  the  right  of  appeal  from  the  judi- 
cial decisions  of  the  magistrates  when  the  death  penalty, 
scourging  or  a  fine  exceeding  thirty  cattle  and  two  sheep 
was  involved.  Strictly  this  made  the  tribunate  no  longer 
necessary,  but  it  was  indispensable  \o  the  senate  for  the 
control  of  rebellious  magistrates  and  was  retained — to 
become  later  on  the  scourge  of  its  master.  After  301 
B.C.  all  greater  crimes  V\^ere  turned  over  to  the  quaestors, 
who  brought  them  for  trial  to  the  comitia  centuriata, 
while  the  tribunes  served  to  impeach  and  prosecute 
political  offences.  The  comitia  centuriata  was  accord- 
ingly the  chief  judicial  and  electoral  assembly  at  Rome. 
It  could  legislate  still,  but  did  so  infrequently  since  this 
power  was  acquired  in  287  B.C.  by  its  less  cumbrous  rival 
the  comitia  tributa. 

366.  Further  Gains  of  the  Plebeians. — The  way  for  the 
equalization  of  the  resolutions  (plebiscita)  of  the  tribal 
assembly  with  the  laws  of  the  centuriate  assembly  had 
been  paved  by  the  growth  of  the  power  of  its  executive, 
the  tribunate,  and  by  the  fusion  of  the  plebeians  and 
patricians.  The  process,  moreover,  was  aided  by  the  par- 
tial loss  of  veto  power  over  election  and  legislation  which 
the  senate  sustained  when  in  339  B.C.  (Lex  Publilia)  it  was 
required  to  give  its  approval  in  advance  of  popular  action. 


Traditional  Constitutional  History         .'>!,'> 

The  final  step  was  taken  in  287  B.C.  when  the  "masses" 
rose  up  and,  seizing  the  Janiculum,  held  it  against  the 
government.  They  were  suffering  from  the  malprac- 
tices of  the  money-lenders,  which  various  laws  against 
usury  had  failed  to  check.  The  rich  city  men  had  much 
influence  in  the  centuriate  assembly  because  of  their 
wealth,  but  were  at  a  disadvantage  in  the  tribal  assem- 
bly in  that  they  voted  with  the  city  multitude  in  four 
only  of  the  tribes.  What  the  "masses,"  who  were  xheSeces- 
obviously  the  peasants,  wanted  and  what  they  got  through  pi°^s° 
their  "secession"  was  an  alleviation  of  debt,  the  con- 
cession of  full  legislative  power  to  the  comitia  tributa 
and  the  abolition  of  the  veto  power  of  the  senate.  With 
this  the  constitution  of  the  matured  republic  was  practi- 
cally complete. 

367.  The  Traditional  Series  of  Laws. — -The  later  Ro- 
man traditional  story  has  arranged  this  struggle  of  the 
aristocracy  with  their  opponents  in  the  state  in  a  series 
of  legal  enactments  secured  at  specific  times  under  known 
magistrates.  While,  probably,  the  progress  was  in  reality 
much  more  irregular  and  uncertain,  this  arrangement 
has  value  as  showing  how  the  Romans  thought  of  the 
struggle  between  the  patricians  and  plebeians.  It  is  as 
follows : 

509  B.C.  The  right  of  Appeal  was  carried  through  the  comitia 
centuriata  by  Valerius  Poplicola  (Lex  Valeria). 

494  B.C.  The  First  Secession  of  the  plebeians  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  tribunes. 

Livy  (§  491)  tells*  how  the  plebeians,  driven  to  despair  by  their 
debts  and  the  unjust  exactions  of  the  military  service,  rose  in  revolt  and 
marched  in  a  body  to  the  Sacred  Mount,  beyond  the  Anio  river,  three 
miles  from  the  city.    Here  they  threatened  to  found  a  new  city.    Thea 


314 


The  Defence  of  Rome 


The  Par- 
able of  the 
Stomach 
and  the 
Members. 


the  senate  yielded  and  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the  plebeians  Me- 
nenius  Agrippa,  a  man  acceptable  to  them.  He  told  them  the  fol- 
lowing fable:  "At  a  time  when  the  members  of  the  human  body  did 
not,  as  at  present,  all  unite  in  one  plan,  but  each  member  had  its 
own  scheme  and  its  own  function,  the  other  parts  were  provoked  at 
seeing  that  the  fruits  of  all  their  care,  of  all  their  toil  and  service, 
were  applied  to  the  use  of  their  stomach,  and  that  the  stomach 
meanwhile  remained  at  ease  and  did  nothing  but  enjoy  the  pleasure 
provided  for  it.  Whereupon  they  conspired  together  that  the  hand 
should  not  bring  food  to  the  mouth,  nor  the  mouth  receive  it,  if 
offered,  nor  the  teeth  chew  it.  While  they  wished  by  these  harsh 
measures  to  subdue  the  stomach  through  hunger,  the  members  them- 
selves and  the  whole  body  were  reduced  to  the  last  stage  of  decay. 
From  this  it  appeared  that  the  office  of  the  stomach  was  not  confined 
to  slothful  indolence;  that  it  not  only  received  nourishment,  but 
supplied  it  to  the  others,  conveying  to  every  part  of  the  body  that 
blood  on  which  depend  our  life  and  vigor  by  distributing  it  equally 
through  the  veins  after  having  brought  it  to  perfection  by  digestion 
of  the  food."  Applying  this  fable  to  the  present  case,  the  plebeians 
saw  that  their  interests  and  those  of  the  patricians  were  identical. 
A  reconciliation  was  made  between  the  two  orders  upon  the  basis 
that  the  plebeians  should  have  officers  of  their  own,  known  as  trib- 
unes, invested  with  inviolable  privileges,  who  should  protect  them 
against  the  consuls,  and  that  it  should  be  unlawful  for  any  patrician 
to  hold  this  office. 


471  B.C.  The  Publilian  law  (of  Publilius  Volero)  gave  the  as- 
sembly of  the  plebeians  a  legal  status  and  the  tribune  the  right  to 
propose  resolutions  for  adoption  there. 

451  B.C.     The  decemvirs  were  appointed. 

Livy  tells*  the  story  of  the  decemvirs  in  the  following  manner? 

368.  The  Decemvirs. — As  the  patricians  alone  had  knowledge 
of  the  laws  which  they  interpreted  to  their  own  liking,  no  plebeian 
got  justice  before  the  magistrates.  The  constant  disputing  about 
the  laws  was  brought  to  an  end  by  an  agreement  that  they  be  pub- 
lished. First  commissioners  were  sent  to  Greece  to  bring  back  a 
report  of  its  laws  and  customs.  When  these  had  returned  and  set 
*  III,  32/. 


Claudius. 


Legend  of  Appius  Claudius  3 1 5 

torth  the  Greek  codes  of  law,  the  people  decided  they  would  appoint 
no  magistrates  of  any  kind  for  one  year,  but  intrust  the  entire  govern- 
ment to  ten  men,  known  as  decemvirs,  who  should  administer  the 
state  and  compile  the  laws  of  Rome.  The  leader  of  the  decemvirs  Appius 
was  Appius  Claudius  who  was  consul  at  the  time  of  their  appoint- 
ment. During  the  first  year  the  ten  drew  up  ten  tables  of  the  law 
and  placed  them  in  the  Forum  where  every  man  might  see  them. 
A  report  was  now  spread  abroad  that  two  tables  were  lacking  and 
so  it  would  be  wise  to  elect  decemvirs  (a  second  time)  instead  of  other 
magistrates.  This  the  people  did;  but  now  the  real  character  of 
Appius  Claudius  stood  forth  and  his  conduct  toward  the  plebeians 
became  infamous.  Indeed,  the  entire  board  of  decemvirs  set  aside 
every  principle  of  law  and  justice.  They  plundered  and  robbed 
some  plebeians;  they  even  scourged  others  and  put  them  to  death. 
They  frequently  came  into  the  market-place  attended  by  lictors 
carrying  the  axes  bound  up  within  the  rods  signifying  the  power  of 
life  and  death.  There  was  a  certain  centurion,  Virginius,  an  estima- 
ble plebeian,  who  had  betrothed  his  daughter  to  one  Icilius  who 
had  once  been  a  tribune  of  the  plebs.  The  extraordinary  beauty 
of  this  maiden,  Virginia,  excited  the  lust  of  the  decemvir,  Appius 
Claudius,  who  determined  to  possess  her.  To  carry  out  his  foul 
plan  he  ordered  one  cf  his  clients  to  claim  the  girl  as  his  slave.  The 
day  following,  as  Virginia  passed  through  the  Forum  on  her  way 
to  school,  she  was  seized  by  this  agent  of  Appius  who  tried  to  lead 
her  away.  At  once  a  great  tumult  arose  emong  the  commons,  for 
her  father,  Virginius,  and  her  betrothed,  Icilius,  had  many  friends. 
Whereupon  the  girl  was  summoned  before  the  tribunal  of  the  tyrant, 
Appius,  who  was  compelled  against  his  will  to  postpone  proceedings 
in  the  case  until  Virginius  could  be  summoned.  In  the  meantime 
two  of  his  loyal  friends  hastened  with  all  the  speed  their  horses  could 
make  to  the  camp  where  Virginius  was  defending  his  country.  The 
anxious  father  hastened  to  the  Forum  where  a  vast  crowd  of  citizens 
had  assembled  at  daybreak.  Here  he  begged  them  for  their  support, 
reminding  his  countrymen  of  the  fact  that  he  was  daily  fighting  in 
the  defence  of  their  wives  and  children.  Icilius,  too,  spoke  so  feelingly 
that  the  hearts  of  all  were  deeply  stirred.  But  to  these  just  appeals 
the  heart  of  Appius  was  hardened.  Indeed,  he  did  not  permit  the 
father  to  make  any  proper  presentation  of  his  case,  but  gave  judg- 


316  The  Defence  of  Rome 

ment  straightway  that  the  maiden  should  be  given  over  to  the  cus- 
tody of  his  dient  till  the  final  decision  was  made.  The  wretched 
Virginius,  drawing  his  child  aside,  snatched  a  butcher's  knife  from 
one  of  the  stalls  hard  by  and  spoke  thus  to  his  daughter: 

"The  time  is  come.     See  how  he  points  his  eager  hand  this  way! 
See  how  his  eyes  gloat  on  thy  grief,  like  a  kite's  upon  the  prey! 
With  all  his  wit,  he  little  deems,  that,  spurned,  betrayed,  bereft, 
Thy  father  hath  in  his  despair  one  fearful  refuge  left. 
He  little  deems  that  in  this  hand  I  clutch  what  still  can  save 
Thy  gentle  youth  from  taunts  and  blows,  the  portion  of  the  slave; 
Yea,  and  from  nameless  evil,  that  passeth  taunt  and  blow — 
Foul  outrage  which  thou  knowest  not,  which  thou  shalt  never  know. 
Then  clasp  me  round  the  neck  once  more,  and  give  me  one  more  kiss; 
And  now,  mine  own  dear  little  girl,  there  is  no  way  but  this." 
With  that  he  lifted  high  the  steel,  and  smote  her  in  the  side, 
And  in  her  blood  she  sank  to  earth,  and  with  one  sob  she  died.* 

After  this  dreadful  deed  Virginius  calling  down  curses  upon  the 
head  of  Appius  rushed  forth  to  the  army  which  now  rose  in  revolt 
The  Second  and  elected  as  chief  magistrates  tribunes  instead  of  decemvirs.  But 
Secession.  j|^g  decemvirs  would  not  yield  their  power  and  refused  to  resign  till 
the  army  and  the  plebeians  crossed  the  Anio  to  the  Sacred  Mount  in 
a  second  secession.  Nor  would  they  readily  abandon  their  idea  of 
founding  a  new  city  there.  Finally,  two  patricians,  Valerius  and 
Horatius,  whom  the  plebeians  trusted,  were  able  to  effect  a  com- 
promise. They  arranged  that  the  tribunes  be  restored  and  respected, 
and  held  out  as  further  relief  a  series  of  enactments  which  came  to 
be  called  after  the  negotiators  the  Valerio-Horatian  laws.  Then  the 
seceders  returned.  Some  of  the  decemvirs  were  banished,  while 
Appius  and  one  colleague  were  thrust  into  prison  where  some  men 
said  they  died  by  their  own  hands, 

449  B.C.  The  Valerio-Horatian  laws  re-enacted  the  right  of 
appeal  and  gave  the  comitia  tributa  power  to  enact  legislation 
binding  on  all  the  people. 

445  B.C.  The  Canuleian  law  permitted  intermarriage  between 
patricians  and  plebeians. 

*  Macaulay,  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome,  "Virginia." 


Traditional  Constitutional  History       317 

444  B.C.  Consular  tribunes,  who  might  be  elected  from  plebeians 
as  well  as  from  patricians,  were  substituted  for  consuls  elected  from 
natricians  only.     This  arrangement  continued  till  366  B.C. 

366  B.C.  The  laws  proposed  by  Liciniusand  Sextus  provided 
that  there  should  be  no  more  consular  tribunes,  that  at  least  one 
consul  should  be  plebeian  and  that  ten  priests  should  have  charge  of 
the  Sibylline  books  (§  34S),  half  of  whom  should  be  plebeians. 

Interest  already  paid  was  to  be  deducted  from  the  principal  and 

the  balance  to  be  paid  in  three  equal  annual  installments.     Of  the 

Tpublic  land  no  citizen  was  to  occupy  more  than  500  jugera  (300 

acres)  and  no  one  was  to  pasture  on  it  more  than  100  cattle  and  500 

:  sheep.     A  certain  proportion  of  the  laborers  employed  on  an  estate 

;  were  to  be  freeman. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  The  main  divisions  of  the  new  period 
with  dates.  2.  "What  is  meant  by  imperium,  century,  con- 
nubium,  right  of  appeal?  3.  State  briefly  the  position  and 
power  of  the  censor,  the  quasstor.  4.  Distinguish  between 
the  two  periods  in  the  history  of  the  tribune.  5.  What  was  the 
traditional  date  of  the  Decemvirate?  6.  What  was  the  worls 
of  the  tribunes?  7.  Give  reasons  for  the  increase  in  numbers 
and  powers  of  the  tribunes.  8.  Explain  the  principles  govern- 
ing the  reorganization  of  the  army.  9.  Summarize  the  gains 
of  the  plebeians  in  their  struggle  with  the  patricians  up  to 
287  B.C. 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  laws  of  the  Twelve 
Tables  here  given  with  those  of  the  code  of  Hammurabi  (§  15). 
2.  Compare  the  Decemvirate  with  the  Greek  lawgivers  (§§  135, 
136)  in  origin,  purpose  and  results  of  work. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  New  Aristocratic  Re- 
public :  General  View  of  Its  External  History. .  How  and  Leigh, 
chs.  7,  10.  2.  The  Consul.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  47-50.  3.  The 
Decemvirate.     How  and  Leigh,  ch.  8. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  New 
Aristocratic  Republic :  General  View  of  Its  Constitutional  His- 
tory to  390  B.C.  Shuckljurgh,  ch.  S;  Abbott,  pp.  24-34.  2.  Gen- 
eral View  of  Its  External  History.  Shuckburgh,  chs.  6,  7.  3. 
The  Consul.  Shuckburgh,  pp.  203-205;  Abbott,  p.  25.  4.  The 
Tribune.  Abbott,  pp.  196-202.  5.  The  Decemvirate.  AI)bott, 
pp.   30-31.    6.  The   Roman  Citizen,  His  Rights  and  Duties. 


318 


The  Unification  of  Italy 


Morey,  pp.  63-64.  7.  The  Centuriate  Assembly.  Abbott,  pp. 
26-27,  253-259.  8.  The  Question  of  the  Comitia  Tributa. 
Abbott,  pp.  T,^,  259-261;  Myres,  p.  77  (note).  9.  The  Twelve 
Tables.  Munro,  pp.  54-55  (source);  Shuckburgh,  pp.  101-104. 
10.  The  Social  Composition  of  the  Roman  People:  A  Common- 
Sense  View.  Botsford,  Roman  Assemblies,  pp.  38-45.  11.  Ju- 
dicial Cases  before  Comitia  Centuriata.  Botsford,  Roman 
Assemblies,  pp.  24S-260. 


Celts 
Occupy 
Valley  of 
Po, 


Burning 
of  Rome. 


3.— THE  UNIFICATION  AND   ORGANIZATION 
OF  ITALY 

390-264  B.C. 

369.  The  Celtic  Invasion. — During  the  latter  part  of 
the  preceding  century  swarms  of  Celts  had  been  pouring 
down  from  central  Europe  over  the  Alpine  passes  into 
the  valley  of  the  Po.  They  filled  it  to  overflowing,  drove 
the  Ligurians  back  into  the  western  hills  and  the  Etrus- 
cans into  the  western  plain  and  began  to  push  southward 
over  the  Apennines.  We  have  already  seen  them  forc- 
ing their  way  into  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  though  at  a 
later  period  (§307).  They  were  rude,  savage  warriors, 
of  huge  bulk,  with  mighty  weapons,  attacking  their  op- 
ponents with  an  impetuous  fury  that  usually  carried  all 
before  it.  Soon  they  appeared  in  the  western  plain,  at- 
tracted by  the  fertility  of  the  soil  and  the  wealth  of  the 
inhabitants,  Etruria  was  overrun;  a  bold  band  appeared 
in  the  vicinity  of  Rome,  defeated  the  Roman  army  in  a 
disastrous  battle  at  the  river  Allia,  captured  and  burned 
the  city  (about  390  B.C.). 

The  story  goes  that  Roman  ambassadors,  sent  into  Etruria  to 
treat  with  the  oncoming  Celts,  had  joined  with  the  Etruscans  in 
fighting   against   them.     Incensed   at   this,  the   Celts   under   their 


The  Celtic  Wars  319 

chief,  Brennus,  advanced  rapidly  on  Rome.  Tlie  Romans,  unpre- 
pared, hastily  gathered  a  force  and  met  the  invaders  eleven  miles 
from  Rome,  at  the  river  Allia,  and  were  utterly  defeated.  A  few  es- 
caped into  the  citadel,  leaving  the  gates  of  the  city  open.  The  Celts 
entered  the  city  which  was  abandoned  by  all  except  the  defenders  of 
the  citadel  and  the  senators  sitting  in  state  in  their  porches.  The 
city  was  set  on  fire  and  the  citadel  besieged.  Once  it  was  almost 
captured  by  night,  only  the  sacred  geese  by  cackling  and  clapping 
their  wings  aroused  the  defenders  in  time.  The  scattered  Romans 
were  united  under  a  leader,  Camillus,  who  was  made  dictator.  The 
Celts  were  driven  out.     Then  the  city  was  rebuilt. 

370.  Rome's  Rapid  Recovery. — Rome's  day  of  power 
seemed  over.  It  might  have  been  so  had  the  CeKic 
fury  burst  upon  her  alone.  But  other  states  had  suffered 
in  north  and  south.  When  Rome  recovered  and  had  re- 
built the  city,  she  was  still  as  strong  as  her  neighbors  and 
was  soon  ready  to  fight  again  with  the  invaders.  The 
danger  from  the  Celts  was  serious.  Their  bands  were  con- 
stantly coming  over  the  Apennines.  It  was  the  question 
of  questions  whether  they  would  not  overpower  all  Italy. 
For  over  forty  years,  from  390  to  348  B.C.,  the  peril  was 
pressing.  The  Romans  stood  in  the  breach  and,  on  two 
occasions  within  this  period,  they  met  and  repulsed  great 
Celtic  raids.  Thus  the  Romans  really  saved  all  that  stands  as 
Italy  had  gained  in  political  power  and  civilization  from  ^aiy""^"  °' 
being  destroyed.  The  other  states  recognized  this;  Rome 
came  to  be  regarded  as  the  defender  of  the  states  of  the 
western  plain  against  attacks.  People  outside  of  Italy 
heard  of  it.  The  Greek  philosopher  Aristotle  (§  298) 
knew  of  her  gallant  defence  against  the  Celts.  From 
this  time  on,  she  ceased  to  be  a  mere  petty  state,  fight- 
ing with  neighbors,  and  stepped  into  the  larger  history 
of  the  world. 


320 


The  Unification  of  Italy 


371.  Etruria  Won. — During  those  forty  years  Rome 
finally  overcame  the  neighboring  states  with  which  she 
had  fought  so  long.  Etruria,  as  far  north  as  the  Cimin- 
ian  forest,  including  the  city  of  Cas're,  the  Latin  cities 
and  even  the  Volsci,  were  united  under  Roman  leadership. 
The  river  Li'ris  was  Rome's  southern  boundary.  Of 
decisive  importance  was  Rome's  treatment  of  its  old 
friend  and  ally,  Caere.  What  it  valued  in  the  Roman 
state — social  and  commercial  equality  with  Roman 
citizens — it  got;  what  it  valued  in  its  own  institutions,  it 
preserved — its  own  franchise  and  offices,  its  own  laws 
and  cults.  From  the  Roman  point  of  view  its  inhabitants 
were  Roman  citizens  who  lacked  the  right  of  voting  and 
holding  office  {cives  sine  suffragio) .  Naturally,  they  were 
required  to  fight  in  the  Roman  army  and  to  sustain 
all  the  other  burdens  imposed  upon  Roman  citizens. 
Hence  they  were  called  municipes  (burden-bearers), 
and  their  city  a  municipality.  The  relation  thus  formed 
was  so  satisfactory  to  both  parties  that  Caere  was  the 
first  of  a  considerable  group  of  cities  which  Rome  in- 
corporated with  this  status.  Such  places  were  said  to 
have  "Casritan  rights." 

372.  Wars  with  the  Samnites. — The  advance  of  the 
Celts  southward  had  affected  not  only  the  people  of  the 
plain,  but  also  the  mountaineers.  They  had  been  pushed 
on  and  had  crowded  the  southern  tribes.  Chief  among 
the  people  that  felt  this  pressure  were  the  Samnites,  a 
strong  and  warlike  confederacy,  possessing  greater  power 
and  unity  than  any  mountain  peoples  hitherto  met  by 
Rome.  They  naturally  fell  upon  the  plain  beneath  them, 
the  populous  and  fertile  Campania.  The  Campanians 
appealed  to  Rome  for  aid  and  offered  to  accept  Roman 


The  Samniie  Wars  321 

authority.  Commercial  interests  united  with  ambition 
to  lead  the  Romans  to  accept  the  offer  and  oppose  the 
Samnites.  The  war  that  followed  was  long  and  trying, 
broken  by  interv^als  of  peace;  it  lasted  for  half  a  century 
(343-290  B.C.)  and  drew  almost  all  the  states  of  central 
and  southern  Italy  into  its  toils. 

The    first    contest   was    short    (343-341    B.C.);    the  First 
peace  that  followed  gave  Rome  the  headship  of  Cam-  -y^™"'  ^ 
pania. 

373.  The  Latin  Revolt  and  the  Organization  of  Latium, 
340-338  B.C. — The  next  three  years  saw  the  crushing  of  a 
rebellion  of  the  Latin  league,  the  cities  of  which  began  to 
fear  that  Rome  was  growing  too  strong.  This  sentiment 
was  also  shared  by  the  Campanians  who  joined  in  the 
outbreak.  A  fierce  struggle  followed,  the  details  of  which 
are  mostly  legendary.  Equal  in  respect  of  arms  and  mili- 
tary experience,  the  rebels  were  inferior  in  unity  of  pur- 
pose and  organization.  Hence  they  succumbed,  and  the 
league  was  dissolved.  Some  of  its  cities  were  deprived  of  Rome 
local  government  and  ruled  by  prefects  set  over  them  by  ^^^t^em^^ 
Rome  {prafecturco);  others  were  made  municipalitiesj  like  Lowlands, 
Caere.  A  few  specially  favored  cities  remained  allies,  and 
retained  their  independence.  A  perpetual  and  irrevo- 
cable treaty  (Jcvdiis)  bound  them  to  furnish  troops  to 
Rome  and  to  abstain  from  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
one  another  or  with  other  nations.  All  their  foreign  af- 
fairs were  to  be  managed  by  Rome.  This  was  the  form 
of  treaty  by  which  Rome  brought  subjected  communities 
into  her  federation  as  allies.  In  330  B.C.  her  territory  ex- 
tended from  the  Ciminian  forest  to  the  bay  of  Naples  and 
from  the  sea  to  the  Apennines.  It  included  Rome  and 
Capua,  the  two  greatest  non-Greek  cities  in  Italy,  and 


322  The  Unification  of  Italy 

had  a  population  of  more  than  half  a  million.     Its  in- 
habitants were  all  of  Etruscan  or  Italic  stock. 

374.  The  First  Greek  Ally.— In  327  B.C.  a  new  element 
was  added  when  the  first  Greek  city  was  brought  into  the 
federation.  This  was  Neapolis,  which,  trusting  in  its 
fleet  and  its  strong  walls,  defied  its  formidable  neighbor 
and  only  consented  to  become  an  ally  of  Rome  after  a 
troublesome  contest.  Into  this  the  Samnites  entered 
bringing  aid  to  the  Greek  city;  and  therewith  the  great 
second  Samnite  war  began.  Rome  had  the  advantage  of 
allies  in  Apulia  and  in  the  central  Apennines  among  the 
mountain  tribes  there  who  feared  their  active  Samnite 
neighbor.  Hence  she  was  able  to  conduct  operations  from 
both  the  eastern  and  western  lowlands.  The  contestants 
were  evenly  matched  and  the  struggle  long  and  obstinate. 
The  375.  The  Second  Samnite  War,  326-304  B.C. — After 

Forks"^  a  severe  defeat  at  the  battle  of  the  Caudine  Forks  (321 
B.C.),  where  their  soldiers  were  compelled  to  pass  under  a 
yoke  made  of  three  spears  as  a  token  of  disgraceful  sub- 
mission, the  Romans  steadily  gained,  but  in  315  B.C., 
while  their  main  army  was  operating  in  Apulia,  the  Sam- 
nites advanced  through  Campania  to  Latium  and  defeat- 
Lautuiae  ed  the  Romans  at  Laut'-u-lae.  Capua,  thereupon,  went 
Revolt  of  over  to  the  enemy,  but  came  back  in  the  following  year 
Capua.  g^fj-gp  |-]^g  main  army  of  the  Romans  had  routed  the  Sam- 
nites. The  Samnites  stirred  up  the  peoples  of  the  north 
who  feared  Rome's  growing  power;  the  Etruscans  joined 
them  and  the  Umbrians  of  the  upper  Apennines;  but  a 
Roman  army  advanced  up  the  Tiber  into  Etruria  and 
carried  such  consternation  into  the  whole  district  that  the 
Etruscans  made  peace.  The  decisive  factor  in  the  struggle 
was,  however,  the  systematic  Roman  operations  of  the  last 


Defeat  of  the  Samnites  323 

decade.     By  a  series  of  fortress  colonies  (Latin)  placed  at  The  Latm 
the  exits  from  Samnium  on  the  Liris  and  Volturnus  rivers    °  °°*^^' 
the  area  of  war  was  limited  to  the  enemy's  country,  and  in 
order  to  bring  the  Roman  troops  quickly  to  the  main 
scene  of  action  a  great  highway,  the  famous  Via  Appia,  The  via 
was  built  from   Rome  to   Capua.      Thus  hemmed   in  ^'^^^^' 
and  assailed,  the  Samnites  finally  sued  for  peace  in  304 
B.C.    By  the  treaty  then  made  Rome  held  all  its  con- 
quests. 

376.  The  Third  Samnite  War,  298-290  B.C.— The  re- 
appearance of  the  Celts  stirred  up  the  third  struggle,  in 
which  Etruscans,  Umbrians,  Lucanians  and  Celts  united 
under  Samnite  direction  for  a  final  attempt  to  break  Ro- 
man headship  (298  B.C.).  The  culminating  point  was  The 
the  battle  of  Sen-ti'num  (29=:  B.C.),  in  Umbria,  where  the  ^'•°^"'"s 

^    ^^  -"  '  Victory  of 

soldiers  of  the  alliance  were  beaten  by  the  Romans  (§396).  Rome  at 
The  treaty  which  ended  the  war  in  290  B.C.  settled  Rome's 
superiority.  The  Etruscans  and  Gauls  (Senones  and 
Boii)  then  felt  the  weight  of  Rome's  hand,  and  in  285-283 
B.C.  they  were  crushed  and  forced  to  acknowledge  Rome's 
hegemony.  Roman  authority  was  now  supreme  from  the 
upper  Apennines  to  the  foot  of  Italy.  The  mountaineers 
would  never  more  trouble  the  plain. 

377.  Difficulties  with  Magna  Graecia. — Rome's  sphere 
of  influence  now  bordered  on  the  territory  of  the  Greek 
cities  in  southern  Italy.  The  influence  of  Greek  cult- 
ure and  political  life  upon  Rome  had  already  been  con- 
siderable and  the  opportunities  of  commercial  inter- 
course had  brought  both  parties  into  friendly  relations. 
Some  time  before  300  B.C.  a  treaty  between  Rome  and 
Tarentum  had  been  made.  Thus,  when  the  mountain- 
eers, defeated  in  the  western  plain,  began  to  make  in- 


324  The  Unificatioji  of  Italy 

roads  into  Magna  Grascia,  it  was  natural  that  several  of 
the  Greek  cities  should  look  to  Rome  for  defence.  But 
Tarentum  was  not  so  inclined;  as  Rome  gained  head- 
ship over  the  other  Greek  cities  by  relieving  them  from 
their  enemies,  she  took  offence.  How  she  gained  the 
help  of  the  valiant  Pyrrhus  of  Epirus  has  already  been 
War  with  told  (§  331).  In  the  war  that  followed  (281-272  B.C.), 
the  skilful  Greek  general  at  first  defeated  the  Romans 
at  Her-a-clei'a  in  280  B.C.  and  at  As'cu-lum  in  279  B.C.  by 
his  elephants  and  his  cavalry.  It  was  the  first  meeting 
between  the  Roman  legion  and  the  Macedonian  phalanx. 
In  the  interval  between  these  engagements  he  had  ad- 
vanced to  within  three  days'  march  of  Rome,  but  on 
receiving  no  support  from  the  western  lowlands  he  re- 
turned to  Tarentum  to  winter  quarters.  Now,  wishing  to 
get  rid  of  his  obstinate  adversary  in  order  to  embark  on 
his  Sicilian  enterprise  (§  331),  Pyrrhus  entered  into  nego- 
tiations with  Rome  and  sent  Cineas,  an  eloquent  rheto- 
The  rician,  to  present  his  case  to  the  senate.     Cineas  was  pro- 

of Kings."  foundly  impressed  by  the  dignity  and  incorruptibility  of 
the  senators,  and,  indeed,  if  it  is  true  that  the  old  blind 
senator,  Appius  Claudius  (§  379),  came  to  the  meeting  in 
his  litter  and  made  an  impassioned  appeal  to  his  colleagues 
never  to  make  a  pact  with  an  enemy  on  Italian  soil,  he  had 
some  reason  for  the  opinion  which  he  expressed  to  his 
master  that  the  Roman  senate  was  an  "assembly  of  kings." 
The  mission  of  Cineas  was  frustrated  by  the  intervention 
of  Carthage  whose  offer  of  a  defensive  and  offensive  al- 
liance against  Pyrrhus  the  Romans  accepted.  None  the 
less,  Pyrrhus  departed  for  Sicily.  On  his  return  he  was 
beaten  at  Beneventum  (275  B.C.)  and  returned  to  Epirus, 
leaving  Tarentum  to  make  terms  with  Rome  as  best  she 


Appius  Claudiius,  ''the  Blind""  325 

could.     She  submitted  and  Roman  power  soon  became 
supreme  over  all  the  southern  coast  of  Italy  (270  B.C.). 

378.  Political  Changes. — This  period  of  more  than  a 
centur}',  in  which  Rome  extended  her  sway  in  Italy,  was 
marked  by  important  changes  in  her  inner  life.  These 
have  been  already  described  in  §§  360-366  above.  The 
outcome,  as  we  have  seen,  was  the  ascendancy  in  the 
Roman  state  of  the  farming  part  of  the  population. 
This  result  was  not  reached  without  opposition,  however; 
for  in  the  last  stage  of  the  struggle  between  the  patricians 
and  the  plebeians  v/e  find  traces  of  a  keen  contest  for 
political  power  between  the  city  and  the  country. 

379.  The  Policy  of  Appius  Claudius. — The  great 
champion  of  the  urban  elements  was  Appius  Claudius, 
the  censor,  in  312  B.C.  (§  397).  To  him  they  owed  the 
first  of  the  wonderful  Roman  aqueducts.  He  enrolled  in  Rise  of 
all  the  tribes  those  whose  property  was  not  in  land  and 
even  freedmen,  thus  giving  to  them  the  same  citizen  rights 
as  the  landed  proprietors.  But  in  the  following  censor- 
ship they  were  again  restricted  to  the  four  city  tribes  and 
the  city  population  was  thus  unable,  even  if  it  flocked  in 
full  force  to  the  Forum  where  the  assembly  met,  to  vote 
down  the  relatively  few  farmers  who  formed  the  usual  dele- 
gation from  each  of  the  country  tribes.  It  had  been  long 
since  the  rule  that,  though  all  citizens  were  eligible  for 
office,  only  the  rich  landed  proprietors  were  actually 
chosen.  The  officials  when  their  term  of  ofiicc  expired 
went  into  the  senate,*  v;hich,  therefore,  was  a  body  of 
wealthy  squires  who  had  experience  in  political  and  mili- 

*  The  right  of  ex-officials  to  be  considered  first  in  the  choice  of  senators 
was  established  by  the  Ovinian  law,  by  which  also  the  censor  was  sub- 
stituted for  the  consul  as  the  official  who  appointed  the  senators.  This 
law  dates  from  some  time  before  312  B.C. 


Other  Dis 
tinctions. 


326 


The  Organization  of  Italy 


A  New 
Oligarchy, 


The 
Principle. 


Roman 

(Maritime) 

Colonies. 


tary  affairs.  Wealth,  coupled  with  wisdom,  has  the  best 
chance  for  leadership;  hence  it  very  naturally  came  about 
that  the  senate  took  the  direction  of  affairs,  although  the 
people  had  the  power.  The  oligarchy  of  wealth  and 
official  position  occupied  the  place  of  the  oligarchy  of 
birth;  the  people  accepted  the  change  and  continued  to 
be  led. 

380.  Roman  Organization  of  Italy. — No  less  remark- 
able than  the  gradual  extension  of  Roman  power  over 
the  territory  of  Italy  was  Rome's  organization  of  the 
lands  acknowledging  its  headship.  Rome's  membership 
in  the  Latin  league  at  the  beginning  of  its  career  was  a 
determining  factor  in  its  policy  toward  neighbors;  the 
city  stood  as  a  chief  among  equals,  not  as  a  conqueror 
ruling  subjects. 

381.  Incorporation  of  Conquered  People  as  Citizens. 
— In  harmony  with  this  fundamental  idea  the  Romans, 
first  of  all,  made  many  of  the  communities  they  absorbed 
parts  of  the  Roman  state  and  their  people  citizens. 
These  were  the  municipalities  already  described  (§  371). 
Since  they  got  all  the  solid  advantages  of  Roman  citizen- 
ship and  were  not  deprived  of  their  own  institutions  which 
they  cherished  highly,  their  status  was  an  attractive  one 
and  nearly  all  the  larger  cities  in  the  western  lowlands 
entered  the  Roman  state  in  this  way.  Less  fortunate 
were  the  districts  of  which  the  cities  like  Veii  were  de- 
stroyed, or  on  which  there  had  been  no  urban  centres  prior 
to  the  conquest.  These  were  assigned  to  Roman  settlers, 
and  their  inhabitants,  so  far  as  they  remained,  were  com- 
pelled to  become  Roman  citizens.  Still  less  fortunate 
was  a  group  of  maritime  cities  in  which  Rome  placed 
as  a  garrison  (cle'ru-chy)  to  secure  the  harbor  a  colony  of 


Citizens  vs.  Allies  327 

normally  three  hundred  Roman  citizens  who  settled  as 
an  aristocracy  in  the  midst  of  the  local  inhabitants.  In 
return  for  garrison  duty  they  were  exempted  from  ser- 
vice in  the  Roman  legions.  As  a  result  of  these  various 
measures,  groups  of  Roman  citizens  were  found  scattered 
all  over  Italy.  At  the  end  of  this  period,  those  with  full 
rights  numbered  not  far  from  three  hundred  thousand 
men  and  occupied  about  a  third  of  all  the  territory 
of  Italy.  They  were  organized  into  thirty-five  tribes, 
meeting  and  voting  in  the  comitia.  As  for  the  local  gov- 
ernment of  such  communities  as  possessed  it,  this  was 
largely  in  their  own  hands  and  was  formed  on  Roman 
models.  But  in  the  case  of  the  administration  of  justice,  Prefects, 
prefects  were  sent  out  from  Rome  to  hold  court  in  the 
municipia  at  regular  times,  since  Roman  law  was  new 
to  them.  Likewise,  where  districts  in  which  no  cities 
existed  were  taken  into  the  Roman  state,  Roman  pre- 
fects were  placed  in  charge. 

382.  Latin  Allies:  Colonies. — The  rest  of  the  com- 
munities in  Italy  were  the  "allies."  There  were  two 
kinds  of  them.  The  most  favored  allies  were  those  given  AiUed 
rights  enjoyed  formerly  by  the  old  Latin  league,  which  '^*^^* 
had  now  disappeared.  The  members  could  trade  with 
Rome  and,  when  specially  favored,  marry  into  Roman 
families.*  These  were  the  colonists  sent  out  from  Rome 
and  Latium  to  occupy  land  taken  in  the  conquest.  Like 
the  Greek  colonies  in  general  they  were  established  as 
new  city-states  having  their  own  laws,  magistrates  and 
citizenship.  Since  they  were  usually  planted  in  strategic 
positions  in  the  midst  or  at  the  edge  of  a  hostile  country, 
they  were  normally  quite  large,  one,  Venusia,  being  twenty 

♦These  rights  were  technically  called  commerclum  and  coniiuhium. 


328  The  Organization  of  Italy 

thousand  strong.     Unlike  the  Greek  colonies,  they  were 

bound  to  the  metropolis  by  an  indissoluble  tie  of  interest 

^^ti'i  as  well  as  by  an  inviolable  treaty.     These  were  called 

Colonies.  ,  . 

"Latin  Colonies."  A  Roman  who  went  out  to  join  a 
"Latin  colony"  gave  up  his  citizenship,  and  he  could 
regain  it  on  returning  home  only  when  he  had  left  a  son 
behind  to  keep  his  place  in  the  garrison -colony.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  privilege  mentioned,  he  could  share  in  the 
booty  of  Roman  v/ars  and  claim  his  part  of  the  public 
land.  In  course  of  time  these  privileges  were  somewhat 
restricted,  but  the  "Latin  colony"  was  always  on  a  higher 
plane  than  other  allied  communities. 

383.  The  Italian  Allies. — Next  below  these  were  the 
Italian  allies,  each  of  which  had  a  separate  treaty  with 
Rome  defining  its  status.  All  allies  of  whatsoever  status 
could  have  relations  with  each  other  only  through  Rome. 
While  they  had  independence  so  far  as  home  politics  was 
concerned,  Rom.e  decided  on  all  foreign  affairs,  matters  of 
war  and  peace  and  questions  relating  to  their  commercial 
interests.  Each  ally  was  bound  to  furnish  troops  to  the 
Roman  army,  or  ships  to  the  Roman  navy,  but  paid  no 
tribute. 

384.  Italy  United  under  Rome. — Thus  was  slowly  and 
steadily  built  up  a  united  Italy  with  its  centre  and  soul 
in  Rome.  The  state  itself,  made  up  of  the  capital  city, 
the  Roman  colonies  and  the  municipia,  was  bound  up 
closely  with  the  allies,  both  those  given  the  Latin  right 
and  those  having  separate  treaties  with  Rome.  The 
interests  of  all  gathered  about  the  capital,  yet  a  large 
share  of  local  independence  preserved  the  sense  of  free- 
Roads,         dom  and  the  power  of  initiative.     The  system  of  public 

roads  leading  from  the  city  to  strategic  points  aided  in 


The  New  Army  329 

binding  these  cities  to  Rome.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered 
at,  therefore,  that,  as  this  period  drew  to  a  close,  a  com- 
mon name  arose  both  for  land  and  people.  The  de- 
fence against  the  alien  Celts  stimulated  this  sense  of 
oneness.  The  land  was  now  called  Italy,  and  the  people  The 
of  Italy,  distinguishing  their  common  dress  from  that  of  n°^™°° 
the  Celts,  were  called  "men  of  .the  toga." 

385.  Military  Reorganization. — During  the  years  in 
which  the  union  of  Italy  was  accomplished,  important 
advances  were  made  in  the  Roman  military  organiza- 
tion. The  old  Servian  system  (§350)  was  not  equal  to 
the  new  demands,  either  in  its  conditions  of  service  or  its 
organization  (§362).  Instead  of  requiring  the  citizen 
to  equip  and  support  himself,  the  state  now  supplied 
him  arms  and  rations  and  paid  him  for  his  service.  He 
was  also  usually  granted  a  share  of  the  booty,  although 
in  theory  all  that  was  taken  belonged  to  the  state  and  was 
turned  into  the  public  treasury.  As  respects  organization, 
the  arrangement  of  the  men  in  the  legion  according  to 
property  gave  way,  as  we  have  seen,  to  that  according  to 
valor,  ability  and  experience.  The  solid  phalanx  on  the 
Greek  model  was  found  unable  to  stand  the  fierce  rushes 
of  the  Celts  and  the  Samnites,  and  was  altered  to  a  loose 
formation.  The  legion  was  divided  into  three  lines  {has-  The  New 
tati,  principes  and  triarii)  separated  sharply  from  each  ftle^LegLn 
other,  the  first  two  armed  with  the  pilum  for  hurling  and 
the  sword,  the  third  with  the  pike  or  spear  for  mass 
action.  Each  line  was  made  up  of  ten  companies  called 
maniples.  Each  maniple  of  the  first  two  lines  had  a 
front  of  twenty  men  and  a  depth  of  six  men  (the  third 
had  a  depth  of  three  men),  and  each  was  separated  from 
the  Other  by  a  space  of  at  most  its  own  width.     The 


330  The  Organization  of  Italy 

maniples  of  the  second  line  were  placed  so  as  to  face  the 
spaces  made  by  the  first  line,  and  those  of  the  third  line 
faced  the  spaces  left  by  the  second.  In  battle,  the  first 
line  {hastati),  if  beaten  back,  could  retire  into  the  space 
left  in  the  second  line  {principes),  which  then  took  up  the 
attack,  while  the  third  line  {triarli),  which  was  com- 
posed of  the  most  able  and  experienced  veterans,  could 
if  necessary  advance  through  the  openings  and  permit 
the  other  lines  to  retire.  Behind  each  line  was  a  body  of 
maniples  of  light-armed  troops  two  men  deep,  making 
four  thousand  two  hundred  men  in  the  legion.  The  sol- 
diers were  armed  with  helmets,  cuirasses  and  shields  for 
defence,  and  with  swords,  pila,  pikes  and  darts  for  at- 
tack. The  allied  troops  fought  on  each  side  of  the  legion. 
The  cavalry,  placed  outside  the  wings,  was  insignificant 

The  Camp,  in  uumbcrs  and  played  no  great  part.  To  avoid  a  sud- 
den attack  a  Roman  army  made  a  fortified  camp  whenever 

The  Oath,  it  halted  for  the  night.  Every  voting  citizen  between  the 
ages  of  seventeen  and  forty-six  v/as  liable  to  be  levied  for 
military  service;  he  must  take  the  solemn  military  oath 
before  the  gods  and  was  then  entirely  under  the  authority 
of  the  commander,  who  exacted  absolute  obedience  and 
had  the  power  of  life  and  death.     The  discipline  was  ex- 

The  ceedingly  severe.     A  great  victory  was  the  occasion  of 

celebrating  a  triumph,  providing  that  the  senate  gave 
its  consent.  In  solemn  and  splendid  procession,  at- 
tended by  magistrates  and  senators,  the  spoils  of  war 
before  him,  the  victorious  general,  seated  on  a  chariot, 
a  laurel  crown  on  his  head,  and  his  face  painted  red 
like  the  gods,  rode  into  the  city  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  where  he  offered  thanks- 
giving. 


Triumph. 


Roman  Occupations  331 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  were  the  following  noted: 
Sentinum,  Caere,  Beneventum,  Aristotle?  2.  What  is  meant 
by  "men  of  the  toga,"  Licinian  laws,  maniple,  cleruchy,  has- 
tati,  principes,  triarii,  municipalities? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  a  "Latin"  with  a  "Ro- 
man" colony.  2.  Compare  both  with  a  Greek  colony  (§§  113- 
115)- 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  War  with  Veil  and  the 
Legend  of  Camillus.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  80-84.  2.  The  Dis- 
solution of  the  Latin  League.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  97-99,  102- 
105.  3.  The  Samnites  and  Sabines  Submit  to  Rome.  How 
and  Leigh,  pp.  1 14-120,  130.  4.  The  Affairs  of  Rome  and 
Tarentum.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  122-130.  5.  Organization  of 
Italy.     How  and  Leigh,  pp.  133-135. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  Camillus 
and  the  Story  of  the  Celtic  Invasion.  Plutarch,  Life  of  Camil- 
lus; Seignobos,  pp.  60-64.  2.  The  Samnite  Wars.  Myres,  chs. 
lo-ii.  3.  The  Latin  Revolt.  Shuckburgh,  pp.  131-133.  4. 
Pyrrhus  from  the  Greek  and  from  the  Roman  Point  of  View 
(§§  ?>3'^,  377)-  5-  History  of  the  Plebeian  Struggle  after  390  b.c. 
Abbott,  pp.  34-53;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  13;  Myres,  ch.  9;  Fowler,  City 
State,  ch.  7.  6.  The  Licinian  Laws :  Special  Study.  Munro,  pp. 
57-60  (sources);  Botsford,  pp.  85-86;  Abbott,  pp.  36-37;  7.  Ro- 
man Organization  of  Italy.  Abbott,  pp.  57-60;  Botsford,  pp. 
62-63;  Alyres,  pp.  146-149.  8.  The  Roman  Army.  Seignobos, 
ch.  7;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  214-218.  9.  Political  Prosecutions  be- 
fore the  Comitia  Tributa.  Botsford,  Roman  Assemblies,  pp.  319- 
325- 

386.  The  Old  Roman  Life. — This  age  saw  old  Ro- 
man life  at  its  highest  point  of  strength  and  achievement. 
It  was  to  suffer  an  almost  complete  transformation  as 
Rome  expanded.  We  may  pause,  therefore,  to  sketch 
some  of  its  characteristic  features. 

387.  Occupations. — The  Roman  was  devoted  chiefly   Agri 
to  agriculture.     At  first,  cattle-raising,  later,  the  growing 
of  grain,  occupied  him.     The  product  of  his  farm  was 
principally  wheat,  but  he  also  grew  vegetables  and  fruit. 


culture. 


332  Old  Roman  Life 

The  olive  was  widely  cultivated.  Of  domestic  animals 
he  had  cattle,  horses,  sheep  and  hogs.  The  farmer  with 
his  sons  did  the  work,  for  the  farms  were  usually  small. 
Every  eighth  day  was  a  market-day,  when  the  farmer 
Industry.  went  to  town  with  his  produce.  In  the  city  industry  was 
well  advanced.  The  workingmen  had  already  organized 
into  unions  or  guilds  for  the  purpose  of  handing  down 
the  secrets  of  their  craft  from  generation  to  generation. 
Eight  of  these  unions  are  known— the  goldsmiths,  the 
coppersmiths,  the  dyers,  the  fullers  (laundrymen),  the 
shoemakers,  the  carpenters,  the  potters  and  the  flute- 
blowers.  Trading  and  commerce  were  profitable  em- 
Business,  ployments,  but  the  retail  traders,  the  seamen  and  the 
artisans  were  not  highly  regarded  by  the  Romans.  The 
same  was  true  of  the  Greeks  (§  200)  and  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent of  all  civilized  peoples.  But  in  Rome  the  true  gentle- 
man was  always  a  farmer.  This  fact  shows  how  dear  to 
the  Roman  heart  were  the  pursuits  of  agriculture.  Yet 
the  profits  of  commerce  attracted  the  better  classes  who 
had  capital  and  wanted  to  increase  it  rapidly;  unwilling 
to  mix  in  commerce  themselves,  they  employed  slaves  or 
dependent  freedmen  to  carry  on  such  pursuits  in  their 
interest.  Thus  the  business  of  Rome  fell  largely  into  the 
hands  of  such  classes  and  became  still  more  unworthy  of 
freemen. 

388,  Money. — The  standard  of  business  value  in  the 
earliest  time  was  cattle,  as  is  shown  by  the  Latin  word 
for  money,  pecimia  (from  peats,  "cattle").  But  soon  a 
change  to  copper  took  place;  it  is  witnessed  to  by  our 
word  "  estimate  "  (Latin  cestimare) ,  from  cbs,  '^  copper."  A 
pound  of  it  cast  in  a  mould  was  called  an  as  and  became 
the  unit  of  Roman  coinage.     When  Rome  had  united  all 


PLATE  XXVM 


•<kit^ 


t 


TYPICAL   COINS 


PLATE  XXVIII 


TYPICAL    COINS 


The  House  333 

Italy,  a  silver  coinage  was  introduced.     In  268  B.C.  the 
silver  denarius,  c(|ual  to  ten  asses,  appeared.* 

389.  The  House. — As  might  be  expected  of  a  com- 
munity composed  chiefly  of  farmers,  Roman  life  was 
simple  and  rude.  The  house  originally  consisted  of  one 
room,  the  atrium,  in  which  all  the  family  lived.  It  had  no 
windows  and  but  one  door.  Opposite  the  door  was  the 
hearth.  An  opening  in  the  centre  of  the  roof  let  the 
smoke  out  and  the  light  and  rain  in.  The  latter  fell 
into  a  hollow  in  the  floor  just  beneath  the  opening.  In 
time,  this  primitive  house  was  enlarged  on  the  sides  and 
in  the  rear.  The  walls  were  built  of  stone  or  sun-baked 
brick  covered  with  stucco;  the  floor  was  of  earth  mixed 
with  stone  and  fragments  of  pottery  pounded  down  hard; 
the  roof  of  thatch,  shingles  or  tile.  A  couch,  table  and  Furniture 
stool  constituted  the  furniture.  The  lamp  was  a  flat, 
covered  vessel  holding  oil;  through  a  hole  in  the  top  a 
coarse  wick  was  drawn,  whence  came  a  feeble,  flickering 
light.  In  cold  weather  a  box  containing  hot  coals  sup- 
plied heat.  At  meal-time  the  family  sat  on  stools  around 
the  table.  Dinner  was  served  in  the  middle  of  the  day. 
The  chief  food  in  early  times  was  ground  meal  boiled  Food, 
with  water.  Thus  the  Roman,  like  the  Scotchman, 
grew  strong  on  porridge.  Pork  was  the  favorite  meat; 
eight  Latin  words  for  hog  and  half  a  dozen  for  sausage 
testify  to  this.  Bread  of  wheat  or  barley  was  baked 
in  flat,  round  cakes.  Olive-oil,  cheese  and  honey  were 
used  with  it.     The  usual  drink  was  water  or  milk.     Wine 

*  Later,  from  about  217  B.C.  to  the  time  of  Nero,  the  denarius  was 
equal  to  sixteen  asses.  The  sestertius  was  one-fcKirth  of  the  denarius. 
A  sum  of  money  equal  to  one  thousand  sestertii  was  called  seslertium. 
The  denarius,  like  the  attic  drachma,  was  equal  to  about  twenty  cents  of 
our  money. 


334 


Old  Romaii  Life 


Dress. 


The  Toga. 


Jewelry. 


Athletics. 


was  not  common.  When  drunk  it  was  mixed  with  water. 
Various  vegetables,  such  as  beans,  onions,  cabbages  and 
turnips,  and  fruits,  such  as  figs,  apples,  pears  and  plums, 
were  cultivated.  The  frugality  of  the  Roman  in  his  food 
was  matched  by  the  simplicity  of  his  dress.  About  his 
loins  he  wore  a  strip  of  cloth  over  which  he  drew  a  short- 
sleeved  woollen  shirt  or  tunic  reaching  to  his  knees.  This 
was  the  ordinary  dress  while  at  home.  When  he  ap- 
peared in  public,  he  threw  over  this  shirt  a  gracefully 
folded  blanket  of  white  wool  called  a  toga.  It  was  this 
which  became  his  characteristic  garment,  distinguishing 
him  from  all  other  men.  In  bad  weather  or  on  a  journey 
a  cloak  might  be  worn.  The  women's  garments  con- 
sisted of  two  tunics  for  the  house  and  a  wrap  (palla)  for 
the  street.  Neither  sex  wore  hats  or  stockings.  The 
feet  were  protected  by  sandals  or  shoes.  The  hair  and 
beard  were  worn  long  in  early  times,  but,  later,  men 
shaved  their  faces  and  cut  their  hair  close.  Professional 
barbers  appeared  in  Rome  about  300  B.C.  Every  citi- 
zen wore  a  seal-ring  on  the  joint  of  the  finger;  women 
were  granted  greater  privileges  in  the  matter  of  jewelry 
and  they  were  very  fond  of  display.  Their  hair  was 
put  up  elaborately;  they  had  fans,  parasols  and  all  sorts 
of  rings,  bracelets,  chains  and  breastpins. 

390.  Amusements. — Amusements  had  also  their  place 
in  old  Roman  life.  Babies  played  with  rattles;  children 
with  dolls,  carts,  tops  and  hoops.  When  childish  sports 
were  put  away,  the  young  Roman  found  his  amusement 
in  the  athletic  exercises  of  the  Campus  Martins,  in  run- 
ning, wrestling  and  feats  of  arms.  These  were,  however, 
training  for  citizenship  and  service;  it  has  been  well  said 
that  the  Romans  had  no  idea  of  sport  for  sport's  sake. 


The  Family  335 

Life  was  too  stern  and  strenuous.  For  relaxation  they  The  Races, 
turned  to  exciting  spectacles,  of  which  the  chief  were 
the  chariot  races.  They  were  run  in  the  Circus  Maxi- 
mus,  which  lay  between  the  Palatine  and  the  Aventine, 
over  a  narrow  elliptical  course  covered  with  sand;  seven 
laps,  about  four  miles,  were  run;  the  turns  were  sharp 
and  dangerous;  chariots  were  liable  to  be  smashed  and 
drivers  killed;  all  this  raised  excitement  to  fever  heat. 
But  no  Roman  participated  except  as  a  spectator;  freed- 
men  or  slaves  acted  as  charioteers.  The  same  was  true  The 
of  the  theatrical  exhibitions.  The  stage  in  the  Circus  was 
occupied  by  persons  whom  the  Romans  regarded  as 
disreputable;  to  dance  or  to  play  in  public  was  the  part 
of  foreigners  or  slaves.  To  the  unbending,  respectable, 
dignified  Roman  the  point  of  view  of  the  Greek  (§160, 
179,  209)  regarding  all  these  things  was  incomprehen- 
sible and  disgraceful.  He  would  condescend  to  laugh, 
but  would  not  dream  of  taking  part. 

391.  The  Family, — The  centre  about  which  old  Ro- 
man life  revolved  was  the  family  (§  342).  Its  head  was  The 
the  paterfamilias  ("father  of  the  family"),  the  oldest  powe'^r.* 
male  member,  who  had  absolute  power  over  the  per- 
son and  property  of  the  other  members,  whether  wife, 
sons  and  their  families,  or  unmarried  daughters.  A  new- 
born child  was  laid  at  his  feet,  and  by  taking  it  up  he 
decided  that  it  should  be  received  into  the  family.  Oth- 
erwise it  was  carried  away  and  abandoned.  When  a 
daughter  was  married,  she  passed  under  the  authority 
of  her  husband's  father.  A  son  must  marry  at  the  bid- 
ding of  his  father;  his  position  in  the  state  was  depend- 
ent on  the  father.  Of  course  these  powers  of  the  father 
were  practically  limited;    a  wife  could  not  be  divorced 


336 


Old  Roman  Life 


nor  a  child  put  to  death  by  him  without  good  cause  and 
after  consultation  with  other  members  of  the  family; 
nor  could  the  family  property  be  disposed  of  arbitrarily. 

Marriage.  Marriage  was  a  religious  as  well  as  a  civil  affair;  a  solemn 
betrothal  preceded,  sealed  by  a  ring  placed  on  the  third 
finger  of  the  left  hand;  the  consent  of  the  bride  was  re- 
quired; the  marriage  ceremony  consisted  of  the  joining 
of  hands,  the  signing  of  a  contract,  sacrifices  by  the  re- 
ligious officials  and  other  ceremonials.  On  the  wedding- 
day  the  mother  dressed  the  bride,  who  wore  a  veil;  the 
husband  went  through  a  form  of  taking  her  by  force  from 
her  father's  house;  a  wedding-feast  and  a  bridal  proces- 
sion were  features  of  the  affair.  The  bride  brought  a 
dowry  to  her  husband.  A  matron  at  Rome,  in  contrast 
with  Greek  custom  (§  202),  held  a  very  important  posi- 
tion. She  managed  the  household,  trained  her  children, 
received  her  guests  in  person,  was  honored  in  public  and 
was  given  a  special  place  at  entertainments.  She  engaged 
in  special  religious  festivals  and  could  give  testimony  in  the 
courts.  It  has  been  said  that  marriage  gave  the  Roman 
woman   "a  position  unattained  by  the  women  of  any 

Children.  other  nation  in  the  ancient  world."  Children,  particu- 
larly sons,  were  highly  prized  and  carefully  trained.  On 
the  son  depended  the  future  of  the  family.  The  day  of 
the  giving  the  boy  his  name*  was  a  festal  time  in  which 
an  amulet  (bulla)  was  hung  about  his  neck  and  presents 

Adoption,  wcrc  made.  If  a  family  had  no  son,  one  might  be  for- 
mally adopted  and  he  became  in  all  respects  a  member 


The 

Mother. 


*  First  of  all,  he  bore  the  name  of  the  house  (gens) ;  this  was  the  nomeyi, 
e.g.,  Tullius.  Preceding  this  came  the  personal  name  iprc^nomen)  given 
a  few  days  after  birth,  e.g.,  Marcus.  Following  the  nonien  was  the 
cognomen  or  family  name,  e.g.,  Cicero. 


Education  337 

of  the  family  and  took  the  family  name  in  addition  to 
his  own. 

392.  Importance  of  the  Family  in  Roman  Life. — All 
these  facts  help  us  to  see  how  fundamentally  impor- 
tant the  family  was  at  Rome.  In  the  case  of  the  no- 
bles it  included  the  dead  as  well  as  the  living,  all  bound 
together  in  one  solemn  unity.  On  the  preservation  of 
the  family  depended  the  continuance  of  the  sacrificial 
rites  in  which  living  and  dead  were  thought  to  join. 
Hence  the  birth  and  rearing  of  children  was  all-important. 
In  the  atrium  (§  389)  stood  the  wax  images  of  the  dead 
to  remind  the  living  of  the  abiding  tie  of  relationship. 
The  paterfamilias  received  his  authority  over  the  family 
as  its  representative,  the  trustee  of  its  property,  the  pledge 

of  its  continuance.  Thus  the  importance  of  any  individ-  superior 
ual  member  was  subordinate  to  and  sunk  in  the  higher  i°div!duai. 
unity  of  the  whole.  Obedience  and  service  were  the 
watchwords;  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  family  was 
superior  to  all  personal  advantage.  No  wonder  that 
under  this  training  men  of  honor  and  fidelity,  women  of 
discretion  and  purity,  grew  up  to  serve  and  glorify  their 
fatherland. 

393.  Education.  —  Education  corresponded  to  the 
thoroughly  practical  bent  of  the  Roman  character.  Up 
to  seven  years  of  age  the  children  were  trained  at  home 

by  the  mother.  Then  the  boy  was  sent  to  school,  while  of  ciris. 
the  girl  was  kept  at  home  to  be  further  instructed  in 
domestic  arts.  Roman  women  were  not  highly  educated, 
yet  the  liberty  they  enjoyed,  the  companionship  of  their 
husbands  and  family  and  the  respect  shown  them  in 
society  were  in  themselves  an  education.  It  is  said  that 
they  spoke  the  best  and  purest  Latin.     Boys  were  sent  to  of  Boys. 


338 


Old  Roma7i  Life 


Admission 
to  Citizen- 
ship. 


The 
Assembly. 


The  State 
Superior  to 
the  Indi- 
vidual. 


private  schools.  They  were  attended  by  a  slave  (called 
"pedagogue")  and  were  taught  by  slaves  or  freedmen  the 
rudiments  of  education  in  reading,  writing  and  arith- 
metic. Work  began  before  sunrise.  The  teacher  was 
paid  a  small  fee  and  the  discipline  was  harsh.  No  text- 
books were  used,  except  that  the  code  of  the  Twelve 
Tables  (§  364)  was  read,  written  and  committed  to  mem- 
ory. It  is  claimed  that,  although  higher  subjects  were 
not  taught,  the  elements  at  least  of  education  were  more 
generally  diffused  among  the  Romans  than  elsewhere  in 
antiquity,  except  in  Athens  and  other^  Greek  cities. 

394.  Public  Life. — The  participation  in  public  life  was 
also  educative.  The  youth  at  about  seventeen  years  of 
age  attained  his  majority  and  began  his  public  career; 
he  laid  aside  his  toga  pratexta  and  assumed  the  toga 
virilis;  surrounded  by  his  family  and  friends  he  went  to 
the  Forum  and,  amid  congratulations,  his  name  was  en- 
rolled on  the  list  of  citizens  and  he  was  free  to  attend 
the  several  comitia.  On  a  favorable  day  the  comitia 
convened  by  order  of  the  magistrate.  The  proper  sacri- 
fices were  made.  The  magistrate  made  known  the  pur- 
pose of  the  assembly;  only  those  could  speak  to  whom 
he  gave  permission.  Each  citizen  gave  his  vote  orally 
in  the  group  to  which  he  belonged;  the  decision  of  the 
majority  in  the  group  determined  its  vote,  which  then 
was  counted  as  one  in  determining  the  final  vote  of  the 
groups.  The  meeting  closed  before  sunset  and  could  be 
adjourned  by  the  magistrate  at  any  time,  should  he 
regard  the  omens  as  unfavorable.  The  citizen  was  con- 
stantly under  the  strict  surveillance  of  the  authorities. 
The  censor  (§  357)  examiasd  into  his  private  life  and 
punished  any  breaches  of  social  custom  by  fines  or  even 


Applied  Sciejice  339 

suspension  from  civic  rights.  In  the  administration  of  importance 
justice  he  appeared  before  judicial  officers,  such  as  the 
prastors;  no  lawyers  existed;  plaintiff  and  defendant 
must  plead  their  own  causes;  the  magistrate  acting  under 
the  written  law  of  the  Twelve  Tables  interpreted  its  ap- 
plication and  handed  the  case  definitely  formulated  over 
to  the  judex  for  judgment.  An  appeal  in  criminal  cases 
might  be  taken  to  the  comitia.  Private  persons  (judices) 
were  regularly  appointed  by  the  magistrate  to  hear  cases 
and  give  decisions.  Out  of  all  this  procedure  came  in 
course  of  time  the  body  of  public  and  private  law  which 
is  one  of  Rome's  chief  glories. 

395.  Science:  Its  Practical  Character. — In  the  higher 
ranges  of  art  and  science  we  must  not  expect  old  Rome 
to  excel.     Its  science  was  practical  like  all  the  rest  of  its 
works.     The  year  consisted  of  twelve  months;    it  began 
in  March.     The  days  of  the  month  were  indicated  by 
their  relation  to  the  moon's  changes.     All  the  days  of 
the  year  were  given  a  special  religious  significance,  either 
good  or  bad.     Business  could  be  done  only  on  the  good 
days,  which  made  up  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  year. 
In  304  B.C.  a  calendar  on  which  the  character  of  the  days  The  Caien- 
was  indicated  was  published.     The  whole  arrangement  ^"' 
was  c^uite  imperfect.     In  architecture  the  most  charac-  Architect- 
teristic  achievements  were  the  roads,  the  bridges  and  the  ^^^' 
aqueducts,  which  began  to  be  built  on  a  grand  scale. 
The  arch  had  a  great  history  at  Rome.     The  chief  priest- 
hood had  a  name  which  connected  it  with  bridge-building 
(pontifices).     The  solidity  of  the  Roman  character  was 
already  reflected  in  the  architecture.     In  decorative  and  other  Art. 
plastic  art  but  a  few  beginnings  had  been  made.     The 
bronze  wolf  in  the  Forum  and  the  bronze  Jupiter  of  the 


340 


Old  Roman  Life 


Literature, 


Sense  of 
Duty. 


Form  and 
Spirit  of 
Religion. 


Capitol  date  from  about  290  B.C. ;  the  stone  sar-coph'a-gus 
of  Scipio,  from  a  little  later  time,  was  a  simple  but  strong 
work.  A  beautiful  casket  of  like  date  illustrates  as  do 
the  other  works  of  art  the  source  of  the  artistic  impulse; 
Greeks  were  the  teachers  of  Rome  in  these  things.  The 
beginnings  of  painting  belong  also  to  this  same  age. 
Literature  was  even  less  advanced.  The  laws  of  the 
Twelve  Tables  constituted  the  one  Roman  book.  Bal- 
lads and  heroic  poems  in  a  rude  metre  were  sung.  Some 
public  records,  lists  of  magistrates,  religious  rituals  and 
the  like — these  alone  constituted  the  barren  Roman  lit- 
erature of  the  time. 

396.  Morals  and  Religion. — The  rude,  severe  and 
scrupulous  temper  of  the  old  Roman  is  revealed  in  his 
moral  standards  and  religious  life.  Much  of  it  has  ap- 
peared in  what  has  already  been  told — the  power  of  the 
father,  the  subordination  of  the  individual  to  family  and 
state,  the  exposure  of  new-born  children,  the  position  of 
the  slave  in  the  household,  a  mere  unhuman  chattel.  In 
its  worthiest  manifestation  this  old  Roman  spirit  showed 
itself  in  the  conviction  that  everyone  had  his  place  and 
work  in  the  community.  Let  a  man  do  his  work  in  the 
sphere  in  which  he  is  born;  be  it  father,  son  or  slave,  be 
it  patron  or  client,  be  it  consul  or  soldier  in  the  ranks — 
let  him  not  seek  to  be  above  his  place  and  work  or  fall 
beneath  it.  Religion  was  still  of  the  type  which  has 
been  described  (§§347-348);  but  an  important  change 
had  taken  place  in  the  character  of  the  gods.  On  com- 
ing into  close  relations  with  the  Greeks  the  Romans 
found  that  this  people  possessed  deities  not  unlike  their 
own.  Jupiter  was,  accordingly,  equated  with  Zeus,  Juno 
with  Hera,  Minerva  with  Athena,  Mars  with  Ares,  Venus 


Religion  341 

with  Aphrodite,  Diana  with  Artemis,  and  so  on.  At  once 
the  Roman  deities  ceased  to  be  vague  figures  and  got  the 
forms  and  personalities  of  their  Greek  counterparts,  so 
that  they  could  be  plastically  conceived  and  represented 
in  marble  and  bronze.  The  Romans,  too,  were  saved  the 
pains  of  working  out  a  sacred  history  for  their  gods  and 
goddesses  by  these  identifications,  since  they  applied  to 
their  native  deities  the  whole  rich  circle  of  Greek  myth- 
ology. Where,  finally,  Greece  had  a  desirable  deity  for 
which  Rome  lacked  an  equivalent,  the  Sibylline  books 
were  consulted  and  the  foreign  deity  was  formally  in- 
troduced into  Rome.  Thus  came  As-cu-lap'ius,  the  Greek 
god  of  healing,  in  293  B.C.  None  the  less  old  Roman 
habits  and  feelings  persisted;  everywhere  the  divine 
powers  were  present  and  their  relations  to  man  were 
worked  out  in  great  detail  and  their  favorable  action 
secured  by  complex  rituals.  Still  lived  the  profound 
faith  in  the  fidelity  of  the  gods  to  their  word  and  the 
corresponding  obligation  and  opportunity  of  man  to  do 
his  part  toward  them.  This  reaches  its  highest  point  in 
the  voluntary  self-sacrifice  of  the  individual  for  the  in- 
terest of  the  state — the  devolio,  as  it  was  called. 

In  the  decisive  battle  of  the  Samnite  war  (Sentinum)  the  consul, 
Publius  Decius  Mus,  saw  his  legions  broken  and  fleeing  before  the 
enemy.  Whereupon  he  called  to  himself  the  priest  and  charged  him 
to  utter  the  solemn  formula  whereby  a  victim  was  devoted.  The 
words  having  been  uttered,  he  cried  out  that  he  drove  before  him  fear 
and  fright,  slaughter  and  blood  and  the  wrath  of  gods  above  and  be- 
low, and  that  with  the  contagion  of  the  Furies,  ministers  of  death,  he 
infected  the  standards  and  the  arms  of  the  enemy.  With  this  curse, 
and  conscious  that  he  offered  himself  as  a  victim  to  ward  off  the  peril 
from  his  country,  he  spurred  forward  his  horse  where  the  enemy's 
force  was  thickest  and  found  death  at  the  points  of  their  spears. 


342  Old  Ro?iian  Life 

397.  A  Type  of  a  Progressive  Roman:  Appius  Clau- 
dius.— The  broadening  of  life,  as  this  period  draws  to  a 
close,  is  shown  in  one  of  the  famous  men  of  the  time, 
Appius  Claudius,  the  censor.  It  was  he  who  built  the 
first  Roman  road,  the  Appian  Way,  which  led  southward 
to  Capua;  the  first  aqueduct,  likewise,  was  his  work. 
He  was  also  a  patron  of  letters;  to  him  are  ascribed 
written  speeches,  wise  maxims  and  the  first  collection  of 
legal  decisions.  Even  the  study  of  grammar  looks  back 
to  him.  Other  men  followed  in  his  footsteps.  Rome, 
the  head  of  Italy,  rose  from  provincial  manners  and  cus- 
toms to  be  a  cosmopolitan  city.  She  was  at  the  turning 
.of  the  ways.  Soon  Greek  learning  and  manners  would 
come  in  like  a  flood  and  the  old  Rome  disappear  forever. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  light  on  Roman  life  is  thrown 
by  the  following :  pecunia;  toga  virilis;  devotio?  2.  What  is 
meant  by  denarius,  censor,  atrium,  nomen? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  Greek  (§§  200,  201) 
and  Roman  estimate  of  business  life.  2.  In  what  did  the  Ro- 
man idea  of  amusement  differ  from  the  Greek  (§§  109,  128,  160, 
203,  206,  207,  20.))?  3.  Compare  the  Roman  idea  of  the  fam- 
ily with  the  oriental  (§  25).  4.  Would  a  Greek  have  acted  as 
did  Decius  Mus  (§  396)?    State  reasons  for  or  against. 


Rome  and  Carthage  343 

4.— THE    STRUGGLE    WITH    CARTHAGE    FOR 
THE   WESTERN   MEDITERRANEAN 

264-200  B.C. 

398.  Roman  Responsibility  for  Italy. — Rome  was  now 
head  of  the  Italian  land,  unifier  and  protector  of  its 
peoples.  But  this  high  position  involved  responsibility 
(i)  for  the  defence  of  its  coasts  and  (2)  for  the  protection 

of  its  commerce.  Dangers  in  both  of  these  directions  Threaten- 
appeared  on  account  of  the  power  of  the  African  city,  o"^car°*" 
Carthage.  The  founding  of  Carthage  and  its  com-  "^ag^. 
mercial  activity  in  the  western  Mediterranean  have 
already  been  mentioned  (§§352,  170).  North  Africa  as 
far  as  the  Atlantic  was  under  its  authority,  as  was  also 
a  goodly  share  of  Sicily.  In  that  island  Carthage  had 
waged  long  wars  with  the  Greeks  for  supremacy  (§§  170, 
176,  249,  328-331).  Its  ships  had  contested  the  trade  of 
the  Acbriatic  sea  with  the  Greeks  of  ^Magna  Graecia,  and 
were  found  in  every  port  of  the  west.  Corsica,  Sardinia 
and  portions  of  the  Spanish  peninsula  were  its  pos- 
sessions; while  the  trade  of  all  Spain  was  in  its  hands. 
Such  commercial  influence  and  activity  brought  immense 
wealth  to  the  city,  and  for  centuries  had  given  it  easily 
the  leading  position  in  the  west. 

399.  Change  in  Relations  of  Rome  and  Carthage  Un- 
avoidable.— As  long  as  Rome  was  an  inland  and  pro- 
vincial city,  occupied  with  local  affairs,  interested  in 
local  trade,  relations  with  Carthage  had  been  friendly. 
Indeed,  when  Italy  had  been  threatened  by  the  Greeks, 
led  by  Pyrrhus  (§§331,  377),  Rome  and  Carthage  had 
formed  an  alliance.     But  now  the  situation  was  changed. 


344. 


The  Struggle  with  Carthage 


Threaten- 
ing In- 
crease of 
Roman 
Power. 


The 

Mamer- 
tines. 


Hieron  of 
Syracuse. 


Rome  had  taken  into  its  possession  the  Greek  cities  of 
Italy  and  was  bound  to  protect  their  interests.  Thus  at 
this  point  it  came  into  touch  with  Carthage's  commercial 
activity.  Nor  could  Carthage,  on  its  part,  accept  will- 
ingly a  limitation  of  its  commerce.  It  is  indispensable 
to  every  such  community  to  enlarge  and  strengthen  its 
trade.  The  one  region  remaining  in  the  west  which 
could  thus  be  exploited  was  Italy.  Accordingly,  it  is 
not  strange  that  Carthaginian  pressure  upon  the  Italian 
peninsula  grew  greater  just  at  the  moment  when  Rome's 
duty  of  protecting  Italy  became  clear  to  her  statesmen. 
In  these  circumstances  a  conflict  of  interests  leading  to 
open  war  was  unavoidable. 

400.  Sicily  the  Scene  of  the  First  Breach. — The  oc- 
casion that  opened  the  breach  was  insignificant.  Its 
scene  was  the  contested  ground  of  Sicily.  There,  after 
the  death  of  Agathocles  of  Syracuse  (§  330),  a  band  of 
his  mercenaries,  calling  themselves  Mamertines  ("  Sons  of 
Mars"),  had  seized  Mes-sa'na,  the  Sicilian  town  nearest 
Italy,  and  for  the  following  twenty-five  years  were  the 
scourge  of  the  northeastern  part  of  the  island.  While 
waging  war  against  them  a  Syracusan  officer  named 
Hi'e-ron  obtained  such  prominence  that  in  269  B.C.  he 
overturned  the  republican  government  with  the  aid  of 
his  army  and  made  himself  in  that  year  tyrant  of  Syra- 
cuse and  five  years  later,  after  a  great  victory  over  the 
Mamertines,  king  of  Sicily.  Unable  to  hold  out  against 
him,  the  Mamertines  appealed  to  Rome.  While  the  ap- 
peal was  being  considered,  a  faction  also  asked  help  of 
Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians  seized  the  town.  The 
Roman  senate  hesitated  to  become  embroiled  in  a  war 
outside  Italy,  but  the  comitia  centuriata  in  which  prior 


Resources  of  Rome  and  Carthage        345 

to  ca.  241  B.C.  the  commercial  interests  had  large  influence 
finally  decided  to  help  the  Mamertines  and  despatched 
a  force  which  expelled  the  Carthaginian  garrison.  Thus 
war  with  Carthage  was  declared  (264  B.C.). 

401.  The  First  Punic  War,  264-241  B.C. — This  war, 
called  the  First  Punic*  War,  lasted  for  nearly  a  quarter 
of  a  century. 

402.  Rome   and   Carthage    Contrasted. — It   was    not 
unlike  the  great  struggle  between  Athens  and  Sparta  in 
that  Carthage  avoided  meeting  the  much  superior  land 
army  of  Rome  and  Rome  at  first  conceded  to  Carthage 
control  of  the  sea.     Rome  had  under  it  a  population  of  Population 
about  five  million,  Carthage,  with  a  city  population  of  Guitar 
about  half  a  million,  had  in  its  empire  about  five  million  Resources, 
people  also;  but  whereas  Rome  could  put  for  years  at  a 
stretch  one  hundred  thousand  men  in  the  field,  Carthage 

was  mainly  dependent  upon  mercenaries  and  seldom  was 
able  to  employ  more  than  thirty  thousand  of  them.  The 
main  asset  of  Carthage  was  its  wealth.  Its  revenues  were 
far  greater  than  those  of  Rome,  which  was  weak  finan- 
cially; but  the  first  consideration  in  Carthage  was  the 
fleet  in  which  it  had  on  occasion  as  many  as  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  vessels,  most  of  them  the  huge  top-heavy 
quin'que-remes  which  became  the  normal  battle-ships  in 
the  third  century  B.C.  (§  318).  To  maintain  such  a  fleet, 
however,  strained  to  the  limit  even  the  enormous  resources 
of  Carthage. 

403.  Dependencies  and  Allies  of  Rome  and  Carthage. 
— Carthage  had  no  hope  from  the  start  of  evening  up 
conditions  on  land  with  Rome,  since  it  could  not  de~ 

*  "Punic"  is  a  form  of  "Phoenician."  Carthage  was  a  Phoenician 
or  Punic  colony. 


346 


The  St?'7iggle  with  Carthage 


pend  upon  the  loyalty  of  the  native  population  of  Libya, 
or  of  its  other  dependencies,  which  it  exploited  ruthlessly 
for  its  own  profit,  and  which  were  a  source  rather  of 
military  weakness  than  of  strength  to  their  masters;  nor 
could  it  use  its  own  urban  population  for  foreign  war- 
fare because  in  the  first  place  the  masses  were  of  little 
service  and  in  the  second  place  they  would  fight  only  for 
their  own  protection.  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  con- 
trolled, along  the  eastern  and  southern  coast  of  Italy  and 
in  Sicily,  many  Greek  cities  which  it  treated  with  singular 
generosity  and  which  had  fought  Carthage  to  a  standstill 
on  the  sea  for  generations  before  they  had  entered  into 
the  Italian  federation.  The  government  of  both  coun- 
tries was  in  the  hands  of  an  intelligent  aristocracy,  the 
one  of  merchants,  the  other  of  landed  proprietors.  That 
of  Carthage  stood  at  the  head  of  a  peaceful  people  ab- 
sorbed in  commercial  and  industrial  occupations;  that 
of  Rome  at  the  head  of  a  warlike  peasantry  flushed  with 
victory  after  victory  in  Italy,  keen  for  fresh  booty,  and 
stoutly  loyal  and  devoted  to  its  leaders.  The  incom- 
petence of  these  for  the  conduct  of  systematic  campaigns 
and  dangerous  naval  operations  was  the  signal  weakness 
of  Rome;  for  Carthage  had  long  since  reached  the  point 
of  giving  charge  of  its  armies  and  fleets  to  approved 
officers  and  keeping  them  in  command  for  year  after 
year  in  succession,  whereas  Rome  entrusted  its  armies 
to  amateur  generals  and  changed  them  annually.  This 
was  the  main  reason  for  the  length  of  the  struggle. 

404.  The  Roman  Fleet:  Mylse. — The  first  advantage 
was  gained  by  Rome  when  it  got  its  army  safely  over  to 
Sicily  and  with  it  forced  Hieron  of  Syracuse  to  enter  its 
alliance.     All  that  seemed  now  necessary  was  to  take 


The  First  Punic  War  347 

the  fortified  cities  into  which  the  Carthaginians  withdrew, 
and,  indeed,  after  a  long  and  dif!icuk  siege,  the  chief  place 
held  by  them  in  Greek  Sicily,  Ag-ri-gen'tum,  was  captured 
in  261  B.C.  It  was  practically  starv^ed  into  submission. 
This  could  not  be  done  in  the  case  of  the  Phoenician  towm 
on  the  coast,  Pa-nor'mus,  Lil-y-bae'um  and  Drep'a-na. 
Hence  Rome  decided  to  use  its  naval  resources  and  gain 
possession  of  the  sea.  A  fleet  of  one  hundred  quinque-  XheFirsi 
remes  and  twenty  triremes  was,  accordingly,  despatched  pig™^" 
to  Sicilian  waters  in  260  B.C.  under  the  command  of  the 
consul  Gaius  Duilius.  It  was  contributed,  manned  and 
financed  mainly  by  Greeks,  but  on  each  ship  sailed  a 
body  of  Roman  soldiers.  The  plan  was  to  drop  a  newly 
invented  "boarding  bridge"  with  spikes  at  the  end  on  the 
deck  of  the  Cathaginian  ship  whenever  two  vessels  came 
to  close  action,  and  thus  to  turn  the  sea  fight  into  a  land 
engagement.  The  plan  succeeded  admirably  and  on  the 
high  sea  off  Mylae  Duilius  gained  the  first  naval  victory 
for  the  Romans  and  captured  sixty  of  the  enemy's  ships. 
This  was  the  opening  of  a  long  duel  for  the  mastery  of 
the  western  Mediterranean,  and  it  was  fought  out  at  the 
same  time  that  the  other  African  power,  Egypt,  was  en- 
gaged in  a  similar  duel  with  Macedon  for  the  possession 
of  the  eastern  Mediterranean  (§  318). 

405.  Regulus  in  Africa. — Despite  Mylae  Rome  made 
no  progress  with  its  operations  against  Panormus,  Lily- 
btcum  and  Drepana.  Hence  in  256  B.C.  the  senate  decided 
to  carry  the  war  into  Africa,  which  the  invasion  of  Agath- 
ocles  fifty-four  years  earlier  had  shown  to  be  the  weak 
place  in  the  Carthaginian  armor.  First,  however,  the 
Punic  fleet,  three  hundred  and  fifty  ships  strong,  which 
put  itself  in  the  way  of  the  Roman- Greek  navy  with  the 


348 


The  Struggle  with  CartJiage 


Battle  of 
Ecnomus. 


Ham  il  car. 


The 

Romans 

Victorious. 


army  of  invasion  on  board,  had  to  be  dealt  with.  The 
great  sea  fight  took  place  at  Ec'no-mus,  the  contestants 
being  about  equal  in  strength.  Victory  rested  with  the 
Romans,  and  the  landing  in  Africa  was  made  success- 
fully. At  this  point  one  of  the  consuls  returned  with  the 
fleet  to  Italy,  the  other  Regulus  remained  with  fifteen 
thousand  men  to  conduct  the  war  in  Africa,  In  256  b.c, 
he  defeated  the  Carthaginians  and  seized  Tunis  almost 
in  sight  of  the  huge  city,  but  in  the  next  year  he  and  his 
army  were  overwhelmed;  and  while  taking  the  remnants 
back  home  the  Roman  fleet  was  destroyed  by  a  storm. 

406.  Both  Parties  Exhausted. — The  struggle  was  again 
centred  round  the  Phoenician  forts  in  Sicily,  and  in  253 
B.C.  the  Romans  gained  a  great  success  in  the  capture 
of  Panormus,  but  on  the  return  to  Italy  a  second  Ro- 
man fleet  was  destroyed  by  storm.  The  trouble  with 
the  great  lofty  quinqueremes  was  that  they  tended  to  turn 
turtle  in  a  rough  sea.  The  ignorant  Roman  admirals, 
moreover,  took  unnecessary  risks.  Upon  the  other  two 
places,  Lilybaeum  and  Drepana,  the  Romans  made  little 
impression;  and  when  in  249  B.C.  P.  Claudius  lost  one 
Roman  fleet  in  action  off  Drepana,  and  when  in  248 
B.C.  L.  Junius  lost  another  in  action  off  Cam-a-ri'na,  the 
war  came  to  a  standstill.  Both  contestants  were  ex- 
hausted; and  for  seven  years  the  only  interest  the  struggle 
possessed  was  in  the  brilliant  guerilla  warfare  conducted 
by  Ha-mil'car,  surnamed  Barca  ("the  lightning"),  in 
Sicily,  Finally  the  Romans  roused  themselves  to  new 
action;  the  funds  for  a  new  navy  were  provided,  as 
usual,  by  advances  of  money  made  to  the  government  by 
its  patriotic  citizens.  This  fleet  the  consul  Cat'u-lus  led 
to  victory  at  the  ^gatian  islands  in  241  B.C.,  whereupon 


The  Twenty  Years'  Interval  349 

Carthage  was  compelled  to  ask  for  peace.  It  was 
granted  on  these  terms:  Carthage  retired  from  Sicily 
and  the  islands  between  Sicily  and  Italy;  she  promised 
also  to  pay  during  a  period  of  ten  years  three  thousand 
two  hundred  talents  (241  B.C.). 

407.  The  Mercenary  War,  241-237  B.C. — But  the 
strength  of  the  Punic  city  was  by  no  means  exhausted; 
the  conflict  was  sure  to  break  out  again  when  time  and 
resources  were  favorable  to  its  renewal.  It  was,  indeed, 
deferred  for  the  moment  by  the  horrible  "truceless"  war 
(241-237  B.C.)  between  Carthage  and  its  mercenaries — 
whose  pay  was  greatly  in  arrears — in  which  only  the  gen- 
ius of  Hamilcar  Barca  saved  his  country  from  destruc- 
tion. But  it  was  made  inevitable  in  that  at  the  crisis  of 
this  struggle  Carthage  had  to  suffer  a  further  humilia- 
tion in  the  seizure  of  Sardinia  by  the  Romans  and  an 
additional  payment  of  one  thousand  two  hundred  talents 

(238  B.C.).     A  remonstrance  was  met  by  a  threat  of  war  Seizure  of 
which  helpless  Carthage  bought  off  only  by  the  cession  ^^^  '"'^ 
of   Sardinia    and    Corsica.     The    two    islands    together  Corsica, 
formed  the  second  Roman  province,     Rome,  also,  had 
other  difficulties  on  hand  which  occupied  its  attention. 

408.  The  Gallic  Wars. — The  Gauls  in  the  north  of 
Italy  were  causing  trouble,  and  when  the  tribune  Fla- 
min'i-us  carried  a  law  to  assign  to  citizens  the  public 
lands  along  the  coast  of  Umbria  the  Gallic  tribes  already 
irritated  rose  in  revolt.  The  struggle  could  have  but 
one  result;  the  Gauls  were  crushed  and  the  Latin  colo- 
nies of  Placentia  and  Cremona  were  placed  in  the  con- 
quered territory.  A  road  from  Rome  to  A-rim'i-num, 
called  the  Via  Flaminia  after  its  builder,  Flaminius, 
brought  this  restless  district  within  striking  distance  of  the 


350 


The  Struggle  with  Carthage 


Illyrian 
Wars. 


Hamilcar 

and 

Hasdrubal 
in  Spain. 


Hannibal. 


capital.  The  land  between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennines 
was  called  Cisalpine  Gaul.  The  annoyance  caused  by 
Illyrian  pirates  to  Roman  commerce  in  the  Adriatic 
brought  on  Illyrian  wars  (229  and  219  B.C.),  in  which  due 
punishment  was  inflicted  on  the  aggressors,  friendly  re- 
lations established  with  the  Greek  states  and  the  Adriatic 
made  an  Italian  sea. 

409.  The  Punic  Power  in  Spain. — The  occasion  for 
the  second  struggle  with  Carthage  appeared  in  an  unex- 
pected quarter.  One  of  the  most  skilful  Punic  generals, 
Ilamilcar  Barca,  animated  by  an  inextinguishable  hatred 
for  Rome,  retired  to  Spain  after  the  "truceless"  war  and 
there  spent  nine  years  in  building  up  a  Carthaginian 
power  which  might  furnish  men  and  money  to  renew 
the  war  with  Rome.  After  his  death,  first  his  son-in-law 
Has'dru-bal  (228-221  B.C.)  and  later  his  son  Hannibal, 
with  splendid  vigor  and  success,  carried  on  his  work.  The 
wild  tribes  south  of  the  river  Ebro  were  tamed,  united  and 
organized  into  an  effective  force.  Money  and  munitions 
of  war  were  collected  and  a  plan  of  campaign,  bold  be- 
yond all  expectation,  was  devised.  The  first  step  pre- 
cipitated war.  Sa-gun'tum,  a  petty  fort  in  alliance  with 
Declaration  Rome,  was  attacked  and  captured  by  Hannibal.  His 
surrender  was  at  once  demanded  and  as  promptly  re- 
fused, whereupon  a  Roman  ambassador  in  the  pictu- 
resque fashion  of  the  Roman  declaration  of  war  "gathered 
his  toga  in  two  folds — 'War  or  peace,'  he  cried;  'which 
will  you  have?'  'Which  you  will,'  was  the  answer.  He 
shook  out  the  fold  of  war,  and  war  was  accepted  by 
Carthage  with  a  light  heart."  Then  with  an  army  of 
fifty  thousand  infantry  and  nine  thousand  cavalry,  sup- 
ported by  fighting  elephants,  Hannibal  marched  north- 


of  War. 


10"  Lnngttiide    12"     K««t        from     U*    Greenwich        10' 


ITAT^Y 

in  218  B,  O. 


Hannibal  m  Italy 


351 


ward  with  no  less  audacious  a  design  than  the  crossing 
of  the  Alps  and  the  descent  into  northern  Italy.  After 
almost  incredible  hardships,  through  lightings  with  wild 
tribes  and  the  fierceness  of  winter  storms  among  the  high 
Alps,  the  army,  reduced  to  less  than  half  its  number, 
stood  exhausted,  but  triumphant,  on  the  plains  of  Cisal- 
pine Gaul. 

410.  Hannibal  in  Italy. — And  now  began  a  duel  to 
the  death,  the  Second  Punic  War  (218  B.C.).*  The  fate 
of  Rome  hung  on 
the  loyalty  of  the 
allied  cities  of 
Italy.  The  newly 
conquered  Gauls 
soon  rose  and 
flocked  to  Hanni- 
bal, The  Roman 
army  under  the 
consuls  was  routed 
at  battles  on  the 
banks  of  the  rivers 
Ti-ci'nus  and  the  Treb'i-a.  The  next  year  (217  B.C.) 
Hannibal,  advancing  southward,  entrapped  and  annihi- 
lated another  Roman  army  at  Lake  Tras-i-me'nus  in 
Etruria;  the  consul  Flaminius  was  killed  in  the  battle. 
Then  the  Romans  in  alarm  appointed  Quintus  Fabius 
Maximus  dictator,  known  in  history  as  the  "shield  of 
Rome."  He  would  not  give  battle,  but  followed  on  the 
heels  of  Hannibal  as  he  marched  down  to  the  southeast 
ravaging  the  country.     New  commanders,  the  consuls 

*  It  is  suggested  that  the  teacher  amplify  the  sketch  of  this  great  war 
by  the  aid  of  graphic  passages  chosen  from  Livy  and  Polybius. 


Hannibal 
Invades 

Italy. 


oo. 


The  Stimggle  with  Carthage 


The  Dis- 
aster of 
Cannae. 


Rome 
Hangs  on 
and  the 
Tide  Turns. 


^milius  Paulus  and  Terentius  Varro,  and  a  new  and 
great  army  of  more  than  eighty  thousand  men  marched 
out  against  him  in  216  B.C.;  again  the  Romans  were  utterly 
beaten  at  Cannae  in  Apuh'a;  one  consul,  Varro,  and  ten 
thousand  men  survived  the  slaughter.  In  this  as  in  all 
the  other  Italian  engagements  of  Hannibal  the  victory 
was  gained  or  rendered  complete  by  his  clever  use  of  his 
wonderful  Numidian  cavalry. 

411.  The  Italian  Allies  Desert. — Rome  now  appeared 
on  the  verge  of  destruction.  The  majority  of  the  Roman 
allies  in  southern  Italy  (§  383)  passed  over  to  Hannibal's 
side — Capua  and  Tarentum  among  the  rest.  In  Sicily, 
Syracuse  and  its  dependencies  renounced  the  Roman  al- 
liance. Philip  V  of  Macedonia  (§  327)  made  an  alliance 
with  Hannibal.  And,  in  fact,  Hannibal  had  substantially 
accomplished  his  mission,  which  was  not  the  annihilation 
of  Rome,  but  the  dissolution  of  the  Italian  federation  and 
the  reduction  of  its  head  to  its  historic  position  as  one 
among  the  many  petty  states  of  the  peninsula.  Hence- 
forth, all  he  had  to  do  was  to  maintain  his  position  in  Italy 
and  prevent  the  Romans  from  re-establishing  their  he- 
gem'o-ny.  But  the  heroic  Roman  spirit  remained  un- 
shaken. An  offer  of  peace  by  the  victor  of  Cannae  was 
rejected.  An  army  sent  to  Syracuse  under  the  command 
of  Me-tel'lus,  "  the  sword  of  Rome,"  captured  that  city  and 
restored  Roman  power  in  Sicily.  War  was  declared 
against  Philip.  Energetic  efforts  were  put  forth  to  recover 
the  rebellious  Italian  cities,  while  further  pitched  battles 
with  Hannibal  were  avoided.  The  fortified  posts  occu- 
pied by  Roman  allies  all  over  the  land — the  Latin  colo- 
nies (§  382) — held  fast  to  Rome.  Thus  gradually  the  sky 
brightened,  while  Hannibal's  task  grew  more  difficult. 


The  Metaurus  353 

He  lost  Capua  in  2 1 1  B.C.,  and  a  dash  at  Rome  in  the  same 
year  failed.  Tarentum  was  taken  by  the  Romans  in  209 
B.C.  The  crisis  of  the  struggle  came  when  Hasdrubal, 
Hannibal's  brother,  eluding  the  enemy  in  Spain,  started 
for  Italy.  Already  Rome  was  near  the  end  of  its  resources. 
Twelve  Latin  colonies  announced  that  they  could  keep  up 
the  struggle  no  longer.  If  the  two  Carthaginian  armies 
could  unite,  their  victory  was  sure.  But  in  207  B.C.  the  The 
army  of  Hasdrubal  was  destroyed  at  the  river  Me-tau'rus,  ^'^^"^ 
he  himself  killed  and  his  head  thrown  over  the  ram- 
parts of  his  brother's  camp.  As  Hannibal  looked  upon 
it,  he  is  said  to  have  declared,  "I  behold  the  fate  of 
Carthage."  This  battle  decided  that  Hannibal  could 
maintain  his  position  in  Italy  for  only  a  limited  time. 
Soon  his  diminishing  army  was  shut  up  in  the  region  of 
Bruttium.  Peace  was  made  between  Rome  and  Philip. 
412.  The  War  in  Spain. — Meanwhile,  a  tedious  war 
had  been  carried  on  in  Spain — Hannibal's  sole  possible 
source  of  reinforcements — by  the  brothers  Publius  and 
Gnaeus  Scipio,  who  were  both  finally  overthrown  and 
killed  (212  B.C.).  All  Spain  seemed  lost  to  the  Romans  Scipio 
when  the  son  of  the  slain  general,  Publius  Cornelius  ^^"*=^°"*- 
Scipio,  a  brilliant  young  Roman  officer,  who  earlier  than 
anyone  else  saw  the  advantage  of  fighting  the  war  out 
in  Hannibal's  own  country,  came  to  Spain  with  an  army 
(211  B.C.).  He  did  not,  indeed,  prevent  the  departure 
of  Hasdrubal  for  Italy,  but  after  a  series  of  striking  cam- 
paigns he  was  able  in  206  B.C.  to  return  to  Italy  leaving 
Rome  master  of  the  Carthaginian  part  of  the  Iberian 
peninsula.  Two  years  later  he  advanced  his  project 
a  step  further  by  crossing  the  sea  with  an  army  to  carry 
the  war  into  Africa. 


354 


The  Struggle  with  Carthage 


Hannibal 
Recalled. 

Zama. 

The 

Punish- 
ment of 
Carthage. 


Growth  of 
the  Senate's 
Power. 


413.  "The  War  into  Africa." — Hannibal  was  recalled 
to  defend  his  country  and  was  overthrown  by  Scipio  at 
the  battle  of  Zama  (202  B.C.).*  The  war  was  over; 
Carthage  vv^as  ruined,  and  nothing  was  left  but  to  seek 
as  favorable  terms  of  peace  as  possible.  They  were  not 
too  severe;  Spain  and  the  Mediterranean  islands  were 
given  up;  the  kingdom  of  Numidia  was  granted  its  inde- 
pendence under  King  Mas'si-nis'sa,  whose  claim  to  the 
throne  of  all  Numidia  Rome  had  espoused,  and  war  upon 
it  was  forbidden;  the  fleet  was  reduced  to  ten  triremes; 
a  payment  of  two  hundred  talents  yearly  for  fifty  years 
was  imposed.  Thus  Carthage,  while  not  destroyed,  lost 
its  political  and  commerical  supremacy  and  became  little 
more  than  a  dependency  of  Rome. 

414.  The  Power  and  Position  of  the  Senate. — During 
this  long  struggle  with  a  foreign  enemy  the  administration 
of  the  Roman  state  underwent  some  changes.  We  have 
seen  that  the  political  strife  of  patrician  and  plebeian- 
had  ended  in  the  victory  of  the  latter  and  the  harmoniz- 
ing of  all  interests  in  a  popular  government  (§§  362-366). 
But  when  war  with  Carthage  came,  it  was  found  that  a 
strong  administration  was  necessary  to  conduct  it.  The 
citizens,  therefore,  let  the  senate  manage  affairs,  since  it 
was  a  compact  body  of  the  best  men  in  the  state  and  was 
always  at  hand  in  Rome  on  critical  occasions.  Thus 
the  senate  slowly  absorbed  the  powers  of  government, 
which,  in  theory,  belonged  to  the  people.  The  magis- 
trates, although  elected  by  the  people,  were  guided  by 
the  senate  and  fulfilled  its  will.  This  was  to  mean  much 
in  the  future,  but  at  present  it  worked  successfully.  The 
firmness  and  courage  with  which  the  senate  went  about 

*  From  this  victory  Scipio  gained  the  title  Africanus. 


Senate  and  Magistrates  355 

its  task  of  carrying  on  the  war,  supplying  soldiers,  en- 
couraging the  people,  resisting  all  appeals  for  peace  until 
the  work  was  done,  is  worthy  of  all  praise.  The  only 
body  in  Rome  which  could  give  this  kind  of  an  adminis- 
tration was  the  senate;  hence  the  government  came  more 
and  more  securely  into  its  grasp. 

415.  Composition  of  the  Senate. — The  strength  of  this 
great  corporation  was  due  largely  to  the   influence   of 

the  men  who  composed  it.  On  the  list  of  its  members  Ex-Magis- 
the  censors  were  in  the  habit  of  registering  all  ex-magis-  j^^  senate.' 
trates  not  already  enrolled.  Only  when  these  did  not 
suffice  to  fill  the  vacancies  in  the  aggregate  of  three  hun- 
dred did  the  censors  have  the  liberty  to  nominate  others. 
Senators  held  office  for  life.  Only  gross  misbehavior 
justified  the  censors  in  leaving  the  names  of  old  members 
off  the  list.  Accordingly,  outside  the  senate  there  was 
rarely  anybody  who  had  ever  held  an  important  civil 
or  military  office;  in  it  were  all  Romans  possessed  of 
knowledge  and  experience  of  public  affairs. 

416.  The  Senate  and  the  Magistrates. — Moreover, 
while  the  people  in  Rome  chose  their  magistrates,  only 
senators  were  qualified  to  be  candidates  for  the  higher 
positions.  The  reason  for  this  was  that  the  lower  offices 
■ — -such  as  the  tribunate,  qusetorship,  aedileship — had  to 
be  held  first,  and  on  holding  them  men  generally  became 
senators.  Hence,  what  the  people  did  was  virtually  to  Higher 
select  from  the  senate  annual  committees  of  senators  to  chosen^'^^ 
hold  the  praetorships  and  consulships.     Since  men  were  ^■'om  the 

Senate. 

senators  for  their  lifetime  and  magistrates  for  only  a 
single  year,  they  did  not  care  to  do  anything  while 
consuls  or  praetors  to  impair  the  power  of  the  body 
to   which   they   were    to    belong    permanently.      Thus 


356 


Senatorial  Goveimvient 


Tribunes 

Protect 

Senate. 


Senate 

Controls 

Elections. 


the  senate  was  able  to  retain  its  control  of  the  higher 
magistrates. 

417.  The  Senate  and  the  Tribunate. — Should,  how- 
ever, any  officer  ignore  or  defy  the  senate  it  was  always 
possible  for  it  to  get  a  tribune  to  veto  his  actions.  A 
single  tribune  was  able  to  stop  all  public  business  in 
Rome — to  seal  up  the  treasury,  suspend  the  law  courts, 
reduce  every  magistrate  to  inactivity,  even  prevent  all 
votes  of  the  comitia.  Hence  the  senate  had  an  invin- 
cible guardian  so  long  as  the  veto  of  the  tribunes  was 
observed  and  one  of  these  ten  officers  was  ready  to  take 
the  senate's  point  of  view. 

418.  The  Senate  and  the  Assemblies. — The  senate, 
however,  was  ordinarily  able  to  control  the  elections  and 
to  prevent  all  but  members  of  the  senatorial  families 
from  getting  elected  to  the  lower  offices.  It  was,  indeed, 
a  rare  occurrence  for  a  new  "man"  {novus  homo)  to  rise 
to  the  prsetorship  or  consulship  in  Rome.  This  monopoly 
of  office  was  preserved  largely  by  the  way  the  electoral 
divisions  were  formed.  There  were  now  thirty-five 
tribes  and  the  tribes  had  each  one  vote  in  the  comitia 
tributa  and  ten  centuries  in  the  comitia  centuriata.  Of 
the  thirty-five  only  four  were  open  to  the  urban — land- 
less and  freedman — population;  so  that  no  matter  how 
many  of  the  residents  of  Rome  flocked  down  to  the  Forum 
or  out  to  the  Campus  Martius  when  the  comitia  met,  they 
could  cast  only  four  votes  out  of  thirty-five  or  forty  out  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty.  On  the  other  hand,  sixteen  of 
the  tribes — the  so-called  "rustic  tribes" — lay  in  the  terri- 
tory immediately  around  the  city.  As  time  passed  the 
land  in  this  district  tended  to  gather  in  the  hands  of  a 
smaller  and  smaller  number  of  great  landholders;   so  that 


Senate  and  Comitia  357 

the  "rustic  tribes"  became  in  a  sense  "pocket  boroughs" 
of  the  senators.  The  other  fifteen  tribes  lay  up  and  down 
Italy,  usually  at  such  a  distance  from  the  capital  that 
only  men  of  means  and  leisure  resident  on  them — men 
who  owned  town  houses  and  tilled  their  estates  by  slaves 
— were  in  a  position  to  appear  regularly  at  the  public 
meetings.  The  net  result  was  that  the  land  proprietors 
— "the  country  gentlemen" — who  made  up  the  sena- 
torial or  office-holding  nobility  were  able  to  outvote  the 
masses  in  the  comitia  and  distribute  the  offices  among 
themselves  as  they  pleased.  Hence  the  senate  could 
always  count  on  having  the  support  of  at  least  one  tribune. 
A  tribune,  however,  could  prevent  the  magistrates  from 
calling  the  comitia  together;  hence  to  control  the  magis- 
trates meant  ordinarily  to  control  the  assemblies. 

419.  The  Constitutional  Weaknesses  of  the  Senate. — 
Should,  however,  the  masses  of  the  countrymen  of  Italy 
become  dissatisfied  and  flock  to  the  comitia  in  tens  of 
thousands  to  vote  for  what  they  wanted;  that  is  to  say, 
should  the  peasants  of  Italy  want  strongly  something 
which  the  government  did  not  care  to  give  to  them,  the 
position  of  the  senate  would  be  in  the  highest  degree 
perilous.  But  so  long  as  it  was  successful  in  its  wars  in  Success  the 
Italy  and  abroad,  and  new  land  and  rich  booty  were  con-  ^f  the  sen- 
tinuously  provided  for  the  Roman  peasants;    so  lon^  as  *^®- 

the  struggle  for  national  honor  and  existence  fired  the 
patriotism  of  every  Roman  farmer,  the  senate  was  the 
accepted  leader  of  the  agriculturists  of  the  peninsula,  and 
the  senator's  sons  were  the  men  whom  the  citizens  natu- 
rally chose  to  be  their  officers  in  the  army  and  in  the  state. 

420.  The  Senate's  Method  of  Transacting  Business. — 
The  senate  was  usually  convoked  by  the  consuls.     The 


358  Senatorial  Government 

The  Meet-  summons  indicated  the  place  and  day  of  the  meeting: 
Senate.  ^  the  time  was  daybreak,  the  place  a  ternplum,  or  sacred 
enclosure,  usually  the  curia  Hostilia  in  the  Forum.  The 
summons  did  not  disclose  the  subject  upon  which  the 
senators  were  to  tender  advice  to  the  magistrates — for  it 
was  solely  to  advise  that  the  senate  existed,  not  to  com- 
mand or  legislate.  Accordingly,  there  was  no  opportu- 
nity for  previous  study  or  manipulation.  It  was  the  duty 
of  the  presiding  officer  to  put  the  senate  into  possession 
of  the  facts.  This  he  did  in  laying  each  matter  before 
the  chamber.  The  senate  did  not  work  with  the  aid  of 
committees,  except  in  so  far  as  each  pair  of  magistrates 
was  its  committee;  hence  no  opportunity  whatever  was 
given  for  the  mature  consideration  of  public  business 
outside  the  walls  of  the  senate  chamber.  The  deliber- 
ate purpose  was  that  the  decisions  should  be  reached  in 
the  senate  itself.  That  outside  pressure  might  not  dis- 
turb the  equanimity  of  the  senators,  all  debates  were 
held  behind  closed  doors.  On  either  side  of  the  central 
aisle,  at  the  farther  end  of  which  the  magistrates  took  their 
places  in  their  robes  of  office  on  their  ivory  curule  chairs, 
sat  the  three  hundred  senators  clad  in  their  white  togas 
slashed  with  broad  purple  stripes.  At  one  epoch  the 
tribunes  had  taken  their  places  at  the  door  of  the  chamber 
and  thence  heard  what  they  could  of  the  discussion;  now 
they  had  drawn  their  long  bench  into  the  room  and  sat 
in  the  aisle  with  the  magistrates.  At  the  door  crowded 
the  sons  of  the  senators — the  young  men  destined  for  a 
public  life  who  had  not  as  yet  reached  the  age  of  office- 
holding.  Others  were  kept  beyond  hearing  by  the  lictors. 
The  senators  gave  their  opinions  seated;  men  rose  only 
when  they  voted.     The  speeches  were  short  and  pithy — 


.  C  3 

.2  2  E  S 


U.  V)  =  h  h  H 


S5 

ox: 


'o'oDwv.w 


HHB3U.U.t 


3      a 

"o       >         3 

•  I  s  I 

S  i  s  u  §  3 

'-'■o.af-  =i 

««  O  o  3  O  t/5 

«  =  3^  E-g 


Transaction  of  Business  359 

the  blunt  opinions  of  farmers — and  each  ended  with  a  Discussion 
motion  upon  the  question  at  issue.  It  might  simply  ^^^ 
be  an  endorsement  of  an  opinion  already  given.  In  fact, 
the  only  senator  who  could  not  escape  the  onus  of  giving 
a  formal  opinion  {senlentia)  was  the  princeps  senatus — • 
the  oldest  ex-censor  ordinarily,  the  man  whom  the  cen- 
sors on  drawing  up  the  list  of  the  senators  had  put  at 
its  head.  The  others  were  arranged  behind  him  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  offices  they  had  held — ex-consuls  and 
ex-praetors  having  precedence  over  ex-aediles.  Within 
each  group  the  place  of  the  individual  was  decided  by 
seniority.  While  each  senator  in  turn  was  expressing 
his  opinion,  the  voting  was  in  progress.  By  leaving  their  Voting  m 
places  and  taking  their  seats  in  the  vicinity  of  the  man 
with  whose  opinion  they  agreed,  the  senators  kept  show- 
ing to  the  presiding  officer  bow  they  were  voting;  so  that 
at  the  end  of  the  process  he  had  to  select  the  opinion  he 
pleased  and  put  it  to  the  whole  for  a  final  vote  only 
when  more  than  two  popular  views  had  been  expressed. 
The  possibility  existed  for  prolonging  the  discussion  in- 
definitely; for  not  only  was  the  method  of  eliciting  the 
will  of  the  senate  cumbrous,  but  the  senator  when  called 
upon  could  speak  for  any  length  of  time  he  pleased  upon 
any  subject  he  pleased.  That,  none  the  less,  the  enor- 
mous amount  of  public  business  which  arose  in  Rome, 
Italy  and  finally  in  the  entire  Mediterranean  world,  was 
transacted  quickly  and  wisely  is  the  highest  tribute  that 
can  be  paid  to  the  wonderful  political  sense  of  the  Roman 
senators. 

421.  The  Business  of  the  Senate. — The  senate  could 
not  meet  of  its  own  accord,  l)ut  was  dependent  upon 
the  magistrates  for  its  corporate  existence.     It  had  no 


360 


Senatorial  Qovernment 


legal  power  to  enforce  its  decrees,  and  no  judicial  process 
could  compel  any  magistrate  to  follow  the  advice  il  gave. 
It  had  no  judicial  authority  of  any  kind  except  in  cases 
of  crisis  or  emergency.  It  had  no  legislative  power;  and 
by  the  Hortensian  law  of  287  b.c,  it  had  lost  all  right  to 
regulate  or  modify  the  votes  of  the  comitia.  None  the 
less,  it  was  the  real  government  of  Rome.  The  business  of 
a  state  commonly  falls  into  three  groups.  There  are  first 
the  regular  foreseen  tasks  which  in  Rome  the  magistrates 
performed:  the  care  of  the  streets  and  public  buildings 
(aediles),  the  handling  of  the  public  funds  (quaestors),  the 
settling  of  disputes  (praetors),  the  handling  of  the  troops 
and  convoking  the  senate  and  assembly  (consuls),  the 
taking  of  the  census  and  the  imposition  of  the  taxes  (cen- 
sors). With  these  the  senate  had  no  concern.  There  are 
in  the  second  place  the  extraordinary  and  unforeseen 
measures  affecting  the  mode  of  life  of  the  entire  people, 
which  in  Rome  required  the  action  of  the  comitia:  the 
enactment  of  a  new  law,  the  creation  of  a  new  magistracy, 
the  declaration  of  war,  the  conclusion  of  a  peace  or  treaty, 
the  foundation  of  a  colony  on  the  public  land,  the  punish- 
ment of  a  criminal  or  traitor.  Such  matters  lay  beyond 
the  competency  of  the  senate.  In  the  third  place  there 
is  the  great  body  of  extraordinary  but  foreseen  cases 
where  an  important  decision  has  to  be  reached.  It 
might  be  something  unusual  in  the  work  of  a  magistrate, 
such  as  the  need  for  levying  troops  or  imposing  a  war  tax; 
it  might  be  the  demand  of  the  people  for  a  new  law  or  a 
new  colony,  or  a  war  or  a  peace;  it  might  be  the  arrival 
of  an  embassy  from  a  foreign  state;  it  might  be  a  strange 
omen.  For  the  formulation  of  a  policy  on  such  matters 
the  senate  was  the  only  proper  authority  in  Rome.     Its 


Popular  Assembly  361 

province  was,  in  other  words,  that  of  the  cabinet  in  the 
modern  parh'amentary  system. 

422.  The  Roman  Assemblies. — The  comitia  was  sim- 
ply an  arrangement  of  the  citizens  for  convenience  of 
voting.  When  the  comitia  was  called  all  discussion 
ceased.  Debate  could  take  place  only  at  unorganized 
meetings  (conHones)  summoned  by  the  magistrates  for 
that  purpose.  Only  those  whom  the  presiding  officers  per- 
mitted could  address  the  multitude.  When  the  comitia 
met,  it  could  consider  only  a  programme  of  business 
published  three  weeks  in  advance  by  the  convening  mag- 
istrate.    Each  citizen  then  went  into  the  compartment  Voting 

,         ,  .         .,  ,  .  in  the 

assigned  to  his  tribe  or  century,  and  on  passing  out  across  comitia. 
a  bridge  told  his  vote  to  clerks  who  recorded  it  on  wax 
tablets  with  which  they  were  provided.  When  all  had 
passed  out  the  votes  were  counted  and  the  vote  of  the 
tribe  or  century  declared  by  the  presiding  officer.  The 
majority  of  tribes  or  centuries  determined  the  issue  of  the 
vote.  As  already  explained,  this  system  of  group  voting 
permitted  the  urban  population  to  be  "hived"  in  four- 
thirty-fifths  of  the  electoral  districts;  so  that  the  ill- 
effects  of  the  change  which  finally  occured  in  the  charac- 
ter of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Rome  were  for  a  long 
time  obviated.  Still,  it  was  a  matter  of  grave  concern  to 
the  government  that  as  Rome  became  the  capital  of  Italy 
and  subsequently  of  the  entire  Mediterranean  world,  it 
ceased  to  be  essentially  an  aggregate  of  small  and  large 
farmers  and  came  to  resemble  more  and  more  closely  the 
great  cities  of  the  present  day.  Probably  nothing  contrib-  Fear  of  the 
uted  more  to  the  long  supremacy  of  the  senate  than  the 
fear  of  all  reflecting  men  that  the  proletariat  of  Rome 
should  really  exercise  sovereign  power, 


Mob. 


362  Senatorial  Government 

423.  The  Financial  Problem. — The  senate's  solution 
of  two  problems  is  noteworthy.  To  procure  money  and 
supplies  for  carrying  on  the  war  it  adopted  a  curious 
plan.  Instead  of  organizing  a  financial  system  of  its  own, 
it  sought  the  aid  of  wealthy  capitalists  and  merchants 
and  gave  the  task  into  their  hands.  They  supplied  the 
money,  the  ships,  the  food,  the  equipment.  The  state 
was  thus  relieved  from  a  great  burden  of  business;  but 
this  relief  was  dearly  bought  by  bringing  the  state  into 
bondage  to  these  men  of  wealth.  As  their  operations 
widened,  the  dependence  of  the  administration  upon 
them  increased.  They  began  to  have  an  undue  influence 
in  shaping  its  policy.  They  made  the  state  serve  their 
interests.*  But  they  could  not  themselves  become  sena- 
tors; for  a  law  had  been  passed  in  218  B.C.  prohibiting 
''members  of  the  governing  class  from  taking  part  in 
foreign  trade,  as  carriers,  as  manufacturers,  or  as  partici- 
pants in  the  great  business  of  the  contract  for  corn  which 
placed  provincial  grain  on  the  Roman  market."  Hence 
those  who  engaged  in  foreign  commerce  and  bid  for 
government  contracts  became  the  nucleus  of  a  new  class 
— the  influential  equestrian  order. 

424.  The  Problem  of  Conquered  Territories. — The 
other  problem  was  the  relation  of  the  newly  won  terri- 
tories outside  of  Italy  to  the  Roman  state.  We  have 
seen  that,  in  bringing  Italy  under  Roman  rule,  either 
the  peoples  had  been  made  Roman  citizens  or  their  rela- 
tions had  been  determined  by  a  perpetual  treaty  (§§  382- 
384).  But  when,  at  the  close  of  the  first  Punic  war, 
Sicily   and   Sardinia   became   Roman,  neither   of   these 

*  Such  men  were  called  piihlicani,  "contractors,"  whence  our  word 
"publican."     They  formed  a  large  part  of  the  equestrian  order  (§439). 


The  Provinces  363 

methods  was  adopted,  but  a  praetor  (§  353)  was  placed  in 
charge  of  them.  This  kind  of  authority,  that  of  a  mili-  The 
tary  magistrate  dealing  with  conquered  peoples,  was 
called  provincia,  a  name  which  was  also  given  to  the  terri- 
tory thus  governed.  The  prastor  maintained  order  and 
rendered  justice  in  the  province;  his  authority  was  sus- 
tained by  a  body  of  Roman  soldiers.  By  this  means  no 
new  magistrates  were  appointed  nor  any  new  authority 
created  by  the  Roman  administration.  The  plan  worked 
well  enough  for  a  temporary  expedient,  but  the  dangers 
of  giving  the  unlimited  authority  of  a  military  magistrate 
to  the  governor  of  conquered  territories  soon  became  clear 
as  Rome's  conc^uests  extended.  Of  these  we  shall  hear 
in  the  coming  years. 

425.  Rome  Ruler  of  the  West. — The  year  200  B.C. 
saw  Rome  the  ruler  of  the  western  Mediterranean.  The 
regions  that  had  been  dominated  by  Carthage — North 
Africa,  Spain,  Sicily,  and  the  other  islands — passed  un- 
der Roman  sway.  The  city,  which  had  successfully 
united  Italy  and  held  it  firm  against  the  terrific  assaults 
of  Hannibal,  had  now  a  larger  task,  the  ruling  of  the 
west.  Its  imperial  destiny  was  becoming  clearer.  The  New 
questions  which  now  pressed  for  solution  were  such  as  '^°  ^^^' 
these:  Was  Rome's  dominion  to  be  limited  to  the  west? 
Could  Rome  succeed  in  uniting  and  governing  its  em- 
pire, as  it  had  succeeded  with  Italy?  In  these  new 
imperial  tasks  was  Rom.e  itself  to  remain  unchanged? 
These  questions  were  soon  to  have  their  answer. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  noted: 
Agathocles,  Regulus,  Fabius  Maximus,  Philip  V,  Zama,  Me- 
taurus?  2.  Name  in  order  the  battles  of  the  second  Punic  war. 
3.  What  is  meant  by  praetor,  quaestor,  censor,  provincia,  Punic, 


864  The  Struggle  with  Carthage 

Latin  colony,  allied  state?  4.  What  was  the  duration  of  this 
period  (dates)  and  how  much  of  it  was  taken  up  with  the  wars 
with  Carthage?  5.  What  was  the  character  of  the  senate 
during  the  period  of  the  Carthaginian  wars?  6.  Explain  the 
position  of  a  tribune  in  the  senate  at  this  time.  7.  What  was 
the  tribal  arrangement?  8.  In  what  state  matters  had  the 
senate  control?  Give  in  detail  the  method  of  transacting 
business  in  the  senate,  9.  Describe  the  system  of  voting  in 
use  in  the  Roman  assemblies. 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  Roman  province 
with  the  provinces  of  Egypt  (§42),  Assyria  (§§65,  70),  Persia 
(§  Si)  and  Alexander  the  Great  (§299).  2.  Compare  Hannibal's 
invasion  of  Italy  with  the  Persian  invasion  of  Greece  (§§  165, 
169-175).  3.  "Success  is  in  no  way  necessary  to  greatness." 
Does  Hannibal's  career  justify  this  assertion? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Rome  and  Carthage  Con- 
trasted, (a)  Rome's  Organization,  Army  and  Navy.  How 
and  Leigh,  pp.  131-143.  {b)  The  Organization  and  Resources 
of  Carthage.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  143-149.  2.  The  First  Punic 
War.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  149-162.  3.  The  Second  Punic  War. 
How  and  Leigh,  chs.  21,22.  4.  The  Battle  of  Cannae.  How  and 
Leigh,  pp.  194-198.  5.  Hannibal's  Character.  How  and  Leigh, 
pp.  171-172. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Cartha- 
ginian Empire.  Shuckburgh,  pp.  223-232;  Myres,  pp.  149-152; 
Horton,  pp.  60-63.  2.  The  First  Punic  War.  Shuckburgh,  chs. 
18,  19.  3.  The  Second  Punic  War.  Shuckburgh,  chs.  22-25; 
Myres,  chs.  16-18.  4.  The  Story  of  Regulus.  Seignobos,  pp. 
92-93.  5.  Hannibal's  March  to  Italy.  Laing,  pp.  362-373 
(source);  Munro,  pp.  85-86  (source);  Horton,  pp.  78-81.  6.  The 
Battle  of  Cannae.  Laing,  pp.  372-380  (source);  Morey,  pp.  117, 
118;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  323-328.  7.  Fabius  Maximus.  Plutarch's 
Life  of  Fabius.  8.  Hannibal  as  a  Man.  Laing,  pp.  360-362 
(source);  Seignobos,  p.  99.  9.  Hannibal  as  a  General:  His 
Strategy  (a)  at  Trebia,  (6)  at  Ticinus,  (c)  at  Trasimene,  {d)  at 
Cannae— see  the  histories  as  referred  to  above.  lO.  The  Roman 
Provincial  System.  Abbott,  pp.  88-91;  Horton,  ch.  14;  Morey, 
pp.  146-14S. 


Wars  with  Macedonia  365 


5.— ROME'S   CONQUEST    OF   THE    EAST 

200-133  B.C. 

426.  Preliminary  Survey. — The  year  200  B.C.  marks  Preliminary 
the  moment  when  the  separate  stream  of  Roman  history  ^"''^^y- 
merges  into  the  main  current  of  the  larger  history  of  the 

world  of  the  east.     How  rich  and  splendid  in  its  culture 
that  Greek  world  had  become,  how  active  and  absorbed 
it  was  in  its  imperial  enterprises  and  how  fatally  it  was 
weakened  through  its  division  into  three  great  monar- 
chies, has  already  been  described  (§§  307-309,  318,  322, 
327).    Rome's  progress,  at  first  only  indirectly  connected  The 
with  the  eastern  world,  had  steadily  moved  in  the  direction  Kingdoms, 
of  closer  relations  (§  327).     Hardly  had  the  conflict  with 
Carthage  been  won,  when  a  war  broke  out  with  Mace- 
donia.    Thus  Rome  was  involved  directly  with  the  poli-  Rome 
tics  of  the  east  and  could  not  call  a  halt  until  the  king-  Lo^d^r 
doms  of  Macedonia,  Syria  and  Egypt,  with  the  lesser  the  East, 
powers  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  became  either  subjects 
or  allies  of  Rome.     Thus  was  created  an  empire  around 
the  Mediterranean  sea,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Eu- 
phrates river.     This  splendid  conquering  career  with  its 
cfTects  on  Roman  life  we  are  now  to  follow  in  detail. 

427.  Wars  of  Rome  with  Macedonia,  215-205  B.C. — ■ 

The  war  with  Philip  V  of  Macedonia  that  followed  his  al-  overthrow 
liance  with  Hannibal  (§§  327,  411)  was  brought  to  an  end  v_  '  '^ 
in  205  B.C.  by  a  treaty  of  peace  that  was  hardly  more  than 
a  temporary  truce.  Philip,  however,  was  the  first  to  vio- 
late it  by  attacking  Roman  allies  in  Greece  and  the  east; 
the  Romans  were  not  slow  to  respond  by  a  declaration  of 
war  (200  B.C.).     The  chief  powers  of  Greece,  the  ^Etolian 


3G6 


Conquest  of  the  East 


Second 
Macedo- 
nian War 
(200-197 
B.C.). 


Greece 
Made  Free. 


Antiochus 

III 

Defeated. 


and  Achaean  leagues  (§§  320-322),  joined  with  them. 
After  two  ineffectual  years,  Titus  Quinctius  Flam-i-ni'nus 
led  the  Roman  legions  to  victory  at  the  battle  of  Cy'nos- 
ceph'a-las  (197  B.C.),  in  Thessaly,  where  against  the  Ro- 
man maniples  the  Macedonian  phalanx  as  a  fighting 
machine  was  found  wanting.  Philip  obtained  peace  at 
the  price  of  becoming  a  dependent  ally  of  Rome,  losing 
all  territory  outside  of  Macedonia  and  paying  one  thou- 
sand talents.  As  for  Greece  itself,  the  Romans  declared 
its  several  states  to  be,  henceforth,  independent  of  the 
authority  which  Macedon  had  tried  to  impose  on  Greece 
since  the  battle  of  Chaeroneia  (§  277).  All  Greece  was 
free  once  more  to  work  out  its  own  salvation.  Rome  had 
no  desire  to  interfere  with  its  affairs  and  would  see  to  it 
that  no  other  power  did  so. 

428.  War  with  Antiochus,  192-188  B.C. — Antiochus 
III,  king  of  Syria,  however,  viewed  with  increasing  dis- 
favor the  appearance  of  Rome  in  the  east.  Roman  in- 
fluence opposed  him  in  Egypt  and  on  the  coasts  of  Asia 
Minor.  To  him  Hannibal  fled  a  few  years  after  the  fall 
of  Carthage  and  kept  his  anger  hot.  Now,  upon  the  over- 
throw of  Macedonia,  a  suitable  time  seemed  to  him  to  have 
come  to  assert  his  supremacy  over  Greece.  On  the  invi- 
tation of  the  ^tolian  league  he  entered  Greece  (192  B.C.). 
But  in  the  next  year  he  was  defeated  in  the  historic  pass 
of  Thermopylae  and  driven  out  of  Greece.  The  follow- 
ing year  (190  B.C.)  the  Roman  army  under  Lucius  Cor- 
nelius  Scipio,*  the  consul,  who  was  aided  by  his  brother, 
the  victor  of  Zama,  crossed  into  Asia  Minor  and  over- 
threw the  army  of  Antiochus  at  Magnesia.  The  proud 
king  made  a  humiliating  peace,  resigned  his  possessions  in 

*  Because  of  this  victory  he  got  the  title  Asiaticus. 


Fall  of  Macedon  3G7 

Europe  and  Asia  Minor  and  paid  an  indemnity  of  twelve 
thousand  talents  to  the  Romans.  He  further  agreed  to 
keep  no  war  elephants  and  to  add  no  warships  to  the  ten 
which  he  was  permitted  to  retain.  The  treaty  called  for 
the  surrender  of  Hannibal,  but  the  great  general  escaped, 
only  to  flee  from  place  to  place  until,  in  183  B.C.,  he  ended 
his  own  life  by  poison.  The  territories  taken  from  An- 
tiochus  were  handed  over  to  loyal  allies;  Eumenes,  king 
of  Pergamon  (§  326),  received  a  large  share,  and  his  king- 
dom became,  along  with  Rhodes,  a  bulwark  of  Roman 
influence  in  the  east.  The  Seleucid  empire  never  recov- 
ered from  this  blow  which  proved  to  the  subject  peoples 
in  Asia  that  their  Greek  masters  were  not  invincible.  A 
long  series  of  revolts  and  dynastic  struggles  followed 
which  left  only  a  weakened  fragment  of  the  once  great 
empire  when  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

429.  The  Third  Macedonian  War,  171-167  B.C. — Eigh- 
teen years  passed  quietly  when,  in  171  B.C.,  war  broke  out 
a  third  time  with  Macedonia.  Philip  had  been  followed 
by  his  son  Perseus,  who  succeeded  in  gaining  a  number  of 
Greek  states  to  unite  with  him  in  resisting  Rome.  They 
felt  that  freedom  under  Roman  patronage  was  not  real 
freedom.  Perseus  offered  a  long  and  vigorous  resistance;  Pydns 
but  in  168  B.C.  he  was  defeated  by  Lucius  ^Emilius  Paulus 
at  Pydna,  where  again  the  Macedonian  phalanx  was  shat- 
tered. The  king  fled  with  his  treasure,  but  was  captured; 
an  immense  booty  was  brought  to  Rome,  where  Paulus 
enjoyed  the  most  splendid  "triumph"  (§385)  that  the 
city  had  ever  seen.  The  state  treasury  was  filled  so  full 
that  the  regular  tax  upon  the  citizens  was  remitted  and 
was  not  again  imposed.  Macedonia  was  divided  into 
four  separate  independent  districts  allied  to  Rome;  the 


368 


Conqueat  of  the  East 


Settlement 
of  Mace- 
donia and 
Greece. 


Revolt  of 
Seleucid 
Dependen- 
cies. 


free  states  of  Greece  were  severely  dealt  with.  The  re- 
bellious leagues  of  ^tolia  and  Bo^otia  were  dissolved. 
The  Achasan  league,  which  had  stood  loyal,  had  to  send 
one  thousand  of  its  leading  citizens  to  Rome,  where 
they  were  unjustly  detained  in  practical  exile  for  many 
years.  Among  them  was  Po-lyb'i-us,  who  afterward  wrote 
a  history  of  the  Roman  conquest  of  the  world.  Even  the 
loyal  allies  of  Rome  iii  the  east,  Pergamon  and  Rhodes, 
were  treated  harshly. 

430.  The  Maccabaean  Uprising  in  Judea. — The  next 
twenty  years  (168-149  '^■^•)  show  Rome  at  a  standstill 
in  eastern  affairs.  All  the  eastern  powers  hung  upon  the 
word  of  the  senate,  and  their  ambassadors  thronged  the 
senate-house.  During  these  years,  as  we  have  seen  (§§ 
319,  428),  the  Jews  burst  out  in  rebellion  against  Antio- 
chus  IV  of  Syria  because  he  had  violated  the  sanctity  of 
their  temple  and  trampled  upon  their  sacred  law.  Led 
by  the  valiant  family  called  the  Maccabees,  they  heroically 
and  successfully  fought  off  the  Syrian  armies  and  sought 
the  aid  of  Rome,  which  made  a  treaty  with  them,  but  gave 
no  actual  help.  At  last  they  secured  their  independence 
in  143  B.  c,  under.Simon  Mac-ca_-bae'iLS_,  and  set  up  a  king- 
dom ruled  by  members  of  his  family.  The  greater  and 
lesser  powers  of  the  east  were  falling  into  decay.  The 
Greek  states  intrigued  and  squabbled.  The  kingdoms 
of  Syria  and  Egypt  were  rent  by  internal  quarrels. 
Rome  stood  grimly  by  and  waited,  vexed  by  the  continual 
appeals  for  her  aid,  yet  unready  to  take  active  steps  for 
interference. 

431.  The  Roman  Attitude  toward  the  Eastern  Powers. 
— Thus  far  Rome  had  been  drawn  on  into  the  affairs 
of  the  east  with  hesitation  and  uncertainty.     The  troubles 


I 


Prestige  of  the  Romans  3G9 

with  Macedonia  and  Syria  had  not  been  of  her  making; 
she  had  avoided  responsibility  wherever  possible;  the 
conquered  lands  had  not  been  absorbed,  but  left  as 
dependents  or  allies.  Moreover,  the  weaker  powers 
were  constantly  seeking  her  aid  or  protection  against 
their  more  powerful  and  aggressive  neighbors.  In  this 
Greek  world  of  unending  strife  and  discord,  of  intrigue 
and  political  corruption,  the  blunt,  practical,  sober  Ro- 
maQ^was  welcomed  as  a  friend  and  deliverer  by  all  who 
;  looked  for  protection  against  the  greater  powers  by  whom 
I  they  were  surrounded.  How  the  Romans  were  looked  Attitude  cf 
upon  by  some  of  the  lesser  peoples  of  the  east  is  strikingly  [^^^^^^ 
shown  by  a  passage  from  one  of  the  Jewish  books  of  the  Rome, 
time.  When  the  Jews  were  making  their  desperate  fight 
for  independence  they  looked  about  for  helpers.  The 
first  Book  of  Maccabees  says: 

And  Judas  heard  of  the  fame  of  the  Romans,  that  they  are  valiant 
men,  and  have  pleasure  in  all  that  join  themselves  unto  them,  witli 
their  friends  and  such  as  relied  upon  them  they  kept  amity;  and 
they  conquered  the  kingdoms  that  were  nigh  and  those  that  were 
far  off,  and  all  that  heard  of  their  fame  were  afraid  of  them;  more- 
over, whomsoever  they  will  to  succor  and  to  make  kings,  these  do 
they  make  kings;  and  whomsoever  they  will,  do  they  depose;  and 
they  are  exalted  exceedingly:  and  for  all  this  none  of  them  ever  did 
put  on  a  diadem,  neither  did  they  clothe  themselves  with  purple,  to 
be  magnified  thereby!  and  how  they  had  made  for  themselves  a 
senate-house,  and  day  by  day  three  hundred  and  twenty  men  sat 
in  council,  consulting  alway  for  the  people,  to  the  end  that  they  might 
be  well  ordered;  and  how  they  commit  their  government  to  one  man 
year  by  year,  that  he  should  rule  over  them,  and  be  lord  over  all  their 
country,  and  all  are  obedient  to  that  one,  and  there  is  neither  envy 
nor  emulation  among  them. — i  Maccabees,  viii,  i,  12-16, 

432.  Rome  Slowly  Changes  Its  Attitude  for  the  Worse. 

— As  time  went  on,  however,  the   temper  of   the   Ro- 


in  Greece. 


370  Conquest  of  the  East 

mans  slowly  changed.  They  could  not  understand  the 
politics  of  the  east  nor  the  character  of  its  peoples. 
They  despised  the  cunning  and  weakness  of  the  Greeks, 
they  were  constantly  disturbed  by  the  quarrels  and  in- 
trigues of  the  various  states  and  by  outbreaks  against 
their  own  authority.  The  opportunities  for  gaining 
wealth  and  influence  afforded  by  the  decay  of  the  eastern 
Rome  powers  attracted  them.     Thus  they  came  to  interfere 

TyraMicai.  ^norc  and  more  directly,  to  make  an  unrighteous  use  of 
their  superior  position  and  power  in  enforcing  obedience 
to  their  will;  they  became  grasping  and  arrogant,  until, 
in  place  of  the  respect  and  hope  which  they  had  once 
inspired,  the  Greeks  began  to  fear  and  hate  them. 
Rebellion  433.  Ovcrthrow  of  Greek  Freedom,  146  B.C. — Things 
came  to  a  head  by  a  rebellion  in  the  Macedonian  dis- 
tricts (149  B.C.)  followed  by  troubles  with  the  Achaean 
league  (146  B.C.).  The  whole  country  was  seething  with 
discontent  now  that  the  freedom  accorded  by  Rome  was 
found  to  be  a  hollow  sham.  The  Roman  senate,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  lost  all  patience  with  the  Greek  states, 
because  of  their  interminable  bickerings.  The  return  of 
the  hostages  taken  from  Achaea  after  Pydna  fostered  the 
discontent  in  that  district.  Thus  out  of  a  petty  incident 
a  pitiful  war  arose  between  the  Achaeans  and  Rome. 
In  146  B.C.  the  consul  Mummius  captured  Corinth  and 
order  was  restored  in  Greece.  Macedonia  was  made  a 
province;  the  Achaean  league  was  dissolved;  Greece 
was  placed  under  the  authority  of  the  governor  of  Mace- 
donia. In  connection  with  the  subjection  of  Greece, 
the  city  of  Corinth  was  deliberately  destroyed  and  its  art 
treasures  carried  to  Rome,  Thus  the  last  vestige  of 
Greek  freedom  perished. 


Merchants  in  Politics 


371 


CARTHAGE. 


434.  Destruction  of  Carthage,  149-146  B.C. — During 
these  years  the  Roman  name  was  stained  by  another  act 
of  oppression.  The  years  of  peace  had  raised  Carthage 
to  a  high  degree  of  prosperity  which  excited  the  jealousy 
of  her  old  rival. 
The  Roman  mer- 
chants demanded 
its  destruction. 
The  senators  took 
their  point  of 
view;  none  more 
insistently  than 
M.  Porcius  Cato, 
who  is  said  to 
have  ended  every 
speech  in  that 
body  with  the 
well-known 
phrase  ^^  Carth- 
ago delenda  est^ 
A  pretext  for  war 
was  found  in  the 
fact  that  the 
Carthaginians  in 
self-protection 
had  taken  up  arms  against  territorial  aggressions  on  the 
part  of  their  neighbor  Massinissa  (§413).  Technically 
this  was  a  violation  of  the  treaty  of  201  B.C.  To  save 
themselves  from  war  the  Carthaginians  sent  three  hun- 
dred of  their  leading  citizens  to  Rome  and  even  gave 
up  all  their  arms.  Then  came  the  cruel  command  that 
they  should  abandon  Carthage  and  settle  ten  miles  from 


372 


Conquest  of  the  East 


Rebellion 
in  Africa. 


Disturb- 
ances in 
Spain, 


Viriathus 


Addition 
of  Asia. 


the  sea.  At  this,  uncontrollable  anger  led  them  to  re- 
sist to  the  utmost.  Two  years  of  fierce  fighting  followed. 
Finally  the  command  of  the  Roman  army  was  given  to 
P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  a  son  of  yEmilius  Paulus,  the  victor 
of  Pydna,  who  had  been  adopted  into  the  family  of 
Africanus.  He  proved  a  general  of  capacity,  and,  in 
spite  of  its  heroic  resistance,  he  forced  his  way  into  Car- 
thage, destroyed  the  city,  and  enslaved  the  surviving  in- 
habitants. Out  of  the  conquered  territory  was  formed 
the  province  of  Africa  (149-146  B.C.).  In  Spain  the 
wanton  injustice  and  aggression  of  Roman  governors 
kept  the  land  continually  in  uproar.  Fierce  wars  were 
waged  with  the  various  tribes.  An  heroic  defender  of 
Spanish  freedom  arose  in  Vi-ri-a'thus,  who  for  nine  years 
(149-140  B.C.)  not  only  kept  the  Romans  at  bay,  but 
defeated  their  generals,  and  was  finally  disposed  of  by 
assassination.  Roman  territory  in  Spain  was  not  secure 
till  133  B.C.  when  Scipio  ^Emilianus  took  and  destroyed 
Numantia.  The  same  year  (133  B.C.)  the  king  of  Per- 
gamon,  the  faithful  ally  of  Rome  in  the  east,  died,  be- 
cjueathing  his  state  to  the  Roman  people.  Out  of  it 
was  made  the  province  of  Asia. 

435.  The  Provinces  and  Their  Government. — Thus, 
by  133  B.C.  Rome  ruled  seven  provinces,  Sicily,  Sardinia 
(including  Corsica),  Spain  (divided  into  two),  Macedonia, 
Africa  and  Asia.  Strong  colonies  dominated  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  though  it  had  not  yet  received  a  provincial  organ- 
ization. The  rapid  growth  of  her  foreign  domains  had 
made  it  impossible  for  Rome  to  alter  the  original  tem- 
porary form  of  government  given  to  them  (§  428);  it 
now  became  permanent.  In  addition  to  the  praetorSj^who 
were  too  few  in  number  or  were  sufficiently  occupied  at 


Provincial  Goveimvient  373 

home,  the  government  of  the  province  was  assigned  to 
ofi&cers  on  whom  was  conferred  the  same  authority  as  that 
of  a  consul  or  prastor.  They  were  in  fact  consuls  or 
praetors  whose  terms  were  prolonged  by  vote  of  the  senate 
and  who  acted  in  the  place  of  *  these  magistrates.  Hence  The 
they  were  called  proconsuls  or  propraetors.  A  kind  of  con-  ^°'^°^^  • 
stitution  was  established  for  each  province,  determining  The 
such  matters  as  the  tribute  to  be  paid,  the  status  of  the  conrtuu^ 
different  communities  in  the  province  and  the  rights  and  tion. 
duties  of  the  provincials.  The  province  was  in  general 
a  honeycomb  of  separate  cities  whose  citizens  could  not 
bear  arms  or  enter  into  wars,  but  had  in  their  own  hands 
almost  the  entire  conduct  of  local  administration.  The 
proconsul  simply  supervised  the  cities,  thus  taking  the 
place,  in  the  east,  of  the  Hellenistic  monarchs  (§§  299, 
319).  His  rights  often  depended  upon  the  fact  that  the 
Greek  cities  added  the  goddess  Roma  to  their  circle  of 
deities  (§  300)  and  sometimes  the  proconsul  himself  was 
deified.  His  authority  was  wide,  limited  only  in  a  vague 
general  way  by  the  terms  of  the  provincial  constitution; 
his  obligations  were  equally  extensive.  He  administered 
justice,  preserved  the  peace,  through  a  qucestor  he  directed 
the  finances  and  saw  to  the  tribute;  he  was  responsible  for 
the  prosperity  and  progress  of  his  province.  The  collec- 
tion of  the  taxes  was,  according  to  the  accepted  Roman 
system  (§  423),  taken  over  by  contractors,  the  publicanl, 
who  assumed  the  responsibility  of  paying  to  the  state  the 
amount  it  required,  and  made  a  profit  out  of  what  they 
could  squeeze  from  the  unhappy  provincials  over  and 
above  the  legal  tribute.  This  "  farming  out "  of  the  taxes 
was  thus  capable  of  serious  abuse.     The  success  of  such 

*  The  Latin  word  for  "in  the  place  of"  is  pro. 


374  Conquest  of  the  East 

Weakness     a  systcm  depended  upon  the  character  of  the  governor, 


of  the 
System. 


since,  left  practically  alone  with  powers  so  large,  he  could 
carry  out  his  own  will  without  interference.  Appointed 
for  but  one  year,  all  that  he  could  accomplish  for  good  or 
ill  must  be  done  in  this  brief  time.  It  was  not  strange, 
therefore,  that  some  of  them  yielded  to  temptations  to  be 
unjust,  selfish  and  cruel.  In  149  B.C.  it  became  necessary 
to  establish  a  court  at  home  where  such  injustice  could 
be  brought  to  trial.  But,  as  the  accused  could  not  be 
tried  till  his  term  of  office  was  over,  and  as  the  court  was 
made  up  of  senators  who  either  had  been  or  might  become 
governors  of  provinces,  the  remedy  was  of  little  avail. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Significance  of  the  events  connected 
with  Cynoscephalae,  Pydna,  Magnesia.  2.  For  what  are  the 
following  famous:  Viriathus,  Simon  Maccabaeus,  Polybius? 
3.  What  is  meant  by  proconsul,  Achaean  league,  phalanx, 
kingdom  of  Syria,  empire  of  Alexander? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Rome's  advance  into 
the  east  with  Alexander's  (§§  2S2,  290,  292,  299).  2.  How  far  was 
the  Jewish  praise  of  the  Romans  (§  431)  justified  in  the  past 
history  of  the  Romans?  3.  Compare  the  Greek  phalanx  and 
•  the  Roman  legion.  4.  "  I  count  it  glory  not  to  possess  wealth 
but  to  rule  those  who  do."  Show  how  this  reveals  the  strength 
and  the  weakness  of  the  Roman  character. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  East  about  200  b.c.  How 
and  Leigh,  pp.  253-260.  2.  The  First  and  Second  Macedonian 
Wars.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  261-265.  3.  The  Third  Macedonian 
War.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  275-280.  4.  Scipio  Africanus. 
How  and  Leigh,  pp.  215-216,  273.  (a)  His  character;  {h)  His 
Politics.     How  and  Leigh,  pp.  300-305. 

TOPICS   FOR   READING   AND    ORAL   REPORT,    i.  The   East 

about  200  B.C.  Moray,  pp.  125-127;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  27.  2. 
The  First  and  Second  Macedonian  Wars.  Plutarch,  Life  of 
Flaminius;  Botsford,  pp.  iiO-iiS;  Myres,  ch.  20;  Shuckburgh, 
ch.  28.     3.  The  War  with  Antiochus.     Myres,  ch,   21.     4.  The 


Romaii  Occupations  375 

Third  Macedonian  War,  Myres,  ch.  22;  Horton,  pp.  145-158; 
Shucklnirgh,  ch.  31;  Seignobos,  pp.  126-130.  $•  The  Life  of 
Scipio  Africanus  (see  Inde.x  to  Shuckburgh,  under  his  name).  6. 
Change  in  Roman  Policy  toward  the  East.  Seignobos,  pp.  130- 
131;  Morey,  p.  134.  7.  The  End  of  Greek  Freedom.  Myres 
pp.  285-289;  8.  The  Fall  of  Carthage.  Myres,  pp.  289-297; 
Botsford,  pp.  123-126;  Seignobos,  pp.  131-135;  Horton,  pp.  165-168. 
9.  Summary  of  the  Period  before  the  Gracchi.  Heitland, 
Roman  Republic,  vol.  II,  pp.  253-255. 


6.— THE   DECLINE   OF   THE   ROMAN 

REPUBLIC  , 

133-44  (27)  B.C. 

436.  Changes  in  Rome's  Inner  Life. — This  extension 
in  Rome's  foreign  relations,  by  which  she  came  to  take 
the  leading  part  in  the  Mediterranean  world,  was  ac- 
companied by  a  remarkable  series  of  changes  in  her  inner 
life.     The  whole  process  resulted  in  the  transformation 

of  the  state.  Before  proceeding  to  follow  the  next  steps  causes. 
in  this  transformation,  we  stop  to  study  the  internal 
changes  which  had  so  large  a  part  in  bringing  it  about.* 
Two  things  were  chiefly  responsible  for  these  changes  in 
Rome;  one  was  the  growth  of  capitalism  or  money-power, 
the  other  the  incoming  of  Hellenistic  civilization.  Work- 
ing separately  or  in  unison,  they  affected  every  phase  of 
Roman  public  and  private  life. 

437.  Occupations. — Capitalism  appeared  as  the  out- 
come of  a  process  which  quite  altered  the  chief  occupa- 
tions of  Roman  citizens.  In  this  process  agriculture, 
still  the  prevailing  Italian  activity,  changed  its  form  and, 
ceasing  in  the  case  of  the  rich  to  be  an  occupation,  bc- 

*  The  order  of  the  topics  treated  will  be  in  the  main  the  same  as  that 
in  §§  386-397,  thus  making  comparison  easier. 


376 


Decline  of  the  liej)ubltc 


The  Far- 
mer Dis- 
appears. 


Rise  of 

Great 
Estates. 


Money  and 
Banking. 


came  an  investment.  The  peasant  proprietors  of  small 
holdings  by  no  means  disappeared,  but  they  diminished 
rapidly  in  numbers.  The  rural  free  laborer  gave  way  to 
the  slave.  The  second  Punic  war  had  devastated  wide 
regions  and  impoverished  many  farmers.  The  serious 
garrison  duties  in  the  new  provinces  and  the  long  booty- 
less  wars  in  Spain  and  along  the  frontiers  kept  tens  of 
thousands  of  them  absent  from  their  farms  for  years  at  a 
stretch.  The  new  provinces  sent  in  great  quantities  of 
grain  which  the  government  after  123  B.C.  distributed  at 
a  cheap  rate.  Italian  grain  raisers  could  not  compete 
with  this;  a  bad  season  brought  them  to  ruin.  Thus 
their  land  went  into  the  hands  of  capitalists  who  organ- 
ized great  estates,  manned  them  with  cheap  slave  labor 
and  used  them  for  the  pasturage  of  vast  flocks  and  herds, 
or  turned  them  into  vineyards  and  olive  groves.  Industry 
and  manufacturing  might  have  offered  occupation  for 
these  farmers,  but  the  competition  of  foreign  workers  for- 
bade. The  well-developed  industrial  life  of  the  east 
(§§  19,  198,  309),  which  had  now  fallen  under  Roman 
influence,  was  far  superior  to  anything  that  Italy  had 
developed.  Such  manufacturing  as  existed  at  Rome  was 
done  largely  by  slave  labor.  Rome  became  not  a  pro- 
ducer of  goods,  but  the  centre  where  goods  were  ex- 
changed; the  Roman  merchant  flourished  on  business 
which  he  had  not  created.  His  chief  commodity  was 
money.  Banking  became  a  favorite  occupation,  the 
possession  and  investment  of  capital  the  main  element 
in  Roman  business  life.  The  foundation  of  great  fort- 
unes was  laid;  the  Roman  capitalist  took  his  place  as 
one  of  the  powers  of  the  time  and  reached  out  to  control 
the  world's  affairs. 


lyistinctiofi  of  Clajises  377 

438.  Social  Classes  Sharpened. — This  era  of  capital- 
ism brought  with  it  a  sharp  division  of  social  classes. 
Already  the  old  equality  and  unity  of  Roman  life  had 
been  threatened  by  the  distinctions  conferred  by  office  and 
wealth  (§  379).  In  place  of  the  patrician  aristocracy  had  The 
appeared  a  "nobility,"*  whose  position  was  gained  by  N°^''''y- 
these  means.     The  members  of  these  noble  families  came 

to  regard  themselves  as  alone  capable  of  filling  the  lead- 
ing public  offices  and,  therefore,  as  having  a  right  to  them 
(§  418).  From  them  came  the  majority  of  the  senators; 
the  senate,  therefore,  represented  the  interests  of  the 
nobility. 

439.  The  Equites. — Not  all  men  of  wealth,  however, 
belonged  to  the  nobility.  In  many  cases  the  capitalists 
were  of  lower  birth.  But  their  common  interests  drew 
them  together,  and  their  wealth  was  so  great  as  to  give 
them  entrance  to  the  class  of  equites  (§  423),  where  they 

soon  came  to  have  the  predominance.     Thus  the  cques-  The  Bus!- 
trian  order  was  sharply  marked  off  from  the  senatorial  ""^^^°- 
class,  as  representing  the  wealthy  business  men.     The 
interests  of  the  two  orders  often  clashed  and  brought 
trouble  into  the  state. 

440.  The  City  Population. — Beneath  these  two  classes 
was  the  rest  of  the  community.  The  farmers  and  their 
families  came  to  the  city  and  helped  to  swell  a  poor  and 
restless  population,  whose  chief  value  was  that  it  could 
vote.  Another  element  of  this  population  was  the  freed- 
men,  who  absorbed  more  and  more  of  the  petty  business 

of    the    capital.     The    slaves    became   very    numerous.  The  slave 

*  A  citizen  who  held  a  "curule"  office  thereby  ennobled  his  family  and 
won  for  them  the  right  of  placing  wax  masks  representing  the  features  of 
distinguished  ancestors  in  the  atrium  anrl  of  exhibiting  them  at  public 
funerals  of  members  of  the  family.     Such  families  were  nobiles. 


378  Decline  of  tlie  Republic 

Vast  numbers  of  them  were  bought  and  sold  in  the  course 
of  the  great  wars.  The  fortune  of  war  reduced  all  classes 
of  conquered  peoples,  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  edu- 
cated and  the  ignorant,  the  strong  and  the  weak,  under 
one  common  yoke;  in  course  of  time  they  were  distrib- 
uted about  in  the  various  occupations  according  to  their 
ability,  and  their  value  was  thus  determined.  The  aver- 
age price  of  slaves  ranged  from  sixty  to  one  hundred 
dollars.  They  were  employed  in  the  country  for  farm- 
ing and  herding.  They  became  indispensable  in  the 
private  houses,  in  the  mercantile  and  manufacturing  ac- 
tivities of  the  city  and  as  helpers  in  the  state  service. 
Their  lot  was  hard,  particularly  that  of  the  country  slave, 
who  was  numbered  with  the  cattle  and  the  dogs. 
/  441.  Ways  of  Living. — Wealth  and  power  wrought  a 
/  striking  change  in  the  living  of  the  upper  classes.  The 
I  old  simplicity  gave  way  to  luxury.  The  form  was  de- 
termined by  the  models  of  Hellenistic  life,  which  now  be- 
The  House,;  Came  the  fashion.  The  house  was  enlarged  by  opening 
a  door  through  the  rear  and  adding  a  court,  which  was 
surrounded  by  rooms.  This  was  the  per'i-style,  and  it  soon 
became  the  principal  part  of  the  dwelling,  the  a'tri-um 
being  regarded  as  a  kind  of  front  parlor  or  state  apart- 
ment. A  second  story  was  added  and  the  sleeping-rooms 
placed  in  it.  The  interior  was  decorated  with  increasing 
splendor,  elaborate  frescoes  adorned  the  walls,  mosaics 
were  set  into  the  floor,  ceilings  were  panelled  and  gilded. 
Many  costly  pieces  of  furniture  replaced  the  former  bare 
and  simple  furnishings.  The  sun-dial  and  the  water- 
clock  came  from  Greece.  The  bath-room  was  an  indis- 
pensable part  of  the  new  house.  Public  baths,  also,  were 
established,  and  grew  in  number  and  splendor.     The 


Furnish' 
ings. 


Growth  of  Luxury  379 

furnishings  of  the  table  assumed  unusual  importance. 
New  kinds  of  food  were  introduced.  Wider  conquests  Food, 
brought  new  delicacies,  nuts  and  fruits;  wild  game  was 
much  used;  the  peacock  was  a  special  dainty;  fish  and 
oysters  became  popular.  A  slave  who  was  a  good  cook 
was  highly  esteemed  and  was  worth  five  thousand  dollars. 
The  stool  or  bench  gave  way  to  the  couch,  on  which 
people  reclined  at  dinner.  Abundance  of  silver  plate, 
costly  wines,  many  courses,  rich  dresses,  music  and 
dancing — all  these  show  that  the  abstemious,  severe  Ro- 
man of  the  early  days  was  yielding  to  the  new  oppor- 
tunities for  rich  living  that  conquest  and  money  put  in 
his  way. 

442.  Amusements. — Roman  amusements  disclose  sim- 
ilar changes.  The  Greek  fashion  of  having  games  in  Games 
connection  with  religious  festivals  (§  128)  becam.e  popu- 
lar. Greek  athletes  were  often  employed.  The  exhibi- 
tions of  chariot-driving  (§  390)  and  wrestling  soon  over- 
shadowed the  religious  side  of  the  celebration.  The 
man  craving  for  sensation  led  to  the  exhibition  of  wild 
beasts,  whose  contests  were  heartily  enjoyed.  The  most 
savage  animals  were  imported  from  the  ends  of  the 
earth.  Worse  than  this  were  the  gladiatorial  contests,  ciadi 
which  first  appeared  at  Rome  in  264  B.C.  Etruria,  not 
Greece,  was  the  home  of  this  demoralizing  sport,  but  it 
found  a  congenial  place  in  Roman  life.  At  first  exhibited 
at  private  funerals,  it  soon  became  a  part  of  public  life. 
In  the  beginning  captives  fought  for  their  lives  before  the 
populace;  then  men  were  trained  for  this  purpose  and 
were  hired  to  exhibit  their  skill  in  public.  The  idle  and 
sensation-loving  horde  of  city-folk  went  wild  with  excite- 
ment   over    such    displays.     Conservative    and    decent 


torial 
Shows. 


380  Decl'me  of  the  Republic 

Gambling,  officials  tried  in  vain  to  suppress  them  by  law.  Gam- 
bling with  dice  for  high  stakes  was  a  growing  vice  of  the 
rich  and  no  legislation  could  avail  against  it.  Music  and 
dancing  came  to  be  regular  accompaniments  of  luxurious 
feasts.  The  sober  sense  of  the  old  Roman  was  shocked 
by  the  establishment  of  a  dancing-school,  where  the 
children  of  high  and  low  mingled  in  dances  which  were 
far  from  becoming. 

443.  The  Theatre. — Greek  influence  was  responsible 
for  the  rapid  growth  of  theatrical  performances.  Tem- 
porary wooden  theatres  on  Greek  models  began  to  be 
erected  about  145  B.C.,  though  a  permanent  stone  struct- 
ure was  not  put  up  till  55  B.C.  It  held  at  least  seventeen 
thousand  people.  The  plays  were  mostly  comedies 
adapted  from  Greek  models.  The  actors  were  mainly 
slaves,  hired  from  a  training  master.  Few  well-to-do 
people  were  present,  as  they  regarded  the  performances 

A  Debasing  as  common  and  improper.  This  fact  naturally  lowered 
the  tone  of  the  theatre.  The  plays,  lacking  in  their  Roman 
copies  the  Greek  lightness  of  touch,  were  often  coarse 
and  vulgar  and  sometimes  made  sport  of  virtue  and  re- 
ligion. Immense  throngs  of  common  people  attended 
them  and  they  grew  into  great  popularity.  In  course  of 
time  their  character  improved;  they  came  to  have  some 
better  elements  and  aided  in  the  growth  of  culture. 

444.  Improvement  in  Education. — It  must  not  be  sup- 
posed that  Hellenistic  influence  was  all  for  the  worse. 
Roman  education,  for  example,  was  vastly  improved  by 

Greek  it.      Greek    literature,   with    its   wondrous    charm    and 

and^"^^^     power,  was  thrown  open  to  the  Romans;    all  that  was 
Literature     ncccssary  was  that  svstematic  instruction  in  the  Greek 

Studied. 

languaore  should  be  given.     This  the  multitudes  of  Greek 


Breadth  of 
View. 


Hellenizing  of  Rome  381 

slaves  could  easily  furnish.  It  now  became  the  custom 
that  every  child;  whose  education  was  properly  attended 
to,  learned  Greek.  Soon  every  educated  man  could  speak 
Greek  and  even  make  speeches  in  it.  To  master  an- 
other language  than  one's  own  is  in  itself  a  liberal  edu- 
cation, but,  in  addition  to  this,  the  Greek  language  led 
the  Roman  to  the  knowledge  of  an  unparalleled  litera- 
ture. Soon  other  and  higher  forms  of  Greek  training  Philosophy 
came  to  Rome — the  schools  of  rhetoric  and  philosophy 
(§§  266-267,  324)  for  the  further  broadening  of  the  Roman 
mind.  Thus,  in  addition  to  the  acquirement  of  knowl- 
edge for  practical  ends  (§  393),  came  education  for  mental 
culture.  Another  educative  influence  was  the  wider  hori-  New 
zon  which  opened  before  the  Roman  in  the  new  lands 
which  fell  under  his  sway.  Knowledge  of  other  civiliza- 
tions than  his  own,  of  the  wonderful  east  with  its  treasures 
of  art  and  architecture,  was  possible  for  him.  Young 
men  were  sent  out  to  travel  in  these  lands,  either  with  a 
tutor,  or  attached  to  a  staff  of  an  official  or  a  general. 
They  came  back  with  a  larger  outlook  on  men  and  things, 
no  longer  limited  by  their  own  native  town;  wider  ex- 
perience gave  them  sounder  judgment  and  prepared 
them  for  intelligent  leadership. 

445.  Birth  of  Roman  Literature. — Roman  literature 
and  art  likewise  received  a  mighty  uplift  from  Greece  in 
these  days.  As  the  Greek  school-teacher  revolutionized  under 
Roman  education,  so  he  also  produced  Roman  literature. 
Lucius  Livius  Andronicus  (about  250  B.C.),  a  Greek 
from  Tarentum,  translated  the  "Odyssey"  into  Latin, 
and  this  book  gradually  supplanted  the  Twelve  Tables 
(§  364)  as  the  chief  school  text-book.  He  also  adapted 
Greek  plays,  chiefly  those  of  Euripides  (§  228),  for  the 


Greek 
Influence. 


382  Decline  of  the  Republic 

Roman  stage.  Gnaeus  Naevius  (about  225  B.C.)  and 
Quintus  Ennius  (239-169  B.C.)  followed  in  his  footsteps 
in  writing  Latin  plays.     Thus  the  Latin  drama  on  Greek 

Comedy.  models  was  established.  Latin  comedy,  founded  on  the 
plays  of  Menander  (§304),  was  produced.  Here  the 
great  names  are  Titus  Maccius  Plautus  (254-184  B.C.) 
andfPublius  Terentius  (Terence).  The  latter  was  born 
at  Carthage  after  the  close  of  the  second  Punic  war  and 
taken  as  a  slave  to  Rome  (196-159  B.C.).  The  plays  of 
the  former  are  vivacious  and  strong;  those  of  the  latter 
are  smooth  and  elegant.  Both  Naevius  and  Ennius 
wrote  historical  poems;  the  one  described  the  first  Punic 
war,  the  other  told  the  story  of  Rome  from  the  beginning 
in  rude  Latin  hex-am'e-ters  in  Homeric  fashion.  Prose 
writing  began;  the  subject  was  history  and  the  language 

History.  was  Greek.  Thus  Quintus  Fabius  Pictor  wrote  of  Ro- 
man history  down  to  the  second  Punic  war,  in  which 

Cato  the  he  himsclf  was  an  actor.  Soon  Latin  prose  appeared,  the 
representative  of  which  was  Cato  the  Elder,  who  wrote  his 
Roman  history,  called  the  0-rig'i-nes,  about  168  B.C.;  by 
his  various  writings  on  agriculture,  war  and  law  he  made 
Latin  a  literary  tongue.  He  is  the  real  founder  of  Latin 
prose.  It  was  not  long  before  two  branches  of  literature 
appeared  in  which  the  native  Roman  genius  displayed 

Satire.  itsclf  Supremely — satire  and  oratory.  The  founder  of 
Roman  satirical  poetry  was  Gains  Lucilius  (148-103 
B.C.),  whose  biting  couplets  were  intensely  enjoyed  by 

Oratory.  all  but  their  subjects.  The  first  of  the  great  orators  were 
two  contemporaries,  Lucius  Licinius  Crassus  and  Marcus 
Antonius  (about  100  B.C.).  "To  hear  both  in  one  day 
was  the  highest  intellectual  entertainment  which  Rome 
afforded."     At  the  same  time  Roman  law  took  a  step  for- 


Hellenizijig  of  Rome  383 

ward  by  the  legal  writings  of  Quintus  Mucius  Scaevola  Law. 
(se'v  6  la)  (about  loo  b.c),  who  collected  and  organized 
into  a  series  of  works  the  legal  material  that  had  been 
gathering  for  centuries.  Architecture  now  had  the  ser-  Architect 
vices  of  Greek  masters  and  was  based  on  Greek  models.  ^t_*" 
Thus  around  the  Forum  arose  stately  public  porticoes 
like  those  of  Athens;  elsewhere  in  Rome  marble  temples 
and  galleries  began  to  appear.  An  era  of  good  taste  in 
sculpture  and  painting  began  as  the  Romans  came  in 
contact  with  the  masterpieces  of  Greek  art  in  Syracuse, 
Corinth  and  Athens.  Unfortunately,  they  were  not  satis- 
fied with  admiring  these;  they  began  to  covet  them  and 
soon  to  exercise  the  right  of  conquerors  by  carrying  them 
off  to  Rome.  In  this  field  even  more  clearly  than  in  liter- 
ature the  overpowering  effect  of  contact  with  Greece  is 
to  be  seen.  It  is  a  new  Rome  that  art  and  literature  re- 
veal to  us  after,  and  in  consequence  of,  the  conquest  of 
Greece. 

446.  The  Transforming  Effects  of  These  Influences. — 
Did  all  these  changes  take  place  in  Rome  without  effect 
upon  the  character  of  her  people  ?  This  is  the  most  im- 
portant question,  and  the  answer  to  it  reveals  as  startling 
a  transformation  as  has  thus  far  been  recorded.  The 
change  may  be  stated  in  brief.  Capitalism  and  culture 
destroyed  the  old  Roman  character  without  putting  any- 
thing better  in  its  place. 

447.  Social  Ideals  Broken  Down. — They  broke  down 
the  old  social  equality  in  which  all  lived  for  the  good  of 
the  state  (§§  362,  392).  Wealth  divided  men  into  classes 
and  introduced  new  and  strange  standards  of  life.  Self- 
ishness took  the  place  of  patriotism.  Men  sought  to  get 
gomething  out  of  the  state  instead  of  doing  something  for 


384  Decline  of  the  Republic 

the  state.  The  old  Roman  idea  of  doing  one's  duty  in 
one's  place  turned  into  the  practice  of  making  the  most 
of  one's  position  and  opportunity.  Thus  each  class  se- 
cured all  sorts  of  distinguishing  marks;  the  senators  had 
special  seats  at  the  circus;  the  citizen  had  a  special  dress 
and  a  ring  to  separate  him  from  the  foreigner;  every  suc- 
cessful general  sought  for  some  special  recognition  of  his 
The  services.     The  best  side  of  this  change  is  seen  in  the  in- 

sjjg"  lluence  of  Greek  culture  on  the  higher  class.     The  narrow 

preference  of  everything  Roman  passed  into  a  higher 
appreciation  of  what  other  peoples  had  done  in  art  and 
literature.  The  circle  of  men  that  gathered  about  the 
younger  Scipio*  was  characterized  by  a  generous  and 
broad  culture.  Greek  men  of  letters  were  welcomed  by 
Poiybius.  them.  Thus  Polybius,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Achaean 
league  whom  the  Romans  forced  to  go  to  Rome  (§  429), 
wrote  in  the  spirit  of  this  finer  life  a  History  in  Greek, 
in  which  he  hailed  the  union  of  Greek  thought  and  Ro- 
man action  as  a  good  omen  for  the  world's  future.  It 
is  the  first  worthy  piece  of  historical  literature  extant 
since  Thucydides  (§  227).  Yet  even  this  circle,  because 
of  its  broader  life,  regarded  itself  as  separated  from  the 
common  herd. 

448.  Moral  Standards  Destroyed. — Capitalism  and  cult- 
ure removed  the  old  Roman  ideas  of  right  and  wrong. 
Money  altered  the  way  in  which  people  thought  it  proper 
to  live,  introducing  luxury  and  show  in  the  place  of  the 
former  simplicity  (§389).     Deeds  were  done   for  gain 

*  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  the  victor  over  Hannibal  at  Zama,  was 
given  the  title  of  Africanus.  The  adopted  son  of  his  son  was  Publius 
Scipio,  called  ^milianus  because  he  was  the  son  of  ^milius  Paulus,  the 
victor  at  Pydna.  He  is  also  known  as  Africanus  the  younger  -because  of 
bis  capture  of  Carthage. 


Decay  of  Morals  385 

which  before  would  have  been  despised.  The  old  Ro- 
man self-respect  and  dignity  changed  to  pride  and  arro- 
gance; these  bred  brutality  in  relation  to  foreigners.  The 
Greeks,  with  their  fine  manners  and  cringing  ways,  were 
treated  with  contempt  and  abuse.  Slaves,  now  so  numer- 
ous at  Rome,  were  beneath  contempt  and  often  handled 
with  outrageous  cruelty.  The  populace  at  Rome,  once 
loyal  and  laborious,  were  also  corrupted  by  the  new  spirit 
of  greed  and  power.  The  gladiatorial  games  brutalized 
them.  The  low  comedies,  borrowed  from  Greece  and 
vulgarized  in  the  process,  were  as  degrading  to  their 
morals  as  they  were  attractive  to  their  sense.  The  votes 
of  the  citizens  began  to  be  estimated  by  their  money 
value  and  soon  were  freely  bought  and  sold.  Money 
even  corrupted  the  home  life;  Roman  matrons  and  daugh- 
ters sought  to  lay  up  fortunes,  and  prized  gain  beyond 
duty  to  husbands  and  fathers.  Increasing  extravagance 
and  greed  led  to  family  troubles.  Divorces  began  to 
grow  in  frequency;  marriages  for  money  were  not  un- 
common. Thus  public  and  private  life  was  drifting 
away  from  the  old  moorings,  and  the  new  ways  of  living 
offered  no  stable  anchorage.  Many,  it  is  true,  sought 
to  stem  the  tide  and  stood  for  the  old  standards.  Their  The  coa- 
foremost  representative  was  Cato  the  Elder,  who  fought  l^tJufgi^^ 
for  the  ancient  ideals  of  simplicity  and  patriotism  with  '^  Va:n. 
fierce  denunciations  of  the  novelties  of  the  time.  But  he 
had  no  success,  because  he  had  nothing  to  put  in  the  place 
of  the  new.  The  past  was  forever  gone  and  no  man 
could  bring  it  back  again. 

449.  Roman  Religion  Discredited. — Roman  religion, 
in  its  old  forms  and  ideals  (§  396),  went  the  way  of  all 
the  old  life.     Greek  religion  had  already  been  discredited 


386  Decline  of  the  Republic 

by  philosophy  (§§  225,  324),  and  the  old  Roman  faith  was 
less  able  than  the  Greek  to  stand  against  the  keen  Greek 
intellect.  Thus  the  educated  classes  lost  faith  in  the 
ideas  that  underlay  the  Roman  ritual  (§§  347,  396),  and 
the  priests  had  little  confidence  in  their  ceremonials  ex- 
cept as  necessary  parts  of  the  political  machine.  The 
literary  men  of  the  time,  like  Ennius,  openly  expressed 
doubts  about  religion.  The  mass  of  the  people  caught 
the  contagion,  laughed  at  the  jests  on  sacred  subjects  in 
the  comedies  of  the  time,  and  soon  ceased  to  be  influenced 
New  by  the  old  faith.     Meanwhile,  new  forms  of  Greek  re- 

CuitsT  ligion  were  offered  to  them,  as  strange  as  they  were  at- 
tractive. Such  were  the  worship  of  Dionysus  (§  134), 
called  in  Rome  Bacchus,  and  Cybele,  a  goddess  of  Asia 
Minor  (§  319),  who  appealed,  not  to  the  old  Roman 
sense  of  duty,  but  to  the  feelings,  and  led  men  away  into 
all  sorts  of  superstitions.  The  state  did  not  favor  these 
worships,  but,  offering  nothing  to  take  their  place,  it  was 
powerless  to  keep  the  Roman  populace  from  running 
after  them.  Certainly  they  were  better  than  no  religion, 
and  the  old  Roman  faith  was  decayed  and  powerless  to 
restrain  or  to  help,  Greek  culture  could  help  the  edu- 
cated class  here  by  the  teachings  of  philosophy,  and,  as 
time  went  on,  the  various  schools  that  had  flourished  in 
Greece  (§  324)  established  themselves  among  the  Romans 
and  found  many  followers. 

450.  Effect  on  Public  Life. — Roman  public  life  was 

deeply  affected  by  all  these  influences.     They  showed 

themselves  in  various  ways.     A  sharp  cleavage  was  made 

between   the  public  activities  of  the  different  classes. 

Nobles         The  nobles  took  a  tighter  grasp  upon  the  public  offices 

Power.         3-^d    distributed    them    among    their    several    families. 


Greed  for  Wealtk  387 

Sometimes  one  family,  like  the  Scipios,  sought  to  keep 
them  within  their  own  circle.  Already  it  was  made  illegal 
for  one  to  be  re-elected  to  an  office  until  a  ten  years'  inter- 
val had  passed.  A  law  fixed  an  order  in  which  offices 
should  be  held  and  the  age  at  which  one  could  occupy 
them,*  Hence,  it  was  practically  impossible  for  "new 
men,"  as  non-nobles  were  called,  to  get  into  office  (§  418). 
The  men  of  business  now  began  to  use  the  state  for  their 
own  purposes.  It  was  their  influence  that  dictated  the  influence 
wars  of  the  period;  they  secured  the  destruction  of  rival  Money 
commercial  cities  like  Carthage  and  Corinth  (§  §  433-434) .  Po^er. 
The  faithful  allies,  like  Pergamon  and  Rhodes,  which 
had  been  the  leading  commercial  states  of  the  east,  were 
unjustly  treated  in  order  to  increase  Roman  business 
predominance.  The  greed  of  the  nobles  made  futile  the 
attempts  to  revive  Italy's  peasant  class,  since  they  wanted 
more  and  more  land  for  their  estates.  Colonies  ceased 
to  be  sent  out  from  Rome.  The  cruel  treatment  of 
slaves  on  these  estates  led  to  uprisings,  like  the  slave 
revolt  in  Sicily,  which  threw  that  province  into  a  state  of 
anarchy  from  136-132  B.C.  All  provinces  came  to  be 
the  prey  of  capitalistic  robbery  and  extortion.  The  mass  civic 
of  the  citizens,  in  their  turn,  began  selfishly  to  shut  out  ^^^'^^^°^^^- 
others  from  their  privileges.  Once  citizenship  had  been 
a  burden;  now  it  was  a  source  of  profit,  and  the  faithful 
allies  that  had  made  possible  Rome's  victory  over  Hanni- 
bal were  jealously  excluded  from  it.  Indeed,  little  by 
little  these  allies  saw  their  ancient  rights  withdrawn  and 
themselves  treated  as  subjects.  In  177  B.C.  they  were 
denied  their  customary  share  of  the  spoils  of  war.  Citi- 
zens began  to  expect  more  in  the  way  of  festivals  and 

*  This  order  was  called  the  cursiis  ho}iornm,i\\Q  "career  of  honors." 


388 


Decline  of  the  Republic 


Bribery. 


What  All 

this 

Means. 


games  from  the  officials.  Their  votes  were  even  openly 
bought.  The  introduction  of  the  ballot  in  the  assemblies 
although  an  improvement  on  the  old  method  of  voting 
(§  422),  aided  bribery.  In  156  B.C.  a  magistrate  was  em- 
powered to  dispense  with  holding  an  assembly  of  the 
people,  if  the  auspices  (§348)  were  unfavorable;  thus 
religion  became  a  political  instrument  to  thwart  the  pop- 
ular will.  All  these  facts  show  how  the  original  unity 
of  the  Roman  state  was  giving  way  to  factions,  each  in- 
tent on  its  own  selfish  interests. 


REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  is  meant  by  nobiles,  auspices, 
curule  office,  cursus  honorum,  peristyle,  propraetor,  Forum? 
2,  For  what  were  the  following  famous:  Cato  the  Elder, 
Ennius,  Lucilius,  Appius  Claudius,  Menander,  Dionysus?  3. 
Explain  the  difficulties  in  the  problems  of  the  senate  in  thi3 
period.  4.  What  was  the  Roman  attitude  toward  military 
service?  5.  Characterize  the  city  of  Rome.  6.  Explain 
"  failure  of  popular  government  "  as  applied  to  the  period 
of  decline. 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  origin  and  purpose 
of  the  Roman  theatre  with  those  of  the  Greek  (§§  160,   206). 

2.  Compare  a  Roman  citizen  in  this  period  with  one  in  350  b.c. 

3.  What  is  the  difference  in  the  attitude  toward  money  between 
a  Greek  of  the  age  of  Pericles  (§§  199-201)  and  a  Roman  of 
this  age? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,     i.  Religion  and  Politics.     How 

and  Leigh,  pp.  28S-293.  2.  Provincial  Administration,  How  and 
Leigh,  pp.  310-313.  3.  Economic  Questions,  (a)  Land,  How 
and  Leigh,  pp.  305-310.  {b)  Revenue,  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  314-315. 
(c)  Business,  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  318.  {d)  Slavery  and  Agriculture, 
How  and  Leigh,  pp.  316-318.  4.  Cato  the  Censor.  How  and 
Leigh,  pp.  302-305. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  Roman  Life 
and  Manners  under  Greek  Influence.  Morey,  pp.  148-152; 
Myres,  ch.  23;  Seignobos,  ch.  11.  2.  Delos  and  Its  Relations 
with  Rome  and  Athens.     William  Scott  Ferguson,     (a)  The  Rise 


jyiffiadties  of  Senate  389 

of  Delos  in  Trade,  Hellenistic  Athens,  pp.  329-333.  {h)  Govern- 
ment and  Trade  Conditions  on  Delos.  Ferguson,  pp.  346-366, 
381-384,  403-409.  (c)  Religious  Cults  on  Delos.  Ferguson,  pp. 
385-399.  3.  Corruption  of  Public  Life.  Munro,  pp.  99-100 
(source);  Myres,  ch.  26;  Abbott,  ch.  5;  Seignobos,  ch.  12;  Bots- 
ford,  ch.  6;  Morey,  pp.  143-148;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  32.  4.  The 
Beginnings  of  Roman  Literature.  Mackail,  pp.  3-38;  Laing, 
pp.  1-62  (translation  of  the  Phormio  of  Terence).  5.  Roman 
Religion  under  Greek  Influence.  Seignobos,  pp.  148-251.  6. 
The  Gladiatorial  Games.  Johnston,  pp.  242-252.  7.  Cato  the 
Censor.  Plutarch,  Life  of  Cato;  Munro,  pp.  95-97  (source);  Shuck- 
burgh, pp.  518-521;  Seignobos,  pp.  156-359;  Botsford,  pp.  143-146. 
8.  How  far  was  Cato's  claim  true  that  should  the  Romans 
come  thoroughly  to  imbibe  Greek  literature  they  would  lose 
the  empire  of  the  world?  9.  The  Effect  upon  the  Proletariat 
of  the  Rise  in  the  Standard  of  Living,  Ferrero's  Greatness  and 
Decline  of  Rome,  vol.  I,  pp.  79-96.  10.  How  Money  was  Made 
and  Spent.  Greenidge,  vol.  I,  pp.  11-25,  3°~5^-  ^^*  Land 
Ownership  and  Control.  Greenidge,  vol.  I,  pp.  64-80.  12.  The 
Slaves — a  Problem.  Greenidge,  vol.  I,  pp.  80-100.  13.  The 
Thirty-Five  Tribes.  Botsford,  Roman  Assemblies,  pp.  51-65 
14.  A  Summary  of  Comitial  History.  Botsford,  Roman  As- 
semblies, pp.  473-477. 


451.  Difficult  Position  of  the  Senate. — The  position 
of  the  senate  became,  in  fact,  more  embarrassing  from 
day  to  day.  When  the  last  state  which  menaced  Italy 
ceased  to  ex'st  in  167  B.C.  the  real  trial  of  the  government 
began.  There  was  no  longer  any  great  national  danger 
to  compel  the  nobles,  the  equites  and  the  commons  to 
rally  vigorously  to  its  defence.  General  relaxation  fol- 
lowed. Yet  the  task  of  the  government  was  greater  than 
ever  before.  It  had  not  only  to  keep  the  provincial  mag- 
istrates in  check;  it  had  to  see  that  officials  who  changed 
annually  did  not  misgovern  too  badly;  and  it  had  to 
guard  against  the  malpractices  of  contractors  upon 
whom  it  was  dependent  for  its  revenues.     i,\bove  all,  it 


390  Decline  of  the  Republic 

had  to  make  the  most  severe  mih'tary  demands  upon  its 
citizens  and  alhes  without  the  incentive  of  pressing 
danger  or  expectation  of  rich  booty.  Year  after  year 
thousands  of  men  had  to  be  stationed  in  the  new  prov- 
inces or  held  in  service  in  Spain  or  in  the  Alps  or  in 
Illyricum  or  some  similar  district  where  hard  knocks  were 
Burden  of  more  plentiful  than  spoils.  How  many  soldiers  were 
Serviced  ncccssary  for  these  tasks  it  is  difficult  to  estimate,  but 
Augustus  a  hundred  years  later  thought  three  hundred 
thousand  too  few.  That  was  more  than  a  fifth  of  the 
entire  body  of  men  of  military  age  in  Italy;  and  as  is 
known  Augustus  was  able  to  raise  only  half  of  his  troops 
there.  It  is  certain  that  the  senate  in  133  B.C.  could  not 
raise  as  many.  Yet  it  doubtless  needed  more.  The 
wars  were  not  dangerous  but  they  were  the  hardest  kind 
of  wars — guerilla  struggles  in  the  mountains,  forests  and 
deserts  in  which  victory  brought  little  glory  while  defeats 
and  delays  brought  serious  loss  of  prestige.  The  belief 
became  general  that  the  officers  mismanaged  the  cam- 
paigns and  that  the  senate  chose  its  commanders  un- 
wisely. There  were  constant  appeals  for  more  soldiers; 
but  the  recruiting  was  again  and  again  stopped  in  Rome 
by  the  veto  of  rebellious  tribunes.  The  city  population, 
when  not  exempt  from  service  through  lack  of  property 
was  thus  freed  from  it  by  the  power  of  the  tribunate. 
This  power  could  not  be  exercised  outside  the  limits  of 
Rome;  hence  the  small  farmers  of  Italy  were  made  to 
bear  the  brunt  of  the  levy,  and  the  burden  fell  with  special 
severity  upon  the  "allies"  whose  lack  of  the  franchise 
prevented  them  from  retaliating  upon  the  officials.  The 
burden  of  empire  thus  rested  squarely  upon  the  shoulders 
of  the  peasants  of  Italy,  who  on  returning  from  a  cam- 


Problems  of  City  Government  391 

paign  after  many  years  of  absence  often  found  their 
farms  gobbled  up  by  the  nobles  for  debt  or  unfit  for  cul- 
tivation through  neglect. 

452.  The  Problem  of  Administration. — The  city  of 
Rome  was  their  natural  refuge.  This  had  grown  enor- 
mously in  the  past  century.  It  may  have  advanced  in 
population  from  one  hundred  thousand  to  five  hundred 
thousand  in  this  interval.  Since  it  was  unable  to  spread  The"Greai 
over  a  large  area  like  a  modern  city,  congestion  was  the  *'^' 
only  possible  result.  The  streets  were  narrow,  the  houses 
high;  great  insula:  of  little  tenements  appeared;  the 
menace  of  fire  became  horrible,  and  the  preservation  of 
order  and  decency  impossible.  What  could  annually 
changing  aediles  do  with  such  a  situation,  without  a 
police  or  fire  department?  How  could  such  a  city  be 
provisioned?  In  Alexandria  the  problem  was  com- 
paratively simple  since  at  its  door  was  the  granary  of 
Egypt.  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  had  to  import  its 
food  from  a  distance — from  Sardinia,  Sicily,  Africa. 
For  its  food  supply  it  was  dependent  upon  the  winds  and 
waves,  and  should  the  corn  ships  be  delayed  by  storms, 
the  prices  of  grain  soared  in  Rome  and  the  urban  mob 
was  at  once  in  an  uproar.  Yet  this  mob  constituted  the  Failure  of 
bulk  of  the  sovereign  assembly;  it  is  true  that  it  con-  G°yg'^- 
trolled  only  four-thirty-fifths  of  the  total  vote  in  the  ment. 
comitia,  but  in  the  meetings  which  preceded  the  voting  it 
could  reign  as  king  riot.  The  fact  was  that  govern- 
ment by  a  general  assembly  of  the  people  was  possible,  as 
Aristotle  held,  only  when  the  citizens  were  few.  It  had 
been  developed  when  Rome  was  an  aggregate  of  peas- 
ants; now  that  Rome  had  a  population  of  half  a  million, 
made  up  of  restless,  discontented  men  of  a  great  variety 


392 


Decline  of  the  Republic 


of  Tiberius 
Gracchus. 


of  races,  languages  and  stations — "step-sons  of  Italy," 
Scipio  ^milianus  called  them  —  it  was  antiquated. 
Long  since,  Alexandria  had  ceased  to  be  a  self-govern- 
ing city,  and  had  come  under  the  control  of  permanent 
officials  appointed  by  the  crown.  Was  Rome  to  have  the 
same  fate'?     If  so,  who  should  wear  the  crown? 

453.  The  Beginnings  of  Civil  Conflict. — With  such  a 
situation  in  Rome's  inner  life  a  conflict  of  interests  and 
powers  was  unavoidable.  The  failure  of  the  leading 
men  to  solve  the  problems  of  administration  was  certain 
to  call  out  attempts  from  all  sides  to  cope  with  the  difficul- 
The  Action  ties  which  they  were  not  able  to  meet.  The  first  attempt, 
which  precipitated  a  century  of  struggle,  was  made  in 
133  B.C.,  by  the  tribune  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus. 
A  member  of  the  senatorial  nobility,  the  grandson  of 
Scipio  Africanus,  and  brother-in-law  of  Scipio  ^Emil- 
ianus,  he  was  a  valiant  soldier  of  the  republic  and,  at  the 
same  time,  highly  educated  in  the  new  learning  of  the 
times.  The  miserable  economic  decay  of  Italy,  the 
hard  fate  of  the  veteran  soldiers  and  the  decline  of  the 
class  available  for  military  service  appealed  to  him,  and 
he  sought  to  restore  prosperity  by  introducing  an  agrarian 
law  for  the  distribution  of  the  public  lands  among  the 
citizens.  "The  beasts  of  the  field,"  ran  his  impassioned 
plea,  "have  their  holes  and  their  hiding-places,  but  the 
men  who  fight  and  die  for  Italy  have  not  a  sod  which 
they  can  name  their  own.  They  are  called  the  lords  of 
the  whole  earth  and  their  generals  urge  them  to  fight  for 
their  homes  and  the  graves  of  their  ancestors,  yet  not  a 
parcel  of  land  is  theirs."  The  limit  upon  the  amount 
of  public  land  to  be  leased  to  any  one  citizen  set,  it  was 
alleged,  by  the  Licinian  laws  of  366  B.C.  j  (§  368)  had  been 


The 

Land 

Problem, 


Tibeiius  Gracchus  393 

disregarded  to  such  an  extent  that  practically  all  of  it  had 
been  taken  up  in  the  great  estates  of  the  rich  proprietors. 
The  law  of  Tiberius  Gracchus  established  a  commission 
of  three  {tri-um'vi-rate)  to  secure  the  carrying  out  of  the 
new  provisions  which  contemplated  reducing  the  illegal 
holdings  to  their  proper  limits  and  assigning  the  remainder 
in  equal  lots  of  thirty  jugera  each  to  landless  citizens. 
The  proposal  created  a  storm  in  which  the  senate  placed 
itself  in  opposition  to  the  tribune;    even  his  colleague, 
Octavius,  interposed  a  veto.     Thereupon  Tiberius,  sup-  Tiberius 
ported  by  the  country  population  to  whom  the  prospect  j/^^g  ^ 
of  new  lots  for  themselves  and  their  sons  was  attractive,  People, 
appealed  directly  to  the  people,  who  responded  by  depos- 
ing the  obstructive  tribune  and  passing  the  law.     The 
commission  was  appointed   and  began   its  work.     To 
carry  out  his  plans,  Tiberius  found  it  necessary  to  over- 
ride the  law  prohibiting    re-election   (§  450)  and   stand 
again  for  tribune.     But  the  nobles  banded  against  him;  His  Death, 
a  riot  was  raised  at  election  time,  the  partisans  fought  in 
the  streets  of  Rome,  and  Tiberius  was  killed. 

454.  Rise  of  Parties. — In  his  zeal  for  reform  Tiberius 
Gracchus  had  raised  issues  hitherto  unheard  of  at  Rome, 
and,  no  doubt,  not  grasped  by  himself.  He  was  the 
first  to  bring  new  political  ideas  into  the  field,  which 
divided  the  community  into  parties.  The  opti-ma'tes, 
or  aristocrats,  and  the  jpop-u-lar'eSjj  or  democrats,  hence- 
forth struggle  for  leadership.  Men  of  all  classes  array 
themselves  on  either  side.  In  appealing  to  the  people  The 
as  sovereign  in  election  and  legislation  without  regard  pe^^^e'^!'^'' 
to  senate  and  magistrates,  he  brought  a  new  doctrine 
into  Roman  politics.  This  was  a  Greek  idea  (§  191); 
at  Rome  the  state  depended  upon  the  joint  action  of 


394 


Decline  of  the  Republic 


Murder  of 
Africanus 
the 
Younger, 


War 
on  the 
Senate. 


Court  of 
Extortion 
Given  to 
theEquites. 


all  three  and  did  not  go  back  to  any  one  as  supreme. 
Party  struggles  led  to  civil  strife,  in  which  reason  gave  way 
to  force  and  the  state  was  shaken  to  its  foundations. 

455-  Work  of  Gaius  Gracchus. — Ten  years  passed; 
the  law  prohibiting  re-election  to  the  tribunate  was 
annulled,  the  powers  of  the  land  commission  were  taken 
from  it,  but  not  till  the  number  of  registered  citizens  had 
increased  in  six  years  from  319,000  to  394,000.  Scipio 
iEmilianus,  the  captor  of  Carthage,  the  victor  at  Nu- 
mantia,  the  sturdiest  pillar  of  the  best  Roman  society, 
the  greatest  man  of  his  age,  was  foully  murdered  and  a 
judicial  investigation  of  the  crime  was  suppressed.  Then, 
in  123  B.C.,  Gaius  Gracchus,  younger  brother  of  Tiberius, 
was  elected  tribune.  The  senate  had  put  every  possible 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  political  advancement,  but, 
haunted  by  a  vision  of  his  dead  brother  and  animated  by 
a  fierce  desire  for  vengeance  on  the  government  which 
had  done  the  murder,  there  was  no  stopping  him  in  the 
career  which  he  foresaw  meant  ultimately  his  own  death. 
Tiberius  had  been  a  sincere  reformer,  and  where  the 
evils  were  so  many  and  complex,  what  wonder  that  at 
times  he  hesitated  ?  Gaius  showed  greater  resolution, 
clearer  insight  and  more  vigorous  leadership;  for  his 
main  idea  was  a  simple  one,  to  break  down  the  power 
of  the  senate  at  all  cost.  It  is  true  that  each  one  of  his 
measures  has  something  to  be  said  in  its  favor,  but  in 
their  totality  they  reveal  the  spirit  of  the  vendetta.  Thus, 
too,  he  overreached  himself  and  perished  disastrously. 
He  won  the  support  of  the  urban  pro-le-tar'i-at  by  having 
grain  distributed  to  it  monthly  at  one-half  the  market 
price;  he  conciliated  the  country  population  by  restoring 
the  powers  of  the  agrarian  commission;  above  all,  he  cast 


Gaius  Gracchus  395 

a  dagger,  as  he  said,  in  the  midst  of  the  optimates,  and 
at  the  same  time  gained  an  invaluable  backing  for  him- 
self by  transferring  the  jury  courts,  which  called  the 
provincial  governors  to  an  accounting  (§435),  from  the 
senators  to  the  equestrians.  The  powerful  financial  inter- 
est which  henceforth  for  over  forty  years  was  virtually  in 
control  of  provincial  government  he  further  seduced  from 
its  old  alliance  with  the  senate  by  requiring  that  the  con- 
tracts for  collecting  the  tithes  in  the  province  of  Asia 
should  be  awarded  in  Rome,  combined  in  one,  in  such  a 
way  that  none  but  the  rich  financial  syndicates  of  the 
capital  could  undertake  them. 

456.  Attitude   of  Gaius. — It   is   true   that  these    two 
measures  taken  together  handed  over  the  Greeks  of  Asia, 
bound  hand  and  foot,  to  the  depredation  of  the  tax- 
gatherer;  but  Gaius  Gracchus  had  no  thought  for  the 
lessening  of  provincial  oppression.     He  made  it  worth 
while  for  the  equites  to  fight  for  their  control  of  the  courts 
of  extortion  and  their  place  of  advantage  over  the  sena- 
torial government.     That  provided  for  the  future  deg- 
radation of  the  senate.     In  the  meanwhile  he  was  him-  The 
self  for  two  years  master  of  Rome.     It  did  not  take  long  ][i"g"g°*  ^ 
for  people  to  discover  that  to  get  things  accomplished  oovem- 
they  had  to  go  to  him  and  not  as  of  old  to  the  senate. 
Hence,   as  Plutarch  says:     "The   people  looked  with 
amazement  at  the  man  himself,  seeing  him  attended  by 
crowds  of  building  contractors,  artisans,  ambassadors, 
magistrates,  soldiers  and  learned  men,  to  all  of  whom 
he  was  easy  of  access."     The  appearance,  if  not  the  fact, 
of  a   tyranny   was    there.     Moreover,   he    rejoiced    the  Coiome*. 
city  population,  indeed,  by  proposing  to  send  colonies 
not  only  to  Tarentum  and  Capua,  but  also  to  Carthage; 


396  Decline  of  the  Republic 

but  this  project  of  transmarine  colonization  menaced  the 
merchants  and  bankers  of  Rome  who  saw  in  the  new 
city  hkely  rivals  of  themselves  for  the  business  of  the 
provinces.  Finally,  in  order  to  get  more  land  to  assign 
he  proposed  to  give  the  franchise  to  the  Latins  (and  Latin 
rights  to  the  Italians)  in  order  to  be  able,  without  in- 
fringing the  rights  of  allied,  and  hence  separate,  states, 
to  confiscate  Roman  public  land  which  their  citizens  had 
occupied  without  a  clear  title.  This  roused  the  anger 
of  the  masses  who  saw  their  privileges  about  to  be  ex- 
tended to  a  large  part  of  Italy;  hence  the  coalition  of 
populace,  equites  and  tribunes  went  to  pieces.  The 
senate  put  forward  Lucius  Drusus  to  propose  cheaper 
corn  and  more  attractive  colonies.  Gains  failed  of 
election  to  the  tribunate  in  121  B.C.  and  shortly  after  was 
set  upon  by  the  consul  Opimius  and  slain,  with  three 
thousand  of  his  adherents.  The  agrarian  legislation 
was  futile;  the  work  of  the  commission  languished; 
fields  assigned  were  abandoned,  and  by  iii  B.C.  all 
holders  of  public  land,  rich  and  poor,  were  confirmed 
in  their  possession.  But  the  work  of  Gains  Gracchus 
lived  after  him  and  the  senate  never  recovered  from  the 
wounds  he  inflicted. 

457.  The  Senate  Fails  to  Manage  Affairs. — When  the 

conflict  broke  out  again,  party   leaders   of  a   different 

type  came  to  the  front  and  with  them  a  new  force  took 

the  field.     The  victorious  senate  again  tried  to  conduct 

jugurthine    affairs.    They  failed  in  the  notable  instance  of  the  Ju-gur'- 

fTi^2-io6       thine  war  (11 2-106  B.C.).     The   king  of  Numidia,  an 

B-c.)  ally  of  Rome,  left  his  kingdom  on  his  death  to  his  three 

sons.     One  of  them,  his  illegitimate  nephew  by  birth, 

his  son  by  adoption  only,  Ju-gur'tha,  sought  to  secure  the 


War  with  Numidia  397 

prize  for  himself;  he  killed  one  brother  and  made  war 
on  the  other,  Ad'her-bal  by  name.  The  latter  appealed  to 
the  senate,  which  first  divided  the  kingdom  anew,  giving 
to  Adherbal  the  capital,  Cirta,  but  assigning  to  Jugurtha 
the  districts  of  greatest  military  value;  then,  when 
Jugurtha  attacked  his  rival  in  his  capital,  it  sent  two  em- 
bassies to  expostulate,  but  did  nothing  to  prevent  the  fall 
of  Cirta  (112  B.C.).  With  it  fell  Adherbal;  but,  what 
was  more  important,  the  wild  Numidian  victors  slaugh- 
tered a  flourishing  settlement  of  Italian  money-lenders 
and  traders  who  had  been  plying  their  opprobrious  busi- 
ness in  the  capital.  This  roused  the  equites  in  Rome  to 
action,  and  the  populace  became  unmanageable.  War 
was  declared  upon  Jugurtha,  but  the  officers  put  in 
charge  of  it  accepted  the  submission  of  the  king  and  left 
him  in  possession  of  all  Numidia.  The  people  believed  Bribery, 
that  wholesale  bribery  had  been  practised  by  Jugurtha 
to  secure  this  end,  and,  indeed,  such  was  probably  the 
case.  He  was,  accordingly,  asked  to  Rome  to  give  evi- 
dence (i  10  B.C.).  A  tribune  refused  to  let  him  testify,  and 
he  had  his  only  rival  for  the  throne,  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  Rome,  murdered;  whereupon  he  was  ordered  to  quit 
j  Italy  at  once.  His  parting  remark,  it  is  said,  was:  "A 
1  city  for  sale,  and  ripe  for  ruin,  if  a  purchaser  can  be 
Lfound." 

The  next  news  was  that  a  Roman  army  forty  thousand  Difficult 
strong  had  been  ambushed  and  forced  to  capitulate  to 
Jugurtha.  The  senate  tried  to  stem  the  storm  of  rage  by  Marius. 
appointing  Metellus,  an  able  and  honorable  man,  to  the 
command  and  giving  him  a  rising  popular  hero,  the 
eques  Gains  Marius,  as  legate  (109  B.C.).  This  meant 
serious  war,  which  the  senate,  alive  to  the  difficulties  of 


398  Decline  of  the  Republic 

campaigning  with  infantry  in  a  vast  tract  of  desert  and 
mountains  against  a  nimble  and  resourceful  foe,  had 
tried  to  avoid.  Metellus  conducted  the  war  with  skill 
and  vigor,  but  it  could  not  be  brought  to  an  end  in  a 
year,  or  even  in  three;  hence  in  107  B.C.  the  democracy 
took  matters  into  their  own  hands  and  made  Marius 
consul  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  war  to  a  close. 
This  he  speedily  accomplished.  Jugurtha,  betrayed  by 
the  king  of  Mauretania,  was  surrendered  to  Sulla,  Marius's 
brilliant  young  lieutenant,  brought  a  prisoner  to  Rome 
and  died  in  a  Roman  dungeon. 

458.  The  Terror  from  the  North. — Meanwhile,  a 
serious  danger  had  been  threatening  Italy  from  the 
north.  For  a  long  time  the  Romans  had  been  making 
war  in  Gaul  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps  (Gallia  Transal- 
pina),  and  had  established  a  province  called  Gallia  Nar- 
bonensis,   from  the  name  of  the  capital  city,   Narbo. 

The  Now,  down  from  the  distant  and  unknown  north  came 

two  peoples,  the  Cimbri  and  Teu'to-nes,  who  sought 
homes  in  the  more  fertile  south.  With  them,  in  all  prob- 
ability, the  Germans  make  their  entrance  into  history. 
Breaking  their  way  through  the  already  weakened  bar- 
rier of  Gallic  tribes,  they  came  face  to  face  with  the  Ro- 
man armies  and  defeated  them  in  four  successive  battles 
(in  113,  109,  107,  105  B.C.),  the  last  defeat,  sustained  at 
A-rau'si-o  on  the  Rhone,  being  a  disaster  comparable  in 
loss  of  life  to  Cannae.     The  route  into  Italy  stood  open 

Marius  to  them.  Dismayed  at  the  prospect,  the  democracy 
again  stepped  forward  and  elected  their  hero  Marius  as 
consul  and  defender  against  this  dreaded  foe.  For  four 
successive  years  (104-101  B.C.)  he  was  thus  chosen.  The 
invaders  had  separated — the  Teutones  taking  the  route 


Invaders. 


Saves 
Italy. 


Marius  399 

from  the  northwest,  the  Cimbri  passing  around  the  Alps 
and  entering  Italy  from  the  northeast.  In  102  B.C.  Ma- 
rius met  the  Teutones  at  Aquae  Sextiae  and  defeated 
them.  The  next  year  (loi  B.C.),  joining  his  colleague, 
who  was  facing  the  Cimbri  in  the  Raudine  plains  (Ver- 
cellae),  he  annihilated  them.  Thus  Italy  was  saved  and 
Marius  was  its  savior.  He  had  gained  his  success  not  ms 
more  by  his  own  valor  than  by  the  military  reforms  he  R^/grms 
introduced.  Doing  away  with  the  usual  practice  of 
levying  soldiers  and  limiting  the  levy  to  men  of  property 
(§350),  he  invited  Roman  citizens  to  enroll  themselves 
under  his  banner  regardless  of  property  qualifications. 
As  a  result  he  had  an  army  made  up  of  men  who  wished 
to  fight  and  were  devoted  to  their  commander.  More-  Tactical 
over,  important  changes  in  tactics  were  made  by  Marius.  o^M^^jug 
He  took  the  spear  from  the  triarii,  and  made  all  three 
lines  alike  in  weapons;  he  threw  together  a  maniple  of 
each  line  to  make  the  tactical  unit  subsequently  used  in 
Roman  warfare — the  cohort.  It  had  a  normal  strength 
of  six  hundred,  and  ten  cohorts  constituted  the  legion. 
To  this  he  gave  as  a  standard,  what  subsequently  was 
its  most  precious  possession,  a  silver  eagle  on  a  staff. 

459.  The  New  Situation:  Marius  and  Sulla. — Thus  the 
seed  sown  by  the  Gracchi  had  sprung  up  and  borne  un- 
expected fruit.  The  democracy  placed  at  its  head  a 
military  hero  behind  whom  stood  an  army  whose  first 
interest  was  not  loyalty  to  the  state,  but  devotion  to  its 
leader.  For  the  defence  of  the  state  abroad  and  the 
overthrow  of  enemies  at  home  the  democracy  did  not 
hesitate  to  re-elect  its  chief  to  the  highest  offices  year  after 
year.  Maiius  held  the  consulship  seven  times.  This 
example  was  soon  followed  by  the  other  party.     Military 


400  Decline  of  the  Republic 

MUitary        prowcss  began  to  take  the  place  of  civic  leadership.     He 

hlaA  the       ^'''^  Strongest  who  had  an  army  under  his  command. 

People.  Ambition  got  the  better  of  patriotism  and  set  military- 
power  against  civic  right.  The  conflict  of  parties  passed 
into  the  struggle  of  individuals  occupying  positions  in 
which  they  controlled  armies. 

One  of  these  men  who  had  gained  his  military  educa- 
tion under  the  new  captain  in  Africa  and  in  Gaul  was 

Sulla.  to  outdo  Marius  on  his  own  field.     This  was  Lucius 

Cornelius  Sulla,  a  man  of  noble  family,  an  aristocrat  in 
temper  and  tastes,  who  took  his  stand  on  the  side  of  the 
senatorial  party.  Sulla,  like  Marius,  owed  his  oppor- 
tunity to  the  failure  of  the  senate,  with  its  annually  chang- 
ing officials  at  home  and  abroad,  to  preserve  order  in 
Rome  and  justice  and  peace  in  Italy  and  the  provinces. 

Marius.  Marius  was  no  statesman.     During  his  sixth  consul- 

ship (loo  B.  c.)  the  democratic  leaders,  Sat-ur-ni'nus  and 
Glaucia,  plunged  Rome  into  a  series  of  useless  civil  con- 
flicts. Finally,  the  turmoil  became  so  great  that  the 
senate  called  upon  the  consul  to  use  the  military  power 
against  his  allies.  The  ideas  of  Marius  were  those  of  the 
business  interests — the  equites — to  whom  he  belonged; 
hence  he  shrank  from  lawlessness  and  violence  and  did 
as  the  senate  requested.  Saturninus  and  Glaucia  were 
seized  and  put  in  the  senate  chamber,  but  a  hostile  mob 
tore  the  tiles  from  the  roof  of  the  building  and  slew  them 
and  their  following.  Having  abandoned  the  populares, 
Marius  was  neglected  by  the  nobles  after  their  victory,  and 
retired  to  private  life  a  disappointed  and  embittered  man. 
460.  The  Franchise  Problem. — The  one  leading  ques- 
tion left  unsettled  was  that  of  the  franchise  for  the  Italian 
allies,  but  with  this  neither  optimates  nor  populares  cared 


Social  War  401 

to  deal.  Finally,  in  91  b.  c,  from  the  side  of  the  senate,  Drusus. 
Livius  Drusus,  son  of  the  tribune  who  completed  the 
ruin  of  Gaius  Gracchus,  proposed,  among  other  things, 
to  give  citizenship  to  them.  The  proposal  was  re- 
jected and  Drusus  lost  his  life  in  the  struggle.  The 
long-suffering  allies,  thus  again  deluded,  rose  in  arms,  re- 
nounced their  allegiance  and  undertook  the  founding  of 
a  new  Italian  state, "  Italica,"  with  its  capital  at  Corfinium. 
This  formidable  revolt,  the  Social*  War  (gi-88  B.C.),  The  social 
was  ended  with  a  formal  victory  for  Rome,  but  a  virtual 
success  for  the  allies,  since  a  series  of  laws,  granting  citi- 
zenship to  certain  classes  among  them,  was  passed  during 
the  war  and  did  more  than  Roman  arms  to  weaken  their 
opposition. 

These  laws  were  the  Lex  Julia  (90  B.C.),  granting  citi-  citizenship 
zenship  to  Italian  states  not  in  rebellion,  and  the  Lex  f'^f"''"^ 

^  '  to  the 

Plau'ti-a  Pa-pi'ri-a  (89  B.C.),  admitting  all  Italians  with-  Italians, 
out  distinction  to  the  franchise  on  application  to  the 
praetor  within  sixty  days.  At  the  same  time  all  the  cities 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  not  already  granted  the  citizenship, 
received  the  Latin  right.  It  seems,  however,  that  the 
advantages  of  citizenship  were  limited  from  the  fact  that 
the  new  citizens  were  all  confined  to  eight  tribes. 

461.  Rise  of  Mithridates  of  Pontus. — During  the 
Social  War,  Marius  came  again  into  action,  but  his 
services  were  eclipsed  by  the  victories^of  his  brilliant  rival 
Sulla,  who  was  elected  consul  in  88  B.C.  The  situation 
in  the  eastern  provinces  was  alarming  and  a  vigorous 
leader  was  rec^uired  to  cope  with  it.  Among  the  states 
allied  to  Rome  in  Asia  Minor  was  Pontus.  To  the  throne 
of  this  kingdom,  in  about  115  B.C.,  came  a  remarkable 

*  So  called  from  the  Latin  word  for  allies,  Socii. 


Rome. 


402  Decline  of  the  Republic 

ruler,  Mithridates  VI,  whose  ambition  contemplated  noth- 
ing less  than  the  revival  of  an  empire  on  the  model  of 
Alexander's,  which  should  drive  the  Romans  out  of  the 
War  with  cast.  Left  free  to  act  by  the  incompetence  of  the  senate 
and  its  eastern  representatives,  he  built  up  a  vast  coali- 
tion and,  taking  advantage  of  a  wanton  act  of  aggression 
on  the  part  of  the  Roman  officials,  he  launched  his  armies 
against  them,  defeated  their  forces  and  took  possession 
of  the  province  of  Asia  (88  B.C.).  This  victory  was 
followed  by  a  great  revolt  of  the  Greeks  everywhere  and 
by  the  massacre  of  all  Romans  throughout  the  province 
to  the  number  of  80,000,  and  throughout  Delos  and  the 
^gean  islands  to  the  number  of  20,000  more.  Such 
was  the  fate  of  the  harpies  who,  in  the  employ  of  the 
equites  and,  as  we  have  seen  (§  455),  beyond  the  reach 
of  senatorial  control,  had  been  plundering  and  defiling 
for  thirty-five  years  the  fairest  district  in  the  eastern 
world. 

462.  Sulla  and  the  Democracy. — Awakened  to  the 
growing  danger,  the  senate  had  arranged  that  Sulla  should 
take  the  command  against  Mithridates.  But  the  de- 
mocracy, claiming  the  right  to  make  these  appointments, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  tribune  Sulpicius,  in  88  b.  c, 
passed  various  so-called  Sulpician  laws,  among  them  one 
appointing  Marius  to  the  position.  Sulla,  who  had  col- 
lected an  army  for  his  foreign  task  and  was  about  to  leave 
Italy,  suddenly  marched  on  Rome,  and,  for  the  first  time 
in  Roman  history,  a  Roman  army  entered  the  walls  and 
placed  its  commander  in  possession  of  the  state.  Sul- 
picius was  killed,  Marius  fled,  and  their  partisans  were 
overawed.  Then,  having  left  his  party  in  power,  Sulla 
departed  with  his  army  for  the  war  with  Mithridates. 


Mithridates  of  Pontus  403 

"The  story  of  the  escape  of  Marius  has  grown  into  a  romance: 
how  he  fled  to  Ostia,  found  a  ship  and  was  landed  in  Circeii,  baffled 
by  adverse  winds;  how  he  wandered  by  the  shore  faint  and  half 
starved,  and  just  evaded  his  pursuers  by  wading  and  swimming 
toward  two  ships  that  hove  in  sight  along  the  coast;  how  the  skippers 
refused  to  obey  the  summons  of  the  horsemen  to  surrender  him, 
and  yet,  in  their  fear,  abandoned  him  in  his  sleep  on  the  land  by  the 
mouth  of  the  Liris;  how  he  hid  in  the  marshes  by  Min-tur'nae,  sunk 
to  the  neck  in  mud,  was  discovered  and  dragged  to  prison,  and  there 
abashed  the  Cimbric  executioner  by  the  thundering  demand,  'Slave, 
darest  thou  slay  Gains  Marius?'  how  the  magistrates  set  him  on 
ship  and  sent  him  away;  how  he  barely  escaped  with  life  from  the 
prastor  of  Sicily,  and  landed  in  Africa  hoping  aid  from  the  Numidian 
king;  how  the  outcast  hero  sent  back  the  message  to  the  governor 
who  bade  him  quit  the  province,  'Tell  your  master  that  you  have 
seen  Marius,  an  exile,  sitting  among  the  ruins  of  Carthage!'  "  * 

463.  First  Mithridatic  War  (87-84  B.C.)— Hardly  had  Party 
he  disappeared  when  the  consul  Cinna,  with  the  support  of  continue 
an  army,  restored  the  democracy  to  power,  recalled  Marius 
and  took  bloody  vengeance  on  its  enemies.  But  its  tri- 
umph was  short.  Marius  did,  indeed,  enjoy  a  seventh 
consulship,  but  he  died  soon  after  his  election,  and  Cinna 
headed  an  embarrassed  and  incompetent  government  till 
Sulla's  return  from  the  east  brought  it  to  an  end.  He  had 
spent  four  years  in  bringing  Mithridates  to  terms  (87-84 
B.C.).  The  main  struggle  was  in  Greece  which  the  van- 
guard of  the  army  of  Pontus  had  overrun  before  Sulla's 
advent.  On  his  arrival  with  30,000  veterans  of  the  Social 
War,  these  troops  took  the  defensive  in  the  Piraeus  and 
Athens,  and  kept  Sulla  at  bay  for  a  full  year.  Finally, 
Athens  was  taken  by  storm  and  sacked  and  the  Piraeus 
evacuated,  but  the  main  army  of  Mithridates  had  now 
arrived  in  Boeotia.     This  Sulla  routed  at  Chceronea  in 

*How  and  Leigh,  History  of  Rome,  p.  417. 


404 


Decline  of  the  Republic 


Sulla 

Defeats 

Mithridates. 


At  the 
Head  of 
the  State. 


Sulla's 

Political 

Reforms. 


86  B.C.,  and  he  did  the  same  to  a  second  Pontic  force  at 
Orchomenus  the  year  after;  whereupon  the  war  was 
carried  into  Asia  and  Mithridates  sued  for  peace.  He 
was  left  in  possession  of  Pontus,  but  the  province  of  Asia 
was  recovered  and  its  inhabitants  forced  to  pay  their  ar- 
rears of  tribute  and  20,000  talents  besides,  a  punishment 
which  brought  them  to  financial  ruin.  The  other  Greeks 
who  had  sided   with  Mithridates  were  also  punished. 

464.  The  Vengeance  of  Sulla. — Then  Sulla  returned 
home  to  avenge  himself  on  his  adversaries.  A  decisive 
victory  over  the  troops  opposing  him  in  Italy  gave  him 
entrance  to  Rome,  and  another  in  a  desperate  night 
battle  at  the  CoUine  Gate  (82  B.C.)  over  the  Samnites, 
who  had  joined  his  opponents  and  had  set  forth,  70,000 
strong,  on  a  wild  march  to  the  capital  to  destroy  "the 
lair  of  the  Roman  wolves,"  placed  him  in  possession  of 
supreme  power  in  81  B.C.  He  was  appointed  dictator 
for  the  purpose  of  refounding  the  republic.  His  ac- 
cession was  a  signal  for  bloody  massacres  of  his  enemies, 
the  confiscation  of  their  property  and  the  enrichment  of 
his  followers.  Those  whom  he  singled  out  especially  for 
extirpation  were  the  equites  whom  he  regarded  as  mainly 
responsible  for  the  embarrassments  of  the  senate  both  at 
home  and  abroad.  Hence,  the  names  of  the  rich  men  of 
business  were  most  numerous  in  his  lists  of  the  proscribed, 
whom  any  man  might  slay  and  none  might  harbor. 

465.  The  Sullan  Constitution. — His  political  policy 
was  simple,  the  restoration  cf  the  senate  to  supremacy 
and  the  establishment  of  its  position  by  constitutional 
authority.  The  powers  claimed  by  the  people  were  swept 
away.  The  consent  of  the  senate  was  required  before 
measures  could  be  proposed  to  either  comitia;  the  trib- 


Sulla  405 

unes  were  stripped  of  all  but  intercessory  powers  (§  358)   Establishes 
and  those  holding  the  office  of  tribune  made  thereafter  suprtmacy 
ineligible  for  other  offices;    the  courts  were  restored  to  "f  '•»« 
the  senators  (§455);   the  cursus    honorum  (§45°)  and 
the  law  against  re-election  to  office  were  revived.     But 
he  did  not  stop  with  re-establishing  and  safeguarding 
the  government  of  the  senate.     He  made  some  important  SuUa's 
administrative  changes.     The  trials  of  criminal  and  other  trative " 
offences  in  the  comitia  had  long  since  become  a  farce;  Reforms, 
hence  at  the  same  time  that  Sulla  transferred  the  court 
of  extortion  back  to  the  senators,  he  added  six  others  to 
it;  so  that  special  courts  dealt  henceforth  with  such  things 
as  peculation,  bribery,  treason,  assassination,  forgery  and 
assault  and  battery.     This  was  a  considerable  and,  as  New 
it  proved,  a  permanent  reduction  of  popular  power,  and  co™ts.* 
it  gave  Rome,  for  the  first  time,  a  permanent  judicial 
system  for  criminal  cases.     Sulla  appointed  as  the  presi- 
dents of  these  courts  the  praetors  who  did  not  have  the 
trial  of  civil  cases  and  whom  he  increased  from  four  to 
six.     There  were  thus  eight  praetors,  and  like  the  two 
consuls,  to  whom  he  added  the  duties  of  the  censors,  they 
were  fully  employed  with  civil  matters  during  their  year 
of  office  in  Rome  and  Italy.     Hence  he  arranged  that 
they  should  go  to  the  provinces  only  as  propraetors  and 
proconsuls.     Since  there  were  at  this  time  ten  provinces 
(Sicily,  Corsica  and  Sardinia,  Farther  Spain,  Hither  Spain, 
Africa,   Macedon,   Asia,   Narbonese   Gaul,   Cilicia  and 
Cisalpine  Gaul*),  there  was  one  ex-magistrate  for  each. 
When  a  war  should  arise  of  such  a  magnitude  that  it  ex-  The 
tended  beyond  the  territory  of  a  single  province  and  hence  g^^rlme 
beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  a  single  magistrate,  it  was  ar- 

*  It  is  unknown  when  Illyricum  became  a  province. 


406  Decline  of  the  Republic 

ranged  that  the  senate  should  be  free  to  designate  for  its 
conduct  the  best  citizen  available  without  regard  to  his 
position.  This  relieved  it  of  the  obligation  to  intrust 
dangerous  wars  to  the  consuls  who  might  or  might  not  be 
competent  generals;  but  it  opened  the  way  for  ambitious 
men  to  secure  in  succession  all  the  great  commands  and 
thus  in  time  to  become  indispensable  to  the  senate.  One 
further  change  Sulla  made:  he  increased  the  number  of 
the  senate  from  three  hundred  to  six  hundred  and  the 
number  of  the  quaestors  from  eight  to  twenty,  ten  for  do- 
mestic finance,  one  to  keep  the  money  chest  of  each  for- 
eign magistrate.  Since  he  arranged  that  ex-quaestors 
should  enter  the  senate,  provision  was  thus  made  for  keep- 
ing its  number  at  six  hundred. 

Sulla  Dies.  Thcsc  administration  changes  were  the  permanent  part 
of  Sulla's  work.  Having  thus  accomplished  his  object 
as  he  believed,  Sulla  resigned  the  office  of  dictator  (79 
B.C.),  retired  to  private  life  and  died  not  long  after.  The 
senate  was  once  more  in  the  saddle,  this  time,  as  it  seemed, 
legally  seated  in  control. 

466.  Sulla's  Political  Reforms  Inadequate  and  Futile. 
— But,  like  the  work  of  any  man  who  moves  against  the 

Failure  of     irrcsistible  current  of  history,  Sulla's  political  reforms  were 

Provincial  •  -r->  i    •  • 

Administra-  vaiu.  Romc  and  its  provinces  were  growing  more  and 
more  dependent  upon  one  another.  The  food  supply  of 
Italy  was  largely  met  by  the  importation  of  grain  from 
the  provinces.  The  business  of  Rome  stretched  over  the 
whole  civilized  world,  and  its  progress  depended  upon 
the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  provinces.  Hence,  a 
government  that  kept  the  provinces  in  order,  that  secured 
peace  and  established  justice,  was  absolutely  necessary. 
But  just  here  the  old  Roman  system  was  a  failure.     Rome 


tion. 


Senate  and  Princeps  407 

was  a  city-state  and  its  government  was  not  organized  for 
imperial  rule  over  a  wide  domain.  Neither  senate  nor  solution  of 
people  was  equal  to  the  demand.  The  only  way  to  solve  problem, 
the  problem  was  to  give  large  powers  to  the  extraordinary 
magistrate,  and  this  way,  as  we  have  seen,  now  lay  open 
before  the  senate;  yet  this  brought  with  it  the  danger  that 
the  state  had  been  guarding  against  for  centuries — mak- 
ing the  magistrate  too  powerful,  giving  him  control  of  the 
government.  We  have  seen  how  the  state  was  steadily 
moving  in  this  direction.  Marius  and  Sulla  are  examples 
of  the  tendency  which  was  growing  stronger  and  stronger. 
The  party  conflicts  at  Rome  only  opened  wider  the  door 
of  opportunity  to  the  magistrates.  Thus  the  expansion 
of  Rome  to  an  empire  brought  about  the  breaking  down 
of  the  old  constitution. 

467.  The  New  Dangers  to  Rome. — Sulla's  legislation 
was  a  feeble  dam  across  the  current,  which  soon  carried 
it  off.  Shortly  after  his  death  Roman  power  was  being 
threatened  from  three  sides,  (i)  The  province  of  Spain 
was  in  possession  of  the  adherents  of  Marius,  led  by  a 
gallant  soldier,  Sertorius.  (2)  A  terrible  insurrection  of 
slaves  in  Italy  broke  out  under  the  leadership  of  a  glad- 
iator, Spartacus.  (3)  The  east  was  in  an  uproar  owing 
to  the  ravages  of  pirates,  having  their  seats  on  the  coasts 
and  islands  of  the  eastern  Mediterranean,  especially 
Cilicia  and  Crete.  They  destroyed  Roman  commerce 
and  even  cut  off  the  food  supply  from  Rome,  Mithri- 
dates,  also,  was  recovering  from  his  defeat  and  organiz- 
ing a  new  coalition  to  sweep  the  Romans  out  of  the  east. 

468.  Rise  of  Pompey.^In  the  face  of  these  troubles, 
the  senate  was  forced  to  find  a  helper  in  the  person  of  a 
young  man  who  had  won  his  spurs  under  Sulla.     This 


408  Decline  of  the  Republic 

was  Gnaeus  Pompeius,*  of  noble  family,  whose  father 
had  been  a  successful  general.  In  77  B.C.  he  was  given 
proconsular  power  by  the  senate  though  a  private  citizen 
at  the  time,  and  was  sent  into  Spain,  where  he  overcame, 
not  Sertorius,  who  had  been  basely  assassinated,  but  the 
weakling  successor  of  Sertorius  in  72  B.C.  Then,  return- 
ing to  Rome,  he  sought  the  consulship.  When  the  senate 
opposed  him,  he  allied  himself  ,with  Crassus,  the  richest 
man  in  Rome.  Crassus  was  leader  of  the  equites  and 
had  already  brought  the  war  with  Spartacus  to  an  end. 
Sulla's         The  two  leaders  turned  to  the  democracy  and  obtained 

Work 

Over-  its  support  by  promising  to  overthrow  the  constitution  of 

thrown.  Sulla.  Thus,  in  defiance  of  the  senate,  Pompey  and 
Crassus  were  elected  consuls  and  restored  the  powers  of 
the  tribunes  and  the  comitia  tributa.  Sulla's  political 
work  perished  less  than  ten  years  after  his  death.  The 
most  important  consequence  of  the  restoration  of  the 
power  of  the  tribunate  was  that  henceforth  the  people, 
on  the  initiation  of  a  tribune,  could  virtually  appoint  the 
extraordinary  magistrate  instead  of  the  senate.  This 
was  an  important  step  toward  monarchy. 

469.  Gabinian  Law;  Pompey  Sent  to  the  East. — 
Meanwhile,  the  war  with  Mithridates  was  renewed-  and 
the  Roman  general  Lu-cul'lus,  a  man  of  ability  and 
worth,  was  able  to  win  several  victories  (74-68  B.C.). 
But  the  devastations  wrought  by  the  pirates  continued. 
Accordingly,  in  67  B.C.,  the  tribune  G<u,binius  proposed  to 
the  people  to  give  Pompey  for  three  years  complete  con- 
trol of  the  entire  Mediterranean  and  power  over  its  coast 
for  fifty  miles  inland  equal  to  that  of  the  provincial 
governors.     The  next  year  (66  B.C.),  by  the  proposal  of 

*  The  English  form  of  his  name,  Pompey,  will  be  henceforth  used. 


PLATE  XXX 


Julius  Caesar 


Cicero 


Vespasian 


Hadrian 


Faustina 


Commodus 


TYPICAL   ROMAN    HEADS 


Cicei'O  and  Cce.sar  409 

the  tribune  Manilius,  the  conduct  of  the  war  with  Mithri- 
dates  was  also  conferred  upon  him;  by  this  "Manih'an" 
law  he  was  given  unhmited  authority  for  the  settlement 
of  the  east.  By  these  two  laws  Pompey  was  placed  in  a 
position  of  power  which  no  Roman  before  him  had  ever 
occupied. 

470.  New  Leaders. — In  support  of  these  measures  two 
men  came  forward  who  were  destined  thenceforth  to  play 
a  large  part  in  Roman  life — Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  and 
Gaius   Julius    Caesar.     Cicero    was    a    countryman,   ofcicero 
equestrian  rank,  who  was  rapidly  rising  to  the  position 

of  the  leading  orator  at  Rome  and  head  of  the  equites. 
A  man  of  fine  personal  character  and  wide  culture,  he  His 
was  zealous  for  the  restoration  of  the  old  Roman  constitu-  id°eli'" 
tion  and  the  revival  of  the  old  Roman  spirit.  This  he 
hoped  to  secure  by  giving  the  Italian  element  in  Roman 
citizenship  a  larger  place  in  the  state.  The  people,  thus 
braced  and  purified  by  the  influence  of  this  worthier  and 
sounder  element,  he  hoped  to  see  unite  with  the  senate 
in  a  new  and  firm  government.  It  was  a  beautiful  dream, 
and  Cicero  gave  his  life  to  its  realization.  Caesar  belonged  Caesar, 
to  one  of  the  oldest  and  proudest  patrician  families.  He 
was  a  daring  and  far-seeing  spirit,  cherishing  no  dreams, 
eager  to  play  a  leading  part  in  the  politics  of  his  day. 
Related  by  marriage  to  Marius,  he  took  the  side  of  the 
democratic  party  and  from  that  standpoint  sought  to 
re-establish  and  glorify  the  Roman  name. 

471.  The  Conspiracy  of  Catiline. — Pompey  was  in  the 
east  five  years  (67-62  B.C.).  During  his  absence  a  crisis 
occurred  at  Rome  which  wellnigh  destroyed  the  state. 
The  rapid  rise  of  the  democracy  encouraged  the  dis- 
contented and  the  miserable  to  hope  for  a  change  of 


410  Decline  of  the  Republic 

fortune.  A  ruined  and  reckless  jDatrician,  CatUinel  by 
name,  sought  to  unite  all  who  were  like  himself  in  char- 
acter and  fortune  in  a  conspiracy  to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment and  plunder  the  rich.  How  widely  the  plot  ex- 
tended was  never  known.  Even  Crassus  and  Caesar  are 
thought  to  have  had  knowledge  of  it.  To  meet  the  dan- 
ger feared  rather  than  known,  the  more  conservative 
citizens,  optimates  and  equites  united,  elected  Cicero  as 
Cicero  onc  of  the  consuls  for  the  year  63  B.C.     He  showed  un- 

n  common  skill  and  courage  in  grappling  with  it,  unearthed 

the  conspirators  and  impeached  them.  Though  Cati- 
line fled,  other  leaders  were  seized,  and  on  the  author- 
ity of  the  senate  put  to  death  by  the  consul.  On  January 
5,  62  B.C.,  Catiline,  who  had  gathered  an  army,  was  over- 
thrown in  battle  and  died  fighting.  It  was  Cicero's  one 
splendid  political  success  in  uniting  the  best  elements 
of  the  state  in  its  defence,  and  he  looked  forward  to  the 
speedy  realization  of  his  dream  (§  470).  But  he  was 
soon  to  be  sorely  disappointed. 

472.  Pompey's  Victories  in  ths  East. — The  career  of 
Pompey  in  the  east  had  been  one  uninterrupted  success. 
Forty  days  sufficed  for  him  to  clear  the  sea  of  pirates;  he 
pursued  them  to  their  strongholds  and  destroyed  them. 
Then  he  advanced  against  Mithridates  and  his  son-in- 
law  and  ally,  Ti-gra'nes  of  Armenia,  A  victory  in  66  B.C. 
shattered  the  Pontic  power  and  brought  peace  with  Ti- 
granes.  The  Parthians  also  allied  themselves  with  Pom- 
pey. Steadily  Mithridates  was  hemmed  in,  until,  in  63 
B.C.,  he  fled  to  his  dependency,  the  kingdom  of  Bosporus, 
to  the  north  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  there  killed  himself. 
His  kingdom  was  made  part  of  the  Roman  province  of 
Bithynia.     The  kingdom  of  the  Seleucidae  (§319)  was 


The  First  Triumvirate  411 

brought  to  an  end  and  Syria  became  a  province  (64  B.C.). 
The  Jewish  king  (§  430)  resisted  Pompey,  who  stormed 
Jerusalem  (63  B.C.)  and  reduced  Judea  to  a  Roman  de- 
pendency ruled  by  high  priests.  The  Euphrates  river 
became  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Roman  state.  Cities 
were  founded,  stable  government  was  restored  and  pros- 
perity revived.  Two  new  provinces,  Bithynia-Pontus 
and  Syria*  were  added  to  Rome's  eastern  possessions; 
the  province  of  Cilicia,  which  had  been  established  in 
102  B.C.  at  the  time  of  Rome's  first  operation  against  the 
pirates,  was  enlarged  and  friendly  alliances  with  the  bor- 
der kings  and  chiefs  were  established  or  renewed.  An 
immense  sum  was  paid  into  the  Roman  treasury.  Pom- 
pey had  amply  fulfilled  his  task  and  now  returned  to 
Rome,  where  he  triumphed,  in  61  B.C. 

473.  The  First  Triumvirate. — The  senate  took  an  atti- 
tude of  criticism  and  disfavor  toward  Pompey,  and  re- 
fused to  give  lands  to  his  veterans  or  ratify  his  acts  in 
the  east.  Looking  elsewhere  for  allies,  he  joined  with 
Caesar  and  Crassus  in  a  coalition  which  has  been  called 
the  first  triumvirate.  It  meant  that  the  united  influence 
of  all  should  be  used  to  satisfy  the  desires  of  each.  They 
were  entirely  successful.  Caesar  was  elected  consul  for 
59  B.C.;  as  consul  he  secured  for  Pompey  the  things  de- 
nied him  by  the  senate;  also  Crassus  and  his  friends  were 
enriched.  Caesar  also  obtained  an  appointment  as  pro- 
consul in  Gaul  for  five  years,  beginning  in  March,  59  B.C. 
The  compact  was  followed  by  the  marriage  of  Pompey 
to  Caesar's  daughter  Julia. 

It  turned  out  that  Caesar's  proconsulate  in  Gaul  lasted 

*  Crete  was  conquered  by  Metellus  and  made  a  province  in  this  same 
period. 


412 


Decliiie  of  the  Republic 


Its 
Renewal, 


Pompey 
Draws  to- 
ward the 
Senate. 


for  ten  years.  When  his  first  term  had  two  years  still  to 
run,  the  triumvirate  met  again  (56  B.C.)  at  Luca  and 
agreed  to  use  their  influence  to  have  Pompey  and  Crassus 
elected  consuls  for  55  B.C.  The  two  consuls  would  then 
see  to  it  that  Caesar's  term  should  be  prolonged  for  another 
five  years,  while  they  themselves  were  also  to  have  each  a 
five  years'  term  as  proconsul,  Crassus  in  Syria  and  Pompey 
in  Spain.  The  agreement  was  duly  carried  out.  Crassus 
left  for  Syria  in  54  B.C.,  where  he  was  killed  in  battle  with 
the  Parthians  at  Carrhae  the  following  year.  Caesar  re- 
mained in  Gaul.     Pompey  lingered  at  Rome. 

474.  Rome  in  Confusion. — Political  affairs  in  Rome 
had  been  going  from  bad  to  worse.  Intrigue  and  the 
strife  of  factions  filled  the  city  with  confusion  and  turmoil. 
Partisan  leaders  surrounded  by  armed  adherents  paraded 
the  streets  and  fought  with  one  another.  An  adept  at 
this  sort  of  politics  was  the  young  and  dissolute  patrician, 
Publius  Clodius,  a  democrat  of  the  type  of  Catiline,  who 
succeeded  in  terrorizing  foes  and  friends  alike.  As  trib- 
une, he  proceeded  to  get  Cicero  banished  in  58  B.C.  for 
having  violated  the  law  of  appeal  by  putting  the  Catili- 
narian  conspirators  to  death  (§471).  A  turn  of  the  wheel 
brought  the  great  orator  back  in  triumph  the  next  year. 
Clodius,  finally,  was  killed  in  a  street  fight  in  52  B.C. 
Pompey  had  begun  gradually  to  draw  away  from  Caesar 
and  incline  toward  the  optimates.  Soon  after  the  con- 
ference at  Luca  (§  473)  his  wife  Julia  died  and,  with  the 
death  of  Crassus,  the  last  link  that  bound  him  personally 
to  Caesar  was  severed.  In  52  B.C.  he  was  made  sole  con- 
sul and  introduced  measures  which  revealed  his  alliance 
with  the  senate  and  his  break  with  Caesar.  Pompey  was 
now  at  the  zenith  of  his  remarkable  career.     He  was  at 


Conquest  of  Gaul  413 

once  sole  consul  in  Rome,  proconsul  of  the  two  Spains  with 
liberty  to  govern  them  through  legati;  he  had  the  right  to 
levy  troops  in  Italy,  and  was  a  special  commissioner  of  the 
corn  supply,  with  unlimited  power  over  the  Mediterranean 
sea  and  all  its  coasts  and  harbors.  Such  an  accumula- 
tion of  powers  was  substantially  monarchy;  if  they  could 
be  enforced  against  Caesar,  it  was  monarchy, 

475.  Caesar  in  Gaul. — Jealousy  and  fear  of  Caesar 
may  have  had  much  to  do  with  the  new  attitude  now 
assumed  by  Pompey.  For  Caesar's  career  in  Gaul  had 
been  remarkable.  The  ten  years  now  drawing  to  a  close 
(59-49  B.C.)  had  been  occupied  with  hard  fighting  and 
skilful  diplomacy.  Assigned  the  provinces  of  Cisalpine 
and  Transalpine  Gaul  and  Illyricum,  he  proceeded  at 
once  to  protect  Roman  interests  on  their  borders,  threat- 
ened by  movements  among  the  tribes  beyond.  The  con- 
tinual tumult  caused  by  quarrels  between  these  tribes  was 
heightened  by  the  incoming  of  Germans  from  across  the 
Rhine.  Already  the  Helvetii,  a  Gallic  tribe  living  in  the 
country  about  the  sources  of  the  Rhone  and  Rhine,  were 
hard  pressed  and  prepared  to  move  westward.  If  the 
pressure  were  not  removed,  the  Roman  province  would 
sooner  or  later  be  threatened  with  invasion.  Requests 
for  help  from  Gallic  tribes  gave  another  opportunity 
for  Caesar's  interference.  He  crossed  the  Roman  border, 
forced  back  the  Helvetii  who  had  already  begun  to  move, 
drove  the  Germans  in  Gaul  over  the  Rhine  and  plunged 
into  a  series  of  campaigns  which,  in  successive  years,  car- 
ried his  arms  to  the  North  sea,  across  the  Rhine,  to  the 
shores  of  the  Atlantic  and   into  Britain.*     Opposition 

*  For  CcCsar's  famous  campaigns,  the  student  is  advised  to  read  his 
equally  famous  Commentaries. 


414  Decline  of  the  Republic 

was  crushed  or  turned  by  alliance  into  friendship  until 
the  Roman  name  was  supreme  throughout  all  Gaul. 
No  attempt  was  made  to  bring  the  country  under  the 
direct  rule  of  Rome,  but,  following  his  army,  came  Ro- 
man commerce  and  culture  to  transform  the  people  and 
prepare  the  way  for  the  addition  of  Gaul  to  the  empire. 
Importance  CcBsar's  achievement  had  two  results:  (i)  It  turned  Gaul 
°^,^,'®         into  a  bulwark  of  civilization  to  hold  back  advancing 

Work  o 

There.  German  barbarism  and  thus  furnished  a  means  for  ex- 

tending this  civilization  and  establishing  it  in  the  regions 
beyond  Gaul.  Thereby  all  succeeding  periods  of  west- 
ern history  down  to  our  own  day  have  been  stamped  with 
Rome's  impress.  (2)  Caesar  gained  for  himself  men  and 
money  by  which  to  take  a  commanding  part  in  the  further 
history  of  Rome. 

476.  Caesar  in  Conflict  with  the  Senate. — Caesar  had 
sore  need  of  these  things,  for  Pompey,  backed  by  the 
senate,  was  rapidly  taking  a  more  hostile  attitude. 
Caesar's  term  as  proconsul  closed  in  March,  49  B.C.,  and 
he  could  not  enter  upon  the  consulship  for  which  he 
wished  to  stand  till  48  B.C.  Meanwhile,  he  would  be  a 
private  citizen  and  could  be  brought  to  trial  and  ruined 
on  charges  which  he  knew  would  be  trumped  up  against 
him.  Moreover,  he  could  stand  for  the  consulship  only  by 
coming  to  Rome  in  person;  this  he  could  not  do  without 
leaving  his  province  and  giving  up  his  proconsulate.  He 
sought  to  have  these  conditions  waived  in  his  case,  but 
the  senate  refused.  Finally,  after  endless  negotiations, 
the  senate  commanded  him  to  resign  his  province,  and 
Pompey  was  called  upon  to  save  the  state  from  him  as  a 
public  enemy.  In  response  Caesar  crossed  the  Rubicon, 
a  river  which  separated  his  province  from  Italy,  and 


Cccsar  Monarch  415 

marched  rapidly  on  Rome  with  an  army  (January,  49  He 


Marches 
on  Rome 


B.C.),  Rome  was  in  alarm,  and  Pompey,  with  the  ma- 
jority of  the  senate  and  a  crowd  of  nobles,  fled  to  the 
coast  and  crossed  over  to  Greece,  where  he  gathered  an 
army  from  the  eastern  provinces.  Caesar  found  himself,  is  Master 
without  serious  opposition,  in  possession  of  Italy  and 
Rome.  After  a  hasty  expedition  to  Spain,  where  he 
overthrew  Pompey's  veteran  armies  under  the  command 
of  his  legates  and  thus  freed  his  rear  from  danger  during 
the  coming  struggle  in  the  east,  he  was  appointed  dic- 
tator, held  the  elections,  in  which  he  was  made  consul 
(48  B.C.),  and  proceeded  to  enter  upon  the  war  with 
Pompey  and  the  senatorial  party. 

477.  Caesar  Wins  the  Roman  World. — The  decisive  pharsaius 
battle  was  fought  at  Phar-sa'lus  in  Thessaly  (48  B.C.). 
Pompey  was  beaten  and  his  army  scattered;  he  himself 
fled  to  Egypt,  where  he  was  murdered  as  he  sought  to 
land.  But  lesser  commanders  held  out  in  the  various 
provinces  against  the  victor  and  he  was  compelled  to 
make  a  series  of  campaigns  against  them.  First,  the 
east  was  brought  into  order.  In  Egypt,  Cleopatra  and 
her  brother  Ptol'e-my,  descendants  of  the  old  Greek 
rulers,  were  placed  on  the  throne  under  Roman  pro- 
tection, and  Caesar  came  under  the  fascination  of  the  in- 
telligent and  charming  but  morally  unscrupulous  young 
queen.  A  battle  at  Zela  (47  B.C.)  overthrew  the  son  of 
Mithridates,  who  attempted  to  withstand  him.  It  is  of 
these  incidents  that  Byron  writes: 

"Alcides  with  the  distaff  now  he  seems  at  Cleopatra's  feet, 
And  now  himself  he  beams  and  came  and  saw  and  conquered." 

The  formidable  array  of  Pompeian  generals  in  Africa 
was  annihilated  in  the  battle  of  Thapsus  (46  B.C.).     A  last 


416 


Decline  of  the  Republic 


His  Death. 


Its 
Spirit. 


stand  in  Spain  was  made,  only  to  be  overthrown  in  45  B.C. 
at  the  battle  of  Munda.  After  four  years  of  fighting,  Csesar 
was  master  of  the  situation,  and  the  opportunity  was 
open  to  him  of  solving  the  problems  of  the  state,  which 
had  been  in  the  balance  for  nearly  a  hundred  years. 
But  early  in  44  B.C.  (March  15)  he  was  assassinated  in 


BATTLE  OF  PHAllSALUS.    ,< 

% vv-*  '//,.       Ji-.  .,g^ 


"'JhUu^' 


i^^^Sv^^^sS^S^-^ 


lil" 


D 


n 


Ill 


>ll""''. 


ic^v-^ 


the  senate-house  by  a  band  of  conspirators,  led  by  Gaius 
Cassius  and  a  favorite  friend,  Marcus  Brutus,  and  the 
Roman  world  again  plunged  into  anarchy. 

478.  His  Work  of  Reorganization. — In  the  intervals 
of  his  campaigns,  however,  Caesar  set  himself  to  re- 
establish public  order  and  civil  administration  both  by  his 
example  and  spirit  and  by  his  laws,  (i)  His  attitude 
toward  his  enemies  was  an  astonishingly  mild  one.  No 
murders,  no  wholesale  seizure  of  property,  no  gratifying 
of  personal  grudges  marked  his  victory;  on  the  contrary 


Policy  of  Ccesar  417 

forgiveness  of  injuries  and  the  employment  of  vanquished 
opponents  in  state  service  was  the  rule.     This  can  only 
mean  that  the  welfare  of  the  state  and  not  personal  am- 
bition ruled  his  spirit.     (2)  He  recognized  his  victory  The 
as  the  supremacy  of  the  magistracy  over  the  other  organs  su^pTeme.*^^ 
of  state-life.     The  senate  and  the  people  had  alike  failed 
to  administer  affairs  with  success.     Now  it  was  the  turn 
of  the  magistrate.     The  senate  was  reduced  to  its  legiti- 
mate place  as  his  adviser.     To  this  end  it  was  enlarged 
to  nine  hundred  members,  made  more  representative  by 
being  drawn  from  various  ranks  of  society  and  districts 
of  the  empire;   even  "half-barbarian  Gauls"  were  there. 
The  people  exercised  its  functions  of  law-giving  and  elec- 
tion under  his  bidding  and  direction.     (3)    He  gathered  He  is 
all  the  magisterial  powers  into  his  own  hand.     The  par-   Magistrate 
ticular  office  by  which  he  ruled  the  state  was  that  of  dic- 
tator, but  he  combined  with  it  consular,  proconsular, 
tribunician  and  censorial  powers,  all  of  which  were  con- 
ferred upon  him  by  senate  and  people.     (4)  The  unifi- 
cation of  the  empire  was  one  of  his  chief  aims.     The  His  im- 
centralization  of  magisterial  powers  in  himself  enabled  an"*its  * 
him  to  hold  all  affairs  in  his  own  hands  and  direct  them   Reaiiza- 

'  tion. 

himself.  The  chief  outward  sign  of  this  was  his  favorite 
title,  imperator.  As  imperator  he  possessed  an  impe- 
riiim  above  and  inclusive  of  that  of  other  magistrates.* 
Hence,  he  alone  ruled  the  provinces  and  he  was  head  of 
the  city  government.  His  measures  indicate  his  ideals. 
(a)  Citizenship  was  conferred  on  a  wider  scale  than  ever 
before.  The  Gauls  across  the  Po,  colonies  in  the  prov- 
inces and  worthy  persons  among  the  provincials  were 
given  full  rights  and  the  Latin  right  was  conferred  upoQ 

*  This  is  called  the  majus  impen'uni. 


418  Decli7ie  of  the  Republic 

others,  {h)  Municipal  government  (§  381)  was  unified 
and  its  institutions  and  powers  determined  more  pre- 
cisely, (c)  New  colonies  were  established  at  Corinth  and 
Carthage  and  decaying  colonies  and  towns  were  revived 
by  new  settlers.  (</)  The  city  populace  of  Rome  was 
curbed,  political  clubs  were  abolished,  the  number  of 
those  receiving  state  grain  was  cut  down  one-half;  Rome 
began  to  be  reduced  from  the  position  of  a  sovereign  of 
subject  lands  to  the  place  of  a  leading  city,  or  capital,  of 
an  empire,  {e)  The  soldiers  of  his  armies  were  settled 
on  lands  obtained  without  confiscation.  Thus  law, 
rights,  order  and  prosperity,  common  to  all,  began  to 

other  appear  throughout  the  one  empire.     (5)   Outside  of  po- 

c  m  les.  \\^\q^q\  affairs,  the  activities  of  Caesar  were  notable.  He 
reformed  the  calendar  by  substituting  for  the  indefinite 
lunar  year  the  exact  sun  year  of  365}  days.  Public  works 
were  undertaken  both  for  the  benefit  of  the  state  and  the 
employment  of  needy  citizens.  Chief  among  these  was 
the  Julian  Forum,  adorned  with  the  temple  of  Venus, 
his  patron  goddess.  We  are  told  that  he  planned  other 
extensive  projects  for  beautifying  the  city  and  benefiting 
Italy,  such  as  erecting  a  temple  to  Mars  and  a  theatre, 
establishing  public  libraries,  draining  the  Pomptine 
marshes  and  the  Fucine  lake,  building  a  road  over  the 
Apennines,  codifying  the  laws;  but  his  death  left  them 
uncompleted. 

479.  Literature  in  His  Day. — Caesar's  genius  was 
many-sided,  almost  universal.  He  possessed  striking 
literary  power  in  an  age  of  vigorous  intellectual  activity. 
Some  of  the  chief  ornaments  of  Roman  literature  flour- 
ished in  his  own  day,  but  he  shone  as  brightly  as  any. 

Lucretius.     Two  Roman  poets,  Lucretius  and  Ca-tul'lus,  belong  to 


Republican  Literature  419 

his  time.  Lucretius  is  famous  for  his  philosophical 
poem  "On  the  Nature  of  Things,"  dealing  with  the  origin 
and  history  of  the  world  and  man,  on  the  principles  of 
the  Epicurean  philosophy  (§  324).  Not  only  is  its  in- 
sight into  truth  remarkable,  but  the  poetical  power  dis- 
played is  rich  and  strong.  Catullus  was  a  lyric  poet  CatuUus 
who  died  at  thirty,  but  left  behind  him  poems  whose  lines 
are  so  delicate,  original  and  touching,  as  to  rank  him 
among  the  greatest  lyrists  of  the  world.  Supreme  in  ckero. 
the  realm  of  prose  was  Cicero  (§  470),  who  sprang  into 
fame  as  an  orator  by  his  prosecution  of  Verres,  the  cor- 
rupt Roman  governor  of  Sicily,  and  advanced  it  by  a  long 
series  of  legal  and  political  speeches  like  those  against 
Catiline  (§  471).  In  another  sphere,  that  of  political, 
literary  and  philosophical  treatises,  he  wrote  works  such 
as  those  On  Oratory,  On  the  State,  On  the  Nature  of  God, 
On  Old  Age.  These  masterpieces  are  not  only  notable 
for  their  ideas,  they  are  most  significant  in  their  marvellous 
mastery  of  the  Latin  tongue,  the  majestic  roll  of  their 
sentences,  the  music  of  their  phrases,  the  strength  and 
variety  of  their  vocabulary.  He  made  Latin  the  vehicle 
of  expression  for  the  widest  and  highest  thought,  the 
medium  of  utterance  for  generations  of  scholars  and 
thinkers  to  come.  Among  such  men  Caesar  was  also 
famous.  As  an  orator,  there  were  those  who  placed  him 
on  a  level  with  Cicero.  But  the  world  knows  him  best 
in  literature  by  his  unrivalled  narratives  of  his  cam- 
paigns. His  Commentaries,  notes  or  jottings  on  the  Cssar 
Gallic  War  and  the  Civil  War,  are  expressed  in  terse,  wrtter. 
vivid,  clear  Latin,  "the  model  and  despair  of  later  his- 
torians." The  only  man  of  the  time  who  approached  Saiiust. 
him  was  Sallust,  one  of  his  younger  contemporaries  and 


420  Decline  of  the  Republic 

a  trusted  officer,  whose  model  for  historical  writing  was 
Thucydides  (§227).  His  chief  work  was  his  History 
of  his  own  times  from  the  death  of  Sulla.  Only  a  few 
fragments  of  it  remain,  but  two  brief  treatises,  one  on  the 
war  with  Jugurtha  and  the  other  on  the  conspiracy  of 
Catiline,  have  survived.  They  show  considerable  lit- 
erary power  if  not  an  admirable  sense  for  historic  truth. 
Lesser  lights  of  the  time  were  Cornelius  Nepos,  the  biog- 
rapher, and  Varro,  the  learned  antiquarian,  whose  trea- 
tises on  old  Roman  life  and  manners,  though  preserved 
in  fragments,  have  been  of  great  value  to  modern  stu- 
dents. 

480.  Caesar's  Supreme  Genius  Analyzed. — ^Yet,  as 
soldier  and  statesman,  Caesar  stands  pre-eminent.  He 
possessed  four  gifts  to  an  extraordinary  degree,  (i) 
Quickness  of  insight  and  an  almost  preternatural  ability 
to  choose  the  right  course  to  success.  (2)  A  breadth  of 
view  which  saw  things  in  their  widest  issues  and  could 
devise  measures  on  a  scale  proportionate  to  the  problem 
to  be  solved.  (3)  Immense  capacity  for  toil.  (4)  Mar- 
vellous power  to  draw  men  to  himself,  to  fire  them  with 
his  own  enthusiasm  and  to  set  them  at  work.  Any  one 
of  these  gifts  makes  a  strong  man;  all  of  them  combined 
made  Caesar  the  foremost  man  of  his  time  and  one  of  ths 
few  greatest  men  of  all  times.  His  only  parallel  in  the 
The  Results  ancient  world  is  Alexander  of  Macedon.  His  untimely 
iiurden'^^  death,  like  that  of  his  Greek  predecessor,  changed  the 
whole  course  of  history;  for,  whereas,  Alexander  had 
planned  to  add  the  west  to  his  great  empire,  Caesar,  in 
the  year  of  his  murder,  was  about  to  start  on  a  campaign 
to  add  the  far  east  to  the  Mediterranean  world,  from 
which  it  had  drawn  apart,  under  Parthian  rule,  during 


Effects  of  Murder  of  Ccemr  421 

the  decay  of  the  Seleucid  empire  in  the  second  century 
B.C.  The  chance  to  unite  the  whole  world  in  one  state 
never  recurred.  Moreover,  Caesar's  idea  of  a  despotic 
government,  and  of  the  degradation  of  Italy  and  the 
Italians  to  be,  like  the  provincials,  his  subjects,  was  not 
ripe  for  execution  in  his  time.  Certainly,  it  was  not 
ripe  for  execution  by  any  one  but  himself;  and  since 
his  successor,  as  we  shall  see,  turned  deliberately  away 
from  absolutism  and  sought  to  preserve  intact  the  im- 
perial position  of  Italy,  Caesar's  career  forms  but  a  brill- 
iant episode  in  a  development  which  continued  on  its 
course  to  issue  in  the  principate  of  Augustus. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  were  the  following  im- 
portant: Drusus,  Jugurtha,  Sertorius,  Luca,  the  Rubicon, 
Lucretius?  2.  What  is  meant  by  triumvirate,  Italica,  Agra- 
rian law,  majus  imperium,  populares?  3.  Who  were  the 
two  leading  Scipios  and  how  did  they  receive  their  names  of 
Africanus  and  jEmilianus?  4.  Trace  the  careers  of  the  follow- 
ing men  through  the  period :  Marius,  Sulla,  Pompey,  Cicero, 
Caesar.  5.  What  was  the  the  date  of  Caesar's  death?  6.  What 
was  the  spirit  of  Tiberius  Gracchus's  reform  measures?  7. 
How  did  Gaius  Gracchus  play  the  game  of  politics?  8.  How 
were  the  senate  and  office  of  tribune  affected  by  Sulla's  legis- 
lation? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES.  1.  Compare  the  parties  at  Rome  in 
origin,  aims  and  character  with  those  at  Athens  in  the  fifth 
century  (§§  168,  189,  218,  223,  239,  243).  2.  With  what  Greek 
statesman  and  soldier  would  you  compare  Sulla  (see  Plutarch's 
choice)?  3.  In  Plates  XVIII  and  XXX  compare  the  heads  of 
Alexander  and  Caesar  and  draw  some  conclusions. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Land  Law  of  Tiberius 
Gracchus.  IIow  and  Leigh,  pp.  337-344.  2.  Gaius  Gracchus's 
Measures  and  Their  Fate.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  346-356,  358-360. 
3.  The  Numidian  War.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  360-371.  4. 
Military  Reforms  of  Marius.  How  and  Leigh,  pp.  378-380. 
5.  The  Social  War.     How  and  Leigh,  ch.  39.    6.  The  Constitu- 


422  Decline  of  the  Republic 

tion  of  Sulla.  How  and  Leigh,  ch.  44.  7.  Pompey  in  the  East. 
How  and  Leigh,  ch.  46.  8.  Conspiracy  of  Catiline.  How  and 
Leigh,  ch.  47.  9.  Caesar  in  Gaul.  How  and  Leigh,  ch.  49.  10. 
The  Legislation  of  Caesar.  How  and  Leigh,  ch.  52.  11.  The 
Food,  Clothing  and  Employment  of  the  Poor.  Fowler,  Social 
Life  at  Rome,  pp.  33-59.  12.  The  Roman  Business  Man. 
Fowler,  pp.  69-90.  13.  The  Roman  Matrons.  Fowler,  pp.  143- 
156.  14.  The  Economic  Aspect  of  Slavery.  Fowler,  pp.  213- 
222.  15.  Cicero's  Country  Homes.  Fowler,  pp.  251-262.  16. 
A  Letter  of  an  Undergraduate  in  the  University  of  Athens. 
Fowler,  pp.  199-203. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Roman 

Constitution  by  the  Year  133  b.c.  Munro,  pp.  47-52  (source); 
Horton,  ch.  19.  2.  The  Gracchi  and  Their  Times.  Plutarch, 
Lives  of  the  Gracchi;  Morey,  ch.  19;  Seignobos,  ch.  13;  Botsford, 
pp.  151-160;  Shuckburgh,  ch.  35.  3.  The  Politics  of  the  Gracchi. 
Abbott,  pp.  94-98.  4.  The  Times  of  Marius  and  Sulla,  Morey, 
ch.  20;  Seignobos,  ch.  14;  Botsford,  pp.  160-174.  5.  TheNumidian 
War.  Myres,  pp.  360-368.  6.  The  Cimbri  and  Teutones. 
Myres,  pp.  368-372;  Horton,  ch.  23.  7.  Military  Reforms  of 
Marius.  Myres,  378-380.  8.  The  Social  War.  Shuckburgh, 
pp.  589-592.  9.  The  Constitution  of  Sulla.  Morey,  pp.  176- 
179;  Al:)bott,  pp.  104-107;  Myres,  ch.  35.  10.  Times  of  Pompey 
and  Caesar.  Morey,  ch.  21;  Botsford,  pp.  175-196.  11.  Pompey 
in  the  East.  Shuckburgh,  ch.  42.  12.  Conspiracy  of  Catiline. 
13.  Caesar  in  Gaul.  Shuckburgh,  ch.  44.  14.  Caesar,  Pompey 
and  the  Senate.  Abbott,  pp.  129-138;  Horton,  ch.  30;  Morey, 
pp.  197-200.  15.  The  Legislation  of  Caesar.  Abbott,  pp.  114- 
116;  Myres,  ch.  41.  16.  Roman  Literature  of  This  Period. 
Laing  (quotations  and  biographies),  pp.  63-197;  Mackail,  pp.  39-88. 
17.  The  Effect  of  LucuUus's  Eastern  Campaign  upon  Financial 
Conditions  in  Italy.  Ferrero,  vol.  I,  pp.  200-224.  18.  The  First 
Triumvirate,  a  Three-Headed  Monster.  Ferrero,  vol.  I,  pp. 
324-336.  19.  How  Caesar  became  a  Demagogue.  Ferrero,  vol. 
I,  pp.  250-265.  20.  Lucullus  in  the  East.  Heitland,  vol.  Ill, 
pp.  9-10,  13-14,  30-41.  21,  Cagsar's  Last  Ambition.  Ferrero, 
vol.  II,  pp.  282-302.  22.  Jugurtha's  Claim  to  the  Numidian 
Crown.  Greenidge,  vol.  I,  pp.  321-344.  23.  Jugurtha's  Visit  to 
Rome:  Its  Significance.  Greenidge,  vol.  I,  pp.  346-353.  24. 
Jugurtha's  Capture  Closes  the  War.  Greenidge,  vol.  I.  pp. 
465-472.  25.  The  Trials  of  Verres  and  Flaccus.  Heitland, 
vol.  Ill,  pp.  18-2I;  1 41-144. 


General  Review  423 


GENERAL    REVIEW    OF    PART    III,    DIVISIONS     1-6 

1200(?)-44  B.C. 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  An  outline  of  the  main 
points  of  Roman  history  in  chronological  order  from  the  point 
of  view  of  Rome's  relation  to  outside  peoples.  2.  A  similar 
outline  from  the  point  of  view  of  Rome's  inner  life.  3.  The 
peoples  that  contributed  to  Rome's  greatness,  arranged  chron- 
ologically with  examples  (§§  344,  346,  348,  364,  370-372,  403, 
437,  441,  445,  449).  4.  The  most  important  dates  in  Roman 
history  to  44  B.C.  5.  The  changes  appearing  in  Rome's  attitude 
toward  outside  peoples  (§§  354,  355,  372,  377,  399,  427,  431,  434, 
466,  478).  6.  Roman  farming  and  the  farmer — as  illustrating 
the  history  (§§347,  357.  359,  3^6,  379,  387,  403.  418,  437,  440, 
458).  7.  Development  of  the  Roman  army  (§§  350,  362,  385). 
8.  A  list  of  the  great  men  of  Rome  in  the  different  periods  of 
her  history  to  44  b.c.  9.  Roman  citizenship  in  the  various 
periods  of  Roman  history  (§§  371,  381,  447,  450,  43C),  460).  10. 
An  enumeration  of  the  influences  and  tendencies  that  from  the 
beginning  of  the  state  led  up  to  Caesar's  supremacy  (§§  419, 
423,  424,  435,  451,  452,  456,  459,  466,  469).  II.  The  history  of 
the  influence  of  commerce  on  Roman  history  (§§  339,  344,  372, 
311,  399,  423,  434,  439,  45°,  455,  457,  459,  461,  464,  468). 

MAP  AND  PICTURE  EXERCISES,  i.  Prepare  a  map  of  repub- 
lican Rome  to  accompany  paper  No.  3  below.  2.  Compare 
the  oriental  heads  in  Plate  II  with  the  heads  of  Caesar  and 
Cicero  in  Plate  XXX.  3.  In  the  same  way  compare  the  two 
Roman  heads  with  the  Greek  heads  in  Plate  XVIII.  4.  Make 
a  plan  of  the  Roman  Forum  and  use  it  to  illustrate  Plate  XXIX. 
5.  Prepare  a  map  of  the  Mediterranean  world  to  show — by 
different  colored  pencils  or  inks — the  expansion  of  Rome  in 
each  of  the  three  periods  to  44  b.c.  6.  On  Plate  XXVIII  study 
the  Roman  coins  of  this  age  and  compare  them  with  the  Greek 
coins  of  Plate  XXVII.     (See  Appendix  II.) 

SUBJECTS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,  i.  The  Roman  Magis- 
trate— His  Position,  Powers  and  Duties.     Abbott,  pp.  150-173. 

2.  The  ^dile — His  Powers  and  Duties.     Abbott,  pp.  202-206. 

3.  The  City  of  Rome  down  to  44  b.c.  Merivale,  ch.  78.  4.  The 
Roman  Senate — its  Position,  Powers  and  Duties.  Abbott,  pp. 
220-243;    Fowler,  City  Stale,  ch.  8.    5.  Rome's  Treatment  of 


424 


Main  Epochs  of  Empire 


Spain  as  Illustrative  of  Its  Dealing  with  Conquered  Peoples. 

How  and  Leigh,  pp.  240-245,  464-466;  Shuckburgh,  pp.  458- 
463,  55S-545.  6.  Roman  Slavery  as  Testified  to  by  the  Ro- 
mans Themselves.  Sources  in  Munro,  pp.  179-192.  7.  The 
Carthaginian  Empire.  Mommsen,  History  of  Rome,  vol.  II,  bk. 
3,  ch.  I.  8.  Roman  Roads.  Dictionaries  of  Antiquities,  articles 
"Via"  or  "Roads";  Guhl  and  Koner,  pp.  341-344;  Johnston,  pp. 
282-287.  9.  The  Story  of  Terence's  "  Phormio"  as  Illustrative 
of  Roman  Comedy.  Laing,  pp.  4-62.  10.  How  was  Justice 
Administered  at  Rome?  Abbott  (§§  65,  87,  96,  100,  182,  189, 
200-203,  222,  236,  251,  309).  II.  Some  Roman  Traditional 
Stories :  {a)  The  Secessions  of  the  Plebeians,  {h)  The  Caudine 
Forks.  Munro,  pp.  74-77.  (c)  Cincinnatus.  Botsford,  Story 
of  Rome;  Yonge,  Stories  of  Roman  History;  Church,  Stories  from 
Livy.  12.  An  Estimate  of  Caesar  Written  by  Pompey.  13.  The 
Roman  Equites  (Knights)— History  and  Privileges.  Diction- 
aries of  Antiquities,  under  the  name;  Greenidge,  "Roman  Public 
Life,"  index  under  name.  14.  The  Financial  Administration  of 
the  State.  Abbott  (§§  184,  213,  239,  280;  Greenidge,  pp.  229-232, 
286-287).  15.  "  We  ought  to  be  thankful  to  Caesar  every 
day  that  we  live."    Justify  this  remark. 


The 

Problem 
and  Its 
Solution. 


Divisions 
of  the 
Period. 


481.  Preliminary  Survey. — The  era  of  expansion  be- 
ginning with  264  B.C.  had  put  Rome  in  possession  of  the 
countries  where  the  main  current  of  historic  life  had 
hitherto  run  its  course.  A  world-empire  had  arisen, 
stretching  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic.  The 
problem,  again  thrown  into  the  arena  by  Caesar's  mur- 
der, was  the  administration  of  that  empire;  the  course 
of  the  following  epochs  of  ancient  history  is  the  solution 
of  that  problem — the  government  of  the  Roman  world. 

Thus  the  history  of  the  period  falls  into  three  main 
epochs. 

7.  The  Roman  Empire  (Principate),  44  b.c.-a.d.  284. 

8.  The  Roman  Empire  (Despotism),  a.d.  284-395. 

9.  The  Breaking  up  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 

End  of  the  Ancient  Period,  a.d.  395-800. 


Flight  of  A.s.sa^s.s'm.s  425 

BIBLIOGRAPHY* 

For  bibliography  for  advanced  students  and  teachers,  see  Appendix  I. 

Dill.  Roman  Society  from  Nero  lo  Marcus  Aurclius.  Macmillan.  A 
masterly  work.  In  general  suitable  only  for  teachers,  but  a  few 
passages,  judiciously  selected,  may  be  helpful  for  pupils  also. 

Bury.  The  Student's  Roman  Empire;  to  tJie  Death  of  Marcus  Aurelius. 
American  Book  Co.  Full  of  matter,  well  written,  an  invaluable  work  of 
reference,  rather  too  detailed  for  continuous  reading  by  the  beginner. 

Gibbon.  The  Student's  Gibbon.  American  Book  Co.  This  well-known 
abridgment  of  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire 
should  be  constantly  in  the  hands  of  the  student  for  the  period 
with  which  it  deals. 

Jones,  H.  S.  The  Roman  Empire.  Putnams.  Brilliantly  written,  up  to 
date  and  reliable.  The  best  single-volume  histor}-  from  Augustus 
to  Augustulus. 

Merivale.  General  History  of  Rome  to  476  a.d.  American  Book  Co. 
Merivale  becomes  especially  useful  in  the  imperial  period;  his  narra- 
tive is  full  and  clear,  though  the  organization  of  his  material  is 
defective. 

Tucker.  Life  in  the  Roman  World  of  Nero  and  St.  Paul.  Macmillan. 
Interesting  and  reliable. 


7.— THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  (PRIXCIPATE) 

44  B.C.-A.D.  284 

482.  After  Caesar — What? — The  thirteen  years  (44-31 
B.C.)  that  followed  Caesar's  murder  were  filled  with  tur- 
moil and  struggle.  Those  who  hoped  that  the  senate 
would  resume  control  of  the  government  were  soon  un- 
deceived. Antony,  consul  at  the  time  of  Caesar's  death,  Antonye 
came  forward  as  his  successor,  and  Brutus  and  Cassius, 
placing  no  reliance  upon  the  fickle  populace  of  Rome, 
and  finding  no  enthusiasm  for  their  act  in  Italy,  fled  to 
the  east,  to  provinces  assigned  to  them  by  their  victim. 
Cicero  started  to  follow  at  their  heels,  but  plucking  up 

*  For  previous  bibliographies,  see  §§  5a,  89a,  33Sa. 


426  The  Principate 

courage,  he  returned  to  Rome;  and,  taking  advantage  of 
a  dissension,  which  split  for  a  time  the  followers  of  Cae- 
sar, he  roused  the  senate  to  action  and  tried  to  guide 

Octavius.  events  on  lines  favorable  to  republicanism.  This  brief 
restoration  of  senatorial  power  was  due  to  the  appearance 
of  Octavius,  the  grandnephew  and  heir  of  Caesar,*  a 
youth  who,  though  but  eighteen  years  of  age,  showed  un- 
common prudence  and  energy.  Since  Antony  declined 
to  recognize  his  rights,  he  won  over  many  of  Caesar's 
veterans  by  a  free  use  of  money,  which  his  friends  and 
relatives  provided,  and  by  proclaiming  his  purpose  to  be 
to  avenge  the  murder  of  the  great  leader.  At  the  same 
time,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  co-operate  with  the  senate 
in  its  struggle  with  Antony.  Cicero  thought  he  could 
use  "the  boy"  for  his  own  purposes  and  then  throw  him 
aside.  He  was  terribly  mistaken.  Once  the  unnatural 
partners  had  defeated  Antony  in  a  war  at  Mu-ti'na  and 
Octavius  had  shown  that  he  could  not  be  ignored,  these 
two  united  with  themselves  Lepidus,  whom  Caesar  had 
appointed  to  the  province  of  Transalpine  Gaul,  a  man 
of  little  force  or   insight.     Supported   by    the   legions, 

The  Second  they  Compelled  the  senate  to  appoint  them  a  triumvirate 

viratT.'  ^°^  settling  the  affairs  of  the  state  (43  B.C.).  Acting  in 
this  capacity,  they  avenged  themselves  on  their  enemies 
in  Rome  and  filled  the  city  with  _bloqd._  Their  most 
illustrious  victim  was  Cicero,  whose  brilliant  orations  f 
against  Antony  in  the  senate,  a  few  months  before,  had 

Phiiippi.  aroused  his  hatred.  At  the  battle  of  Phi-lip'pi  (42  B.C.) 
they  overthrew  the  armies   which  Brutus  and  Cassius 

*  As  adopted  son  of  Ccesar  his  name  was  C.  Julius  Caesar  Octavianus. 
t  Tliese  orations  were  called  Philippics  in  recollection  of  Demosthe- 
nes' speeches  against  Philip  (§  276). 


Antony  and  Octavius  427 

had  gathered  in  the  east.  Then  Antony  and  Octavius 
set  about  their  task  of  settling  affairs,  Antony  taking  the 
east  and  Octavius  the  west.  Antony  failed  to  manage 
his  share  of  the  empire  successfully;  he  became  entan- 
gled with  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  and  let  matters  go 
at  loose  ends.  Moreover,  he  c^uarrelled  with  Octavius, 
who  in  the  meantime  had  restored  order  in  Italy,  taken 
the  province  of  Sicily  and  the  rule  of  the  sea  from  the 
pirate  king,  Sextus  Pompeius,  Pompey's  son,  shelved  Le- 
pidus,  found  his  great  general,  A-grip'pa,  and  his  great 
diplomat  and  councillor,  Mae-ce'nas,  and,  in  a  word,  by 
his  shrewd  sense  and  statesman-like  conduct  won  the 
good-will  of  all  the  best  Roman  citizens.  Thus  accom-  Actium, 
panied,  the  one  by  failure,  the  other  by  success,  the  two 
met  in  battle  at  Actium  (31  B.C.),  where  x\ntony  was 
beaten.     Octavius  alone  remained  at  the  head  of  the  state. 

In  the  agony  of  the  struggle  at  Actium,  Cleopatra,  who  had  com-  Cleopatra, 
mand  of  the  Egyptian  squadron  of  Antony's  fleet,  raised  sail  and 
made  off  for  Egypt.  She  had  bound  Antony  to  herself,  as  earlier 
Julius  Caesar,  in  order  to  save  her  kingdom  from  Roman  attack  and, 
maybe,  to  become  queen  of  the  whole  world.  Now  that  she  foresaw 
the  destruction  of  her  lover,  she  wished  to  save  herself  and  her  country, 
if  possible,  from  participating  in  his  fate.  What  she  had  not  cal- 
culated on  was  the  blind  devotion  of  Antony,  who,  leaving  his  fleet 
and  army  commanderless,  sailed  away  to  Eg)'pt  with  her.  Never- 
theless, Cleopatra  did  not  despair  of  getting  rid  of  Antony  and  gaining 
the  support  of  the  young  man  who  now  could  deal  with  Eg}'pt  as  he 
pleased.  She  entered  into  an  intrigue  with  Octavius  as  he  drew  near 
her  country,  and  carried  her  treachery  so  far  that,  having  entered  into 
a  pact  with  her  lover  to  commit  suicide  together,  she  issued  a  false 
report  of  her  death.  Antony  at  once  killed  himself.  Then  the 
hitherto  invincible  queen  tried  her  seductions  on  Octavius,  but  one 
glim{)se  of  the  cold  blue  eye  and  the  passionlessly  polite  mien  of  the 
victor  told  her  that  she  had  met  her  match.     Rather  than  be  carried 


428  The  Principate 

to  Rome  to  grace  the  triumph  of  Octavius,  she  took  her  own  life. 
Thus  perished  the  last  of  a  long  line  of  Egyptian  queens— the  last  of 
the  Ptolemies.     Egypt  became  part  of  the  Roman  empire. 

483.  The  Problem  of  Octavius. — The  questions  that 
had  faced  Caesar  now  confronted  Octavius — how  should 
the  state  be  reorganized,  and  what  place  should  he  occupy 
in  it  ?  For  answering  these  questions  he  possessed  little 
of  the  genius  of  his  uncle,  that  far-seeing  eye,  that  quick 
grasp  of  all  the  elements  in  the  situation,  that  daring 
and  enthusiastic  spirit  which  did  not  shrink  from  doing 

His  Fitness  in  its  owu  Way  whatever  was  to  be  done.  Yet  Octavius 
had  what  was,  perhaps,  for  his  time,  a  better  equipment — 
caution  and  coolness,  attachment  to  the  past,  love  of 
peace  and  order,  an  iron  will  which,  however,  was  ready 
to  use  the  most  available  means  to  gain  its  way.  With 
these  qualities  he  could  not  follow  Caesar's  path — break 
with  the  past,  gather  all  powers  into  his  own  hand  and 
rule  the  state  as  supreme  magistrate.     Had  not  that 

His  Plan,  path  led  to  assassination  ?  He  proposed  to  restore  the  old 
order  and  adjust  his  own  position  and  power  to  it. 
Senate,  magistrates  and  people  should  play  their  part  as 
before  in  the  conduct  of  the  state.  On  him  should  be 
conferred  extraordinary  powers  for  the  special  tasks  of 
administration  which  so  sorely  needed  attention  in  the 
vast  domains  of  the  imperial  state. 

484.  Augustus,  27  B.C.-14  A.D. — In  the  year  27  B.C. 
the  arrangement  went  into  force.  "I  transferred  the 
state,"  he  says,  "from  my  power  to  the  control  of  the 
senate  and  people."  He  was  already  consul;  now  he  was 
given  by  them  the  proconsular  imperium  for  ten  years  and 
the  sacred  title  of  Augustus.  With  this  dual  power  went 
supreme  authority  over  all  provincial  governors  and  sole 


Prince:  President  429 

rule  over  certain  provinces  on  the  frontiers  where  armies 
were  needed;   he  was  therefore  master  of  the  legions. 
Over  these  provinces  he  placed  lieutenants  (Jegati)  re- 
sponsible to  himself.     The  other  provinces  were  rule!  ThePro- 
by  proconsuls  and  propnetors  appointed  by  the  senate.*  impe^ium 
He  already  possessed  the  tribunician  power  and  for  some  ^'^^  '^^ 

'^  ^  ^  Tribunician 

years  continued  to  be  elected  consul.     But,  as  it  was  not  Power, 
constitutional  to  be  consul  and  proconsul  at  the  same 
time,  he  laid  down  the  consulship  in  23  B.C.,  although  re- 
taining the  rank  and  power,  preferring  to  take  part  in 
civil  affairs  by  virtue  of  his  tribunician  authority.    To  rep-  The 
resent  his  place  in  the  state  in  all  its  aspects  he  chose  the     "°*^'p^  ^• 
title  of  princeps  or  "First  Citizen,"  whence  this  form  of 
government  is  called  the  Principate.     Later  he  was  also 
honored  with  the  title  of  pater  patrice,  "Father  of  his 
country."     From  time  to  time  his  proconsular  power  was 
renewed,  as  the  term  for  which  it  was  assigned  expired; 
the  tribunician  power  only  he  held  for  life.     The  people 
elected  magistrates  and  made  laws;  the  senate  adminis- 
tered the  state  through  him  and  other  officials  appointed 
by  it.     Thus  Augustus  proudly  declared  that  he  had  re-  The 
stored  the  republic.     His  conduct  was  in  accordance  with  Restored 
his  word.     In  the  city  he  wore  the  toga  of  a  citizen  and 
lived  in  his  simple  home  on  the  Palatine,  wearing  the 
clothes  woven  by  the  women  of  his  family.     No  escort  ac- 
companied him  about  the  streets  except  such  as  became 
a  magistrate,  and  every  citizen  could  consult  him  without 

*  The  place  of  Egypt  in  this  arrangement  was  peculiar.  It  was 
assigned  as  a  province  to  neither,  but  was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  private 
possession  of  Augustus.  No  senator  was  permitted  to  enter  it.  The 
reason  for  this  was,  no  doubt,  the  monarchical  sentiment  of  the  people 
and  the  immense  importance  of  Egypt  to  Rome  because  of  its  corn- 
supply. 


430 


The  Principate 


Italy  the 
Centre. 


The 
Freedmen. 


The 
Provinces. 


ceremony.  His  position  was,  in  fact,  much  nearer  that  of 
Pompey  in  52  B.C.  than  that  of  Caesar  in  45  B.C.  It  should 
be  observed  that  Pompey,  too,  had  been  called  princeps. 

485.  The  Good  Results. — The  advantages  of  this  ar- 
rangement were  clear  and  its  beneficial  results  im- 
mediate. A  sense  of  security  and  satisfaction  was  felt 
everywhere.  Now,  at  last,  peace  under  constitutional 
government  was  obtained.  A  proper  method  of  reor- 
ganizing the  state  and  meeting  the  difficulties  of  admin- 
istration was  reached.  The  evils  of  the  time  were  met 
with  strong  remedies. 

486.  The  Empire  Organized. — The  empire  was  set  in 
order.  Here  the  central  thought  of  Augustus  was  that 
the  heart  of  the  empire  was  Italy,  from  the  Alps  to  Sicily. 
Over  against  Italy  and  dependent  upon  it  were  the 
provinces.  It  was  the  "sacred  land."  Its  economic 
prosperity  revived;  waste  lands  were  peopled  and  brought 
under  cultivation;  disorder  was  put  down;  the  munici- 
palities were  given  free  scope  to  organize  and  govern 
themselves;  public  roads  were  repaired.  The  dignity 
of  Italian  citizenship  was  emphasized.  Even  the  freed- 
men were  given  a  place  in  the  public  life  by  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Augustales,  a  body  of  men,  appointed  in  each 
community,  who  at  their  own  expense  attended  to  the 
worship  of  Augustus.  To  be  an  Augustal  was  regarded 
as  a  notable  distinction  by  the  freedmen,  but  not  by  free 
citizens  who  could  not  worship  the  princeps  without  ad- 
mitting their  political  inferiority.  Italy,  thus  set  apart 
from  the  rest  of  the  state,  as  the  model  and  glory  of  the 
empire,  was  governed  by  the  senate.  The  provinces 
were  dealt  with  in  the  same  thorough  way.  Those  which 
were  under  the  direct  rule  of  Augustus  were  managed 


The  Provinces  431 

by  his  legates  and  procurators,*  men  selected  because  they 
were  efficient  administrators.  They  were  dependent  on  Officials, 
him  for  advancement  and  honor;  hence  they  sought  by 
good  work  to  obtain  his  favor.  The  borders  of  the  em- 
pire were  protected  and  the  internal  affairs  of  the  prov- 
inces Vv'ere  regulated.  An  imperial  coinage,  guaranteed 
by  the  state  as  pure,  was  put  into  circulation.  The  army,  Army, 
which  in  the  civil  wars  had  reached  the  enormous  size 
of  more  than  fifty  legions,  was  reduced  to  twenty-five,  or 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  It  was  kept  on 
the  frontiers  constantly  under  arms,  trained  and  pre- 
pared for  defence.  It  was  under  the  direct  command 
of  Augustus.  After  a  victory  the  soldiers  hailed,  not 
their  own  general,  as  formerly,  but  Augustus,  as  im- 
perator.  Only  Roman  citizens  could  serve  in  the  legions. 
In  addition  provincials  were  employed  as  auxiliaries  to  the 
number  of  not  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand. 
Each  legion  had  its  particular  name  and  usually  its  perma- 
nent quarters  in  a  special  province.  By  virtue  of  being 
commander-in-chief,  Augustus,  like  other  generals,  had 
his  body-guard  (the  cohors  prcetoria) ;  as  he  lived  at  Rome, 
his  guard  was  stationed  in  the  city;  it  was  the  "praetorian 
cohort,"  and  under  its  two  prefects  or  commanders  had 
much  influence  in  the  state.  The  finances  of  the  prov-  Finances 
inces  were  established  on  a  firm  basis.  All  the  income 
from  the  provinces  under  Augustus  came  into  his  treasury, 
called  the  Fiscus,\  and  he  had  sole  power  over  its  man- 

*  The  procurators  were  fiscal  agents  who  took  the  place  of  manv  of 
the  publicani. 

t  The  word  means  "basket";  in  Roman  households  the  money-box 
was  a  basket.  It  is  also  claimed  that  the  Fiscus  dates  from  the  time  of 
Claudius.  In  any  case,  Augustus  controlled  the  revenues  which  arose 
from  his  own  provinces. 


432  The  Pr'mcipate 

agement.  Hence,  there  was  no  more  stealing  of  public 
money  by  ofi&cials.  A  map  of  the  empire  was  prepared, 
showing  the  chief  towns  and  roads  of  every  province;  a 
census  was  taken  of  the  greater  provinces,  perhaps  of 
all.  The  farming  of  taxes  with  all  its  abominations  was 
greatly  restricted.  The  land  lax  and  the  poll  tax,  the 
two  direct  taxes  levied,  were  collected  by  the  state;  the 
"publican"  (§423)  still  dealt  in  the  customs  and  other 
like  imposts.  Thus  a  business  administration  was  es- 
tablished which  saved  money  and  gave  the  state  abundant 
revenues.  Augustus  spent  this  money  freely  on  imperial 
roads  and  buildings  throughout  the  empire.  By  these 
means  he  created  new  bonds  of  unity  which  held  the 
Roman  world  together  as  never  before  and  brought  about 
the  extension  of  Roman  civilization  from  end  to  end  of  it. 
We  can  hardly  conceive  the  immense  advantage  to  the 
provinces  of  this  stable  and  beneficent  government. 

487.  Foreign    Policy. — ^The    policy  of  Augustus  with 
respect  to  the  peoples  outside  the  Roman  world  was  in 

The  East,  general  a  very  prudent  one.  In  the  east  he  had  no  desire 
to  follow  up  the  project  of  Julius  Caesar  for  a  war  with 
Parthia.  He  was  content  by  skilful  negotiation  to  ob- 
tain the  return  of  the  battle-flags  lost  by  Crassus  (§  454) 
and  to  increase  by  peaceful  ways  the  influence  of  Rome 

The  West,  bcyond  the  Euphrates.  In  the  west  and  south  he  devoted 
himself  rather  to  reorganization  than  to  expansion. 
Spain  was  subdivided  into  three  provinces  and  com- 
pletely brought  under  Roman  control.  A  large  number 
of  new  colonies  was  planted  in  it  and  every  encourage- 
ment given  for  the  development  of  urban  (municipal)  life. 
In  fact,  Augustus  wished  to  Latinize  Spain  and  Africa, 
and  provide  for  their  local  administration,  in  precisely 


Municipalities  433 

the  same  way  and  by  precisely  the  same  methods  as 
those  followed  by  Alexander  the  Great  and  the  Seleucids 
in  Hellenizing  Asia  (§§  299,  319,  435).  The  two  districts 
were  to  become  eventually  a  honeycomb  of  municipalities, 
each  with  a  territory  definitely  marked  off  for  it  and 
divided  into  individual  holdings  by  the  land  surveyors  for 
whom  Rome  was  so  famous.  The  lands  between  the  mu- 
nicipal territories  were  to  be  waste  or  forest  lands  (saltus) 
or  belong  to  the  public  domain.  They  were  a  burden  and 
a  source  of  revenue  to  the  central  government.  In  the 
years  to  come  some  of  Rome's  greatest  citizens  had  their 
homes  in  these  western  lands. 

In  the  case  of  Gaul,  outside  the  old  province  of  Narbo,  quite  a  Gaul  and 
different  form  of  organization  was  adopted.  The  whole  area  was,  Egypt  Ex- 
indeed,  divided  into  three  provinces,  Lugdunensis,  Aquitania  and  "^  '°°^ 
Belgica,  but  unity  was  preserved  in  that  the  revenues  were  collected 
from  all  alike  by  officials  attached  to  the  Rhine  army  and  in  that  dele- 
gates from  all  met  at  Lyons  to  offer  worship  on  the  altar  of  Roma  et 
Augustus.  By  this  act  they  acknowledged  their  fealty  to  the  two 
powers  now  existent  in  Italy  (dyarchy).  They  did  not  control  their 
own  tax  payments  because  Augustus  neither  permitted  the  founda- 
tion of  new  colonies  nor  encouraged  the  growth  of  municipalities  in 
Gaul.  He  divided  the  whole  district  once  for  all  into  sixty-six  com- 
munities {civitates)  so  that  no  land  was  available  for  colonies;  within 
the  communities  cantons  (pagi)  were  recognized,  and  also  villages 
(vici)  but  the  latter  lacked  anything  like  a  general  assembly,  senators 
(decuriones)  or  magistrates  (duovin)  such  as  were  found  in  the 
municipalities.  They  were  governed  from  above  by  officials  of 
the  community  or  canton  chosen  from  the  Celtic  nobility.  Self- 
government  was  thus  denied  to  the  people  in  Gaul  as  it  was  denied 
to  the  people  in  Egypt;  and,  indeed,  the  organizations  of  these  two 
provinces  have  many  points  of  similarity  (§311). 

On  the  north  the  problem  was  first  of  all  a  military  The  North. 
problem.     The  dangers  from  the  restless  Teutonic  peo- 


434  The  Principate 

pies  made  necessary  an  advance  into  this  region  until  a 
defensible  frontier  should  be  reached  and  the  nations 
bordering  on  it  brought  under  Roman  influence.  The 
natural  boundary  in  the  northeast  was  the  Danube; 
thither  Augustus  pushed  forward  his  line.  Four  new 
provinces  were  formed:  Moesia,  Pannonia,  Noricum  and 
Rhaetia,  extending  from  the  Black  sea  to  the  sources  of 
the  Danube.  Connecting  with  these  on  the  north  and 
northwest  the  shortest  boundary  would  be  made  by  the 
Elbe.  Augustus  advanced  across  the  Rhine  to  establ.sh 
his  frontiers  on  that  river.  By  these  means  it  was  felt 
that  the  most  dangerous  border  of  the  Roman  world 
would  be  safely  guarded. 

488.  The  Imperialism  of  Augustus. — Within  the 
frontier  thus  defined  lay  the  Roman  world;  beyond — to 
the  ends  of  the  earth,  to  the  points  reached  in  the  vision 
of  Alexander  and  Caesar,  Augustus  did  not  venture 
The  fact  was  that  he  lacked  both  the  will  and  the  power 
for  further  conquest  and  accordingly  stayed  the  restless 
advance  of  Rome  to  universal  dominion.  He  was  no 
soldier  or  general  and  had  no  passion  for  adventure.  His 
was  the  purely  intellectual  type  which  lacked  physical 
not  moral  courage.  Besides,  his  scheme  of  government 
placed  the  burden  of  imperialism  squarely  on  the  shoul- 
A  Limit  Set  ders  of  Italy.  From  it  he  demanded  one  hundred  and 
ExM^ion  ^^^y  thousand  men  for  military  service,  or  one-tenth  of  its 
entire  male  population  of  military  age.  He  could  not 
demand  more — the  drain  on  economic  activity  was  almost 
intolerable  as  it  was.  Nor  could  he  venture  to  raise  more 
than  another  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  in  the 
provinces  without  bringing  the  supremacy  of  the  Italians 
into  peril.     With  three  hundred  thousand  men,  however. 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

IX  THE 
TIME  OF  AUGUSTUS. 


p  1  UP  200  300  400  500 

Sc&le  of  Miles. 


QHH^^BoundarleH  of  Roman  Empire  at  death  of  Julius  Caesar* 
^^^ZZZl.Terrltory   added  by   Augustas. 
QHHHB  States  allied  to  Rome. 
BBBBBSenatorlal  Provinces. 

I . 


30  LiOngituile         eai^t        30'       Irom         lirwiiuiili  40 


PLATE  XXXI 


From  the  Villa  Medici  and  Terme 


lena  Mater  in  the  Uffizi 


RELIEFS   FROM    THE   ARA   PACIS   AUGUSTvE— ART   OF   THE 
AUGUSTAN  AGE 


Ccesar  Worship  435 

he  found  it  impossible  to  do  more  than  protect  defensible 
frontiers  and  preserve  internal  peace. 

489.  The  Worship  of  the  Emperor. — Among  the  Italians  Augustus 
fostered  an  aristocracy  of  senators  and  knights,  the  senate  being 
its  head.  To  this  the  whole  administration  of  the  central  govern- 
ment of  the  empire  belonged,  and  of  it  he  was  one,  its  princeps,  to 
be  sure.  To  the  Italians  belonged  the  subject  world  which  the 
aristocracy  held  and  governed  primarily  for  their  advantage.  Of 
old  the  sheep  had  been  flayed;  now  they  were  to  be  merely  shorn. 
Over  the  subject  world  there  was  established  a  dyarchy  or  joint  rule 
of  the  republic  and  the  princeps.  These  two  authorities  divided 
between  them  the  provinces,  the  revenues,  jurisdiction,  administra- 
tion. Their  power  was  absolute.  That  is  to  say,  they  were  superior  Legalizing 
to  the  local  officials  in  Gaul  and  Egypt,  to  the  city-states  in  the  Greek  Absolutism 
half  and  to  the  municipalities  in  the  Latin  half  of  the  Mediterranean 
world.  Yet  these  lesser  authorities,  being  in  theory  independent, 
could  not  accept  orders  from  foreigners  without  humiliation.  Nor 
did  they  need  to. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  Greeks  had  for  generations  been  in  the 
habit  of  enrolling  their  rulers  among  their  deities,  and  long  before  the 
time  of  Augustus  they  had  accepted  as  peculiarly  their  monitor  in 
political  affairs  a  goddess  of  their  own  creation — Roma  (§435).  Now 
Augustus  was  put  by  her  side,  and  before  the  death  of  the  first 
princeps  every  province  in  the  empire  had  its  temple  or  altar  to  Roma 
et  Augustus.  Naturally,  Romans  could  not  worship  these  deities, 
for  to  do  so  meant  to  become  their  subjects.  Hence,  in  Rome  an 
altar  of  the  "Augustan  Peace'' — one  of  the  most  notable  artistic 
monuments  of  his  age — was  erected,  no  altar  or  temple  of  Augustus 
himself;  hence,  too,  only  freedmen,  whom  Augustus  disfranchised 
in  Rome  and  in  the  Roman  municipalities,  could  enter  into  the 
body  of  the  Augustales  who  had  charge  of  the  worship  of  Augustus 
and  his  successors  in  these  places.  Thus  the  bond  which  linked  the 
government  of  the  Italians  to  the  provinces  was  one  of  religion. 
Caesar-worship,  as  it  is  called,  took  its  place  among  the  recognized 
religious  cults  of  the  time  as  a  natural  testimony  to  the  divine  char- 
acter of  the  new  Roman  state,  which  rose  high  above  all  other  powers, 
the  symbol  of  universal  order  and  peace. 


436  The  Principate 

490.  Social  Life  Reformed. — Augustus  had  clear  no- 
tions of  the  spirit  which  should  inspire  the  state.  He 
proposed  to  revive  the  old  Roman  ideals.  The  simple 
life  of  duty  to  the  gods  and  service  to  the  state  was  again 
to  be  supreme  in  Roman  society.  He  encouraged  mar- 
riage and  the  rearing  of  children;  divorce,  which  had 
grown  so  alarmingly  common,  and  other  forms  of  im- 
morality, that  were  destroying  the  purity  of  private  life 
at  Rome,  were  sternly  repressed.  The  different  orders 
of  society  were  clearly  marked  off  and  fitting  tasks  were 
assigned  to  each.  The  senatorial  order  was  purged  of 
unworthy  members  and  set  at  its  task  of  governing  its 
share  of  the  state.  From  it  he  chose  officials  for  all  the 
highest  positions  in  the  army  and  in  his  provinces.  The 
equestrian  order  he  also  controlled  and  reorganized,  and 
from  it  he  chose  the  great  body  of  his  financial  officials. 
As  possessed  of  tribunician  power,  he  guided  and  curbed 
the  Roman  populace,  but  he  had  no  sympathy  for  its 
pretensions,  and  after  some  fruitless  attempts  to  make  it 
less  of  a  mob  by  giving  new  powers  to  its  ward  officials 
and  by  arranging  for  the  casting  of  votes  in  the  munici- 
palities of  Italy,  he  decided  to  give  it  as  little  occasion  for 
assembling  as  possible  and  advised  Tiberius  to  deprive 
it  of  the  electoral  power  altogether.  For  Augustus  the 
republic  meant  the  senate,  not  the  comitia.  Perhaps  his  \ 
supreme  passion  was  the  restoration  of  the  old  Roman 
religion.  Ancient  temples  were  rebuilt  and  the  venerable 
worship  was  revived  in  stately  splendor.  In  12  B.C.  he 
became  Pontifex  Maximus,  the  head  of  the  Roman 
church.  New  and  rich  endowments  were  provided  for 
the  priestly  colleges.  The  worship  of  the  Lares  (§  347), 
_whi£h,  above_ali_else,  was  typical  of  the  old  faith,  and 


The  Augustan  Age  437 

Vv^hich  appealed  particularly  to  the  freedmen  and  slaves, 
who  had  little  interest  in  the  greater  national  deities,  was 
revived.  Three  hundred  of  their  shrines  were  raised 
along  the  streets  of  the  city  and  twice  a  year  they  were 
adorned  with  flowers.  In  each  was  a  pait  of  little  images 
— the  dancing  and  drinking  Lares — and  between  them 
was  set  the  representative  of  the  genius,  or  immortal 
part  of  Augustus.  Thus  were  the  masses  taught  to 
reverence  the  princeps.  By  all  this  he  sought  to  show 
that  it  was  the  ancient  gods  who  had  raised  him  to  power 
and  had  brought  peace,  order  and  prosperity  to  the  world. 
His  plans  largely  succeeded.  Religion,  as  the  old  Roman 
conceived  it,  in  its  best  sense,  lived  again.  The  altars 
smoked  anew  with  sacrifices. 

491.  Literature  Revives. — Corresponding  to  the  glad 
sense  of  order  and  peace,  literature  and  art  took  on  new 
life.  One  of  the  world's  greatest  poets,  Publius  \'er-  Vergii 
gilius  Maro  (70-19  B.C.),  adorned  the  Augustan  age. 
His  poems,  the  "Eclogues"  picturing  pastoral  life,  the 
"  Georgics",  in  praise  of  agriculture,  and  his  chief  work, 
the  "iEneid",  an  epic  which  glorifies  the  beginnings  of 
Rome,  are  all  full  of  the  spirit  and  ideals  that  inspired 
Augustus.  The  religion  that  made  Rome  great,  the  sturdy 
faith  and  stalwart  patriotism  that  filled  her  sons  with 
might — these  he  hallowed  in  melodious  verse  and  touching 
pictures,  which  gave  him  wondrous  popularity  then  and 
have  made  his  name  immortal  in  the  world  of  poetry. 
His  conception  of  the  world-wide  mission  of  Rome,  her 
imperial  destiny  and  the  certainty  of  its  success  in  the 
hands  of  Augustus,  contributed  mightily  to  the  strength 
of  the  new  regime.  He  was  worthily  seconded  by  the  Livy. 
historian,  Titus  Livius  (59  b.c.-a.d.  17),  who  used  all 


438  The  Principate 

materials  which  had  come  down  to  him  from  the  past  to 
write  his  Roman  History  in  one  hundred  and  forty-two 
books,  from  Rome's  beginning  to  9  B.C.  He  idealized  the 
old  days  and  found  consolation  for  the  evils  of  the  present 
only  in  a  return  to  the  sobriety,  fidelity  and  heroism  of  the 
past.  The  legends  of  early  Rome  he  retells  without  criti- 
cism of  their  truth,  and  throws  a  halo  of  splendor  over  the 
days  of  the  republic.  With  strong  imagination  and  ro- 
mantic temper  he  pictures  the  noble  men  and  stirring 
scenes  of  early  times.  His  style  is  full  and  flowing,  and  he 
is  possessed  of  a  fine  literary  art  which  expresses  itself  in 
the  picturesque  grouping  of  his  intensely  human  charac- 
ters. Unfortunately,  only  a  small  part  of  his  great  work 
Horace.  has  been  preserved.  Another  literary  leader  was  Quintus 
Horatius  Flaccus  (65-8  B.C.),  the  son  of  a  freedman. 
In  his  Satires  he  plays  upon  the  social  and  literary 
follies  of  the  Rome  of  his  day;  his  Epodes  are  even  more 
satirical;  he  reaches  the  height  of  his  genius  in  the  Odes 
and  Epistles.  A  genial  critic  of  life  who  sees  its  weak- 
nesses yet  loves  it,  with  few  ambitions  beyond  a  glowing 
fireside,  a  good  wine  and  a  sympathetic  friend,  a  lover  of 
nature  who  was  at  the  same  time  a  man  of  the  world,  he 
had  the  unique  power  of  putting  his  thoughts  into  precise, 
telling  phrases  and  of  fitting  them  into  lyrical  verse  of 
charming  delicacy  and  force.  Vergil,  Livy,  Horace — 
these  three  have  given  an  enduring  fame  to  the  Augustan 
age,  of  which  they  are,  each  in  his  own  way,  the  char- 
acteristic products. 

492.  Revival  of  Art. — Monuments  in  bronze  and 
marble  attested  the  revival  of  art  in  this  time.  Augus- 
tus himself  added  to  the  old  Forum  a  new  one  and 
built,  among  other  temples,  that  of  Apollo  on  the  Pala- 


The  Augustan  Age  439 

tine,  of  marble  without,  and  filled  with  statues.  From 
him  also  came  the  theatre  of  Marcellus  with  a  seating 
capacity  of  twenty  thousand  persons.  Others  vied  with 
him  in  adorning  the  city.  Agrippa,  his  most  trusted 
officer,  built  the  Pantheon,  the  temple  of  Poseidon  and 
magnificent  public  baths.  It  is  said  that  Augustus  de- 
clared with  pride:  "I  received  a  city  of  brick;  I  leave  a 
city  of  marble."  A  stately  list  of  the  edifices  built  or 
restored  by  Augustus  forms  a  part  of  the  record  of  his 
achievements — the  Monumentum  Ancyranum  ("Deeds 
of  Augustus") — which  he  left  at  his  death,  and  which  is 
one  of  our  chief  sources  for  his  reign. 

493.  The  Culmination. — To  show  that  an  old  age  had  The 
come  to  an  end — a  century  of  vast  disorder  in  the  state  ^^'^"•^' 

J  Games. 

and  of  ever-present  fear  for  life  and  property  to  the  in- 
dividual— and  that  a  new  era,  one  of  peace  and  order,  had 
opened,  Augustus  chose  the  celebration  of  the  Ludi 
Sceculares,  a  festival  which  was  observ^ed  every  hundred 
years.  This,  the  fifth  time  of  its  observ^ance,  in  the  year 
17  B.C.,  was  one  of  singular  splendor.  For  it  Horace 
wrote  a  hymn,  the  Carmen  Sccciilare. 

494.  The  Birth  of  Jesus. — Amid  all  the  splendors  of 
the  Augustan  age  a  child  was  born  in  one  of  the  most  in- 
significant provinces  of  the  empire  whose  sway  was  to 
surpass  in  power  and  extent  the  wildest  dreams  of  the 
Caesars.  In  the  days  of  Herod,  king  of  Judaea,  vassal  of  a  New  Era 
Augustus,  Jesus  Christ  *  was  born  in  Bethlehem  of 
Judaea.     We  do  not  know  the  year.     It  was  four  or  five 

years  before  the  date  traditionally  assigned.     Yet  our 

*  "Christ"  is  the  Greek  equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  word  "Messiah," 
the  "anointed"  (king)  whom  the  Jevs's  expected  to  appear  as  their  de- 
liverer. 


440 


The  Principate 


The  Aris- 
tocracy 
CorruDt. 


Ovid  Its 
Exemplar. 


chronology  turns  upon  it,  for  the  years  of  the  world's  his- 
tory are  numbered  according  as  they  precede  the  assigned 
year  of  his  birth  or  follow  it.*  Jesus  was  the  founder  of 
Christianity,  the  religion  which  was  to  play  a  large  part 
in  the  history  of  the  Roman  empire  and  is  professed  by 
the  so-called  Christian  nations  of  Europe  and  America. 
495.  The  Shadows  in  the  Scene.  Moral  Corruption. — • 
But  there  was  another  side  to  all  the  grandeur  of  the 
Augustan  age.  The  people  of  the  city  of  Rome  had  too 
long  been  a  prey  to  moral  corruption  to  be  reformed 
by  example  and  precept.  Unbounded  luxury  and  gilded 
vice  continued  to  be  fearfully  rampant  among  the  higher 
classes.  Even  Julia,  the  daughter  of  Augustus,  created 
scandal  by  her  loose  behavior.  The  lower  classes  still 
clamored  for  free  bread  and  games.  To  them  Augustus 
had  to  yield  in  part,  and  his  doles  to  them  and  the  shows 
he  exhibited  before  them  surpassed  even  those  of  his 
predecessors.  Over  against  the  fine  spirit  and  high  ideals 
of  a  Vergil  must  be  placed  the  example  and  popularity  of 
other  poets  of  the  time,  among  whom  the  most  prominent 
was  Publius  Ovidius  Naso,  better  known  as  Ovid  (43 
B.c.-A.D.  18).  He  was  not  untouched  by  the  nobler 
memories  and  hopes  of  his  time,  as  his  Fasti  show — a 
gathering  up  of  the  ancient  Roman  religious  customs  ar- 
ranged according  to  the  religious  calendar.  But  his 
Met-a-mor' pho-ses,  a  collection  of  myths  of  transforma- 
tion, his  Art  of  Love,  his  Love  Stories  and  other  poeti- 
cal trifles,  reveal  the  gay  and  profligate  character  of  the 
society  of  which  he  was  the  pride  and  ornament.  Pos- 
sessed of  a  vivid,  brilliant  and  graceful  poetic  gift,  a  born 


*  That  is,  B.C.,  "before  Christ,"  and  A.D.,  anno  Domini, 
of  the  Lord."     Christ  was  crucified  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius. 


'the  year 


Incompetence  of  the  Senate  441 

story-teller,  he  used  his  powers  for  frivolous  and  un- 
worthy ends.  Banished  to  Pontus  by  Augustus  because 
of  his  intrigues,  he  exhibits  in  his  Tristia  the  baseness 
of  his  spirit  by  his  fawning  praise  of  the  princeps  who 
had  justly  condemned  him. 

496.  Administrative   Difficulties. — Augustus's   scheme 
of  government  did  not  work  altogether  as  w^as  expected. 
The  balance  of  power  between  the  senate  and  himself  Growth  oi 
steadily  swung  toward  his  side.     The  senate  showed  in-  p°nceps^ 
competence  in  the  sphere  of  administration  assigned  to  it, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  take  more  and  more  of  its  proper 
activities  upon  himself.     In  Rome,  for  example,  he  took 
charge  of  the  supply  of  corn  and  its  distribution  to  the  poor 
and  also  of  the  water  supply.     The  police  and  firemen 
were  also  under  prefects  appointed  by  him.     In  Italy 
and  the  senatorial  provinces  he  had  large  powers.     All 
the  military  forces  throughout  the  empire  were  under 
his  orders.     Sometimes  he  was  compelled  to  undertake 
the   financial  reorganization  of  a   province   which  had 
gone  bankrupt  under  senatorial  administration.     Thus  it 
gradually  became  clear  how  diflicult  it  was  to  conduct 
affairs  on  this  division  of  powers.     No  wonder  that  those 
who  had  hailed  him  as  the  restorer  of  the  republic  began  to 
question  whether  he  had  not  become  its  master.     The 
nobles    murmured.     At    least    three    conspiracies    were  conspira- 
formed  against  him;  though  they  failed,  the  motive  which  ""' 
inspired  them  was  obvious.     That  Augustus  was  able  to 
hold  his  position  for  so  many  years,  without  falling  a  vic- 
tim to  the  spirit  that  had  killed  Julius,  is  a  testimony  to 
his  prudence  and  vigilance.     He  was  fortunate,  also,  in  His  Coun 
having   two   wise   counsellors,   Maecenas   and   Agrippa.  ^^"°''^* 
Maecenas  was  a  diplomatist  of  uncommon  tact  and  wis- 


442  The  Principate 

dom;  at  the  same  time  he  was  a  man  of  the  v/orld,  enor- 
mously rich,  a  patron  of  art  and  literature.  Agrippa  was 
the  man  of  action  as  well  as  of  counsel.  He  won  the 
battle  of  Actium  for  Augustus  and  was  intrusted  by  the 
princeps  with  the  direction  of  every  critical  piece  of  work 
in  military  or  civil  affairs.  Both  died  before  their  mas- 
ter, and  he  was  wont  to  say  during  the  later  and  darker 
days  of  his  reign:  ''This  would  not  have  happened  had 
Maecenas  or  Agrippa  been  alive." 

497.  The  Disaster  of  Varus. — For  darker  days  did 
come  as  the  long  years  of  Augustus  drew  to  their  close. 
A  severe  blow  was  struck  at  his  military  prestige,  when 
Varus,  the  incompetent  commander  of  the  legions  on  the 
northern  frontier,  was  slain  and  his  army  cut  to  pieces  in 
the  Teutoberg  forest  by  the  Germans  under  Arminius 

The  (a.d.  9).     Augustus    decided  that  it  was  impossible  to 

Spa™d"^      keep  the  frontier  at  the  Elbe  and  withdrew  his  forces  to 

the  Rhine.     He  enjoined  this  policy  of  cautious  defence 

of  the  borders  upon  his  successors. 

498.  Augustus  the  Only  Successful  Princeps. — The 
state  of  Augustus  did  not  come  into  existence  at  one 
stroke.  To  conceive  grandly  and  execute  promptly  was 
not  his  way.  His  motto  was  "hasten  slowly"  {festina 
lente),  and  all  his  life  he  kept  adding  and  subtracting — 
building  a  new  order  round  his  own  personality.  Augustus 
and  his  state  became,  in  fact,  a  unity,  and  that  was  the 
tragedy  of  the  principate.  None  but  a  man  of  Augustus's 
temperament  could  make  a  successful  princeps:  he  must 
be  zealous,  yet  careless  of  the  appearance  of  power;  he 
must  guide  and  direct,  yet  observe  all  forms  scrupu- 
lously— was  he  not  simply  the  first  citizen,  entitled  to  influ- 
ence, of  course,  but  tlQt  to  command  ?     He  must  keep  the 


The  Succession  443 

army  in  the  background  and  yet  dominate  it  beyond  fear 
of  rivalry;  he  must  be  able  to  mingle  freely  in  the  society 
of  the  nobles  as  one  of  themselves,  yet  surpass  all  in  per- 
sonal dignity.  Around  Augustus  himself  the  institutions 
of  state  were  moulded.  Where  could  another  Augustus 
be  found  to  take  his  place? 

499.  Problem  of  the  Succession. — The  weakest  point 
in  the  arrangement  between  Augustus  and  the  senate  con- 
cerned the  imperial  succession.  If  he  had  received  his 
appointment  as  princeps  from  the  senate  and  people,  then 
they  could  appoint  as  his  successor  whomsoever  they 
might  choose.  As  his  was  an  extraordinary  office,  they 
might  decide  not  to  continue  it  after  his  death.  But,  in 
fact,  Augustus  was  determined  not  only  that  the  princeps 
should  remain,  but  that  the  one  whom  he  should  point 
out  should  succeed  him.  But  how  should  this  successor 
be  indicated  ?  Augustus  decided  to  associate  with  him-  The  De- 
self  this  destined  successor  during  his  lifetime  in  such  a 
way  as  to  make  his  purpose  clear.  Whom,  then,  should 
he  thus  designate?  He  himself  had  married  twice;  his  ms Family 
first  wife  bore  him  a  daughter,  Julia,  whom  he  married  to 
his  friend  and  counsellor,  Agrippa.  Two  promising  sons 
of  this  marriage  died  before  their  grandfather.  The 
third  son  was  an  impossible  candidate.  Agrippa,  his 
son-in-law,  was  at  one  time  thought  of  as  the  chosen  suc- 
cessor, but  he,  too,  passed  away  in  the  lifetime  of  Augus- 
tus. Augustus's  second  wife,  Livia,  had  been  divorced 
from  her  former  husband  after  she  had  borne  him  two 
sons,  Tiberius  and  Drusus.  Drusus  died  before  Augus- 
tus. Tiberius  alone  remained.  Though  Augustus  dis-  choice  of 
liked  him,  he  was  a  capable,  vigorous  man  and  the  choice 
was  narrowed  to  him.     In  a.d.  4  Augustus  adopted  h-m 


vice  of 
Augustas. 


Tiberius. 


Augustus. 


444  The  Principate 

as  his  son,  and  bestowed  upon  him  the  imperium  for  ten 
years  and  the  power  of  the  tribunate;  in  a.d.  13  he  re- 
newed the  command  and  defined  it  as  equal  to  his  own. 
Thus  there  could  be  no  doubt  whom  the  princeps  desired 
to  follow  him.  Having  gone  thus  far,  he  could  not  vent- 
Death  of  ure  farther.  The  next  year  he  himself  died  at  the  age 
of  seventy-five  years. 

We  are  told  that  in  the  hour  of  death  he  called  for  a  looking-glass 
and  bade  them  arrange  his  hair  and  his  beard.  He  asked  his  friends 
whether  he  had  played  well  the  "farce"  of  life.  Then,  alone  with 
his  own  family,  he  asked  after  the  health  of  a  little  child  of  the  family 
who  was  ill,  then  suddenly  kissed  his  wife  Livia  and  expired  quietly, 
breathing  out  the  last  words  "Livia,  live  mindful  of  our  union; 
farewell." 

500.  The  Achievement  of  Augustus. — The  nearly  half 
a  century  during  which  Augustus  had  conducted  the  plan 
of  administration  devised  by  himself  had  established 
it  as  an  abiding  work.  Herein  is  his  glory,  that  he 
founded  a  new  and  permanent  government  for  the  shat- 
tered Roman  state.  He  had  done  what  Julius  had  failed 
to  do.  Order,  peace,  prosperity,  permanence — these 
things  he  restored  to  the  Roman  world.  Defective  and 
illogical  as  his  scheme  may  have  been  in  some  points,  it 
was  thoroughly  timely  and  practical.  It  saved  Rome  from 
going  to  pieces;  it  formed  a  working  basis  for  unity  and 
progress;  it  preserved  Roman  civilization  for  centuries 
and  gave  it  the  opportunity  to  expand  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth.  For  these  blessings,  the  results  of  which  we  enjoy, 
we  are  indebted  to  Augustus  Caesar. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  famous: 
Agrippa,  Antony,  Livy,  Varus,  Maecenas,  Vergil,  Livia?  2. 
What  is  meant  by  princeps,  Fiscus,  Augustales,  Ludi  Saecu- 


The  Julio- Claudia?!  Line  445 

lares,  Praetorian  Cohort,  Pontifex  Maximus?  3.  What  is  the 
date  of  the  battle  of  Actium,  of  the  death  of  Augustus,  of  the 
birth  of  Jesus?  4.  What  burdens  did  the  imperialism  of 
Augustus  inflict  upon  Italy? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  What  ideas  of  the  divinity  of  man 
had  appeared  in  the  eastern  world  which  resembled  Caesar- 
worship?  2.  Compare  the  differing  conditions  in  which  Vergil 
and  Homer  (§§  104-111)  lived  as  illustrating  the  differences 
in  their  poetry.  3.  Compare  the  political  position  and  ideas 
of  Augustus  with  those  of  Alexander  (§§  282,  290,  292,  294, 
297-300). 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Foundations  Laid  by 
Augustus  for  a  New  Rome.  Jones,  pp.  3-12,  40-41.  2.  The 
Military  System  Reconstructed.  Jones,  pp.  12-18.  3.  Augus- 
tus's Settlement  of  the  Eastern  Question.  Jones,  pp.  21-24,  38. 
4.  The  Disappointments  of  Augustus's  Private  Life.  Jones, 
pp.  19-21,  25-26,  30-33. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Period 
of  the  Second  Triumvirate.  Money,  pp.  203-212;  Shuck- 
burgh,  ch.  46.  2.  ThePrincipate.  Munro,  pp.  143-148  (sources); 
Abbott,  pp.  266-273;  Myres,  pp.  545-549;  Seignobos,  pp.  266- 
268;  Merivale,  ch.  51.  3.  The  Provinces  in  the  Scheme  of 
Augustus.  Morey,  pp.  220-224;  Abbott,  pp.  283-2S5;  Merivale, 
pp.  409-410;  Myres,  pp.  553-555-  4-  The  Foreign  Policy  of 
Augustus.  Myres,  pp.  544-553;  Abbott,  p.  282.  5.  The  Charac- 
ter of  Augustus.  Botsfonl,  p.  2tS;  Morey,  jip.  22S-229;  Horton, 
pp.  316-318.  6.  Roman  Literature  of  the  Augustan  Age.  Laing, 
pp.  198-386  (biographies  and  quotations);  Mackail,  pp.  91-168. 
7.  Social  and  Financial  Rome  in  the  Last  Century  B.C.  Fer- 
rero,  vol.  II,  pp.  42-54.  8.  The  Corn  Trade  of  the  Ancient 
World.  Ferrero,  pp.  321-325.  9.  The  Death  of  an  Aristoc- 
racy. Ferrero,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  215-226,  229-238.  10.  New 
Revenues  and  Expenditures  in  Augustus's  Reign.  Ferrero,  vol. 
IV,  pp.  159-165.  II.  The  Vital  Elements  of  Augustus's  Policy. 
Ferrero,  vol.  V,  pp.  348-351. 

501.  The  Successors  of  Augustus — the  Julian  Line. — 

Tiberius  succeeded  his  stepfather  without  opposition. 
He  was  the  first  of  four  members  of  the  house  of  Caesar 
to  occupy  the  position  of  princeps.     These  were: 


446 


The  Principate 


Tiberius  (stepson  of  Augustus),  a.d.  14-37. 
Gaius,  surnamed   Ca-lig'u-la   (great-grandson   of  Augustus  and 
grand-nephew  of  Tiberius),  a.d.  37-41. 

Claudius  (uncle  of  Gaius  and  nephew  of  Tiberius),  a.d.  41-54. 
Nero  (nephew  of  Gaius  and  stepson  of  Claudius),  a.d.  54-68. 


Germani- 
cus. 


The 
Provinces. 


502.  Tiberius,  A.D.  14-37. — Tiberius  had  force  of 
character  and  genuine  ability,  but  he  came  to  his  position 
when  fifty-five  years  of  age,  and  the  weight  of  administra- 
tion hung  heavy  upon  him.  His  originally  sensitive 
temperament  had  been  rendered  gloomy  and  suspicious 
by  bitter  experience;  now  placed  at  the  head  of  the  state, 
he  lapsed  into  injustice  and  cruelty  when  opposed  by  the 
senatorial  nobility.  At  the  death  of  Augustus  the  legions 
on  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube  rose  in  revolt  hoping  to 
extort  booty,  lands  and  other  concessions  from  the  new 
ruler.  The  Rhenish  legions  offered  to  support  the  nephew 
of  Tiberius,  Germanicus,  in  a  contest  for  the  position  of 
princeps.  It  was  a  trying  time  for  the  newly  established 
principate.  The  maintenance  of  imperial  authority  was 
due  largely  to  the  loyalty  of  Germanicus,  who  diverted 
the  thoughts  of  the  legions  from  treason  by  a  military 
campaign  across  the  Rhine  in  which  the  Germans  were 
punished  for  the  defeat  of  Varus.  Following  the  cautious 
policy  of  Augustus,  Tiberius  did  not  try  to  hold  any  terri- 
tory overrun  by  Germanicus  beyond  the  Rhine.  In  the 
east  the  Parthians  required  a  display  of  Roman  arms, 
and  here  Germanicus  was  sent  by  Tiberius,  but  his  un- 
timely death  ended  a  career  full  of  promise.  Tiberius 
restrained  the  wealthy,  who  longed  to  regain  their  old 
liberty  of  plundering  the  provinces,  thereby  earning  the 
gratitude  of  the  subject  world.  He  rebuilt  twelve  cities 
of  Asia  Minor  that  had  been  destroyed  by  an  earth- 


The  Julio- Claudian  Line  •IJ-T 

quake.  He  was  loyal  to  the  principles  of  Augustus  and 
he  even  outdid  his  model  in  repressing  the  populace,  one 
of  his  acts  being  to  transfer  to  the  senate  its  right  of  elect- 
ing magistrates.  He  established  the  praetorian  guard 
permanently  within  the  city.  The  law  of  treason  together  Law  of 
with  the  tribuniciary  sanctity  of  the  prince  permitted  al- 
most any  act  or  word  to  be  construed  as  lese-majesty 
(treasonable).  Taking  advantage  of  this  opening  and  of  Delators 
the  peculiar  temperament  of  Tiberius,  a  crop  of  de-la'tors 
{delatores)  sprang  up  who  prosecuted  with  indiscriminate 
zeal  good  and  bad  alike.  In  Tiberius's  old  age  he  fell  Sejanus. 
under  the  influence  of  a  brilliant  but  unscrupulous  favor- 
ite, Se-ja'nus,  the  praetorian  prefect  (§  486).  Weary  of  his 
social  and  imperial  burden,  the  old  emperor  retired  for 
repose  to  the  island  of  Capri,  where  he  performed  only 
the  necessary  duties  of  his  position,  leaving  the  conduct  of 
affairs  to  Sejanus.  The  latter  had  already  the  substance 
of  imperial  power,  but  he  wished  to  have  the  visible  form 
also.  Hence  by  base  deception  and  intrigue  he  got  the 
natural  heirs  of  Tiberius  put  out  of  the  way  one  after 
another  and  eventually  formed  a  conspiracy  against  the 
prince  himself.  Its  detection  led  the  unfortunate  old  man 
to  suspect  the  loyalty  of  everybody.  Prosecutions  thick- 
ened. Trials  for  treason  multiplied  among  the  nobility, 
and  amid  a  reign  of  terror  Tiberius  died  at  the  age  of 
seventy-eight. 

503.  Caligula,  A.D.  37-41. — Gaius,  as  a  youth,  was  a 
universal  favorite.     The  soldiers  on  the  frontier,  among 
whom  a  part  of  his  childhood  was  spent,  idolized  him.* 
His  elevation  to  the  principate,  at  twenty-four  years  of 

*  They  called  him  Caligula,  "little  boots,"  because  of  the  soldier's 
boots  which  he  wore  while  among  them  as  a  child. 


448  The  Principate 

age,  was  followed  by  a  scries  of  acts  which  promised  well. 
But  hardly  a  year  had  passed  when  he  entered  upon  a 
course  of  life  unparalleled  for  extravagance  and  brutality. 
The  riches  which  the  frugal  Tiberius  had  gathered  were 
dissipated  in  costly  games  and  wild  vice.  He  heaped  con- 
tempt on  the  institutions  and  representatives  of  the  re- 
public. He  proposed  to  make  his  horse  consul.  He  de- 
manded worship  as  a  god.  It  is  charity  to  assume  that  a 
sudden  illness  which  fell  upon  him  early  in  his  career  had 
left  him  a  madman.  A  conspiracy  in  his  palace  brought 
him  to  his  death,  and  Rome  drew  a  long  breath  of  relief. 
504.  Claudius,  A.D.  41-54. — Up  to  the  time  of  his  be- 
coming princeps,  Claudius  was  known  as  a  timid,  in- 
capable pedant.  He  was  found  cowering  in  the  imperial 
palace  by  the  praetorian  guards  who  had  just  slain  his 
freakish  nephew,  and,  with  the  tardy  assent  of  the  senate, 
he  was  thrust  into  the  highest  position  in  the  state  at  the 
age  of  fifty-one.  None  the  less,  he  showed  surprisingly 
excellent  administrative  qualities.  He  still  pursued  his 
antiquarian  researches,  made  tedious  speeches  and  wrote 
tiresome  books.  His  weakness  of  character  made  him  as 
he  grew  older  a  prey  to  designing  women  and  intriguing 
The  Rule  servants.  The  government  was  really  in  the  hands  of  a 
trumvirate  of  freedmen,  Pallas,  Narcissus  and  Polybius, 
able  but  conscienceless  men,  who  not  only  managed  the 
emperor,  but  also  filled  the  imperial  service  with  men  of 
their  own  class.  Freedmen,  not  senators,  were  thus  run- 
ning the  empire  under  Claudius.  To  their  influence  we 
may  attribute  the  startling  liberality  of  the  prince  in  ex- 
tending the  franchise  to  Celtic  nobles  in  Gaul,  and  perhaps 
also  his  abandonment  of  the  foreign  policy  of  Augustus. 
For  Claudius  made  a  notable  addition  to  the  empire  by 


of  the 
Freedmen. 


The  Julio-Claudian  Line  449 

annexing  Britain  in  43  B.C.     From  that  time  the  island,   Annexa- 

tion  of 
Britain. 


though  not  entirely  subjugated,  began  to  come  under  the   ''°°  °^ 


direct  influence  of  Roman  civilization.  The  same  ruler 
enlarged  the  empire  in  Africa,  where  he  formed  two  new 
provinces.  Dependent  kingdoms  like  Thrace  and  Judaea 
were  turned  over  to  procurators  who  ruled  them  as  agents 
of  the  Fisciis.  The  freedmen  were  thus  imperialists,  but 
Italy  was  not  neglected  during  their  regime;  the  Fucine 
lake  was  drained;  a  harbor  for  Rome  was  artificially 
constructed  at  Ostia;  two  new  aqueducts,  one  the  famous 
Claudian,  carried  pure  water  into  the  heart  of  the  great 
city.  Claudius's  ambitious  wife,  his  niece  A-grip-pi'na, 
succeeded  in  having  her  own  son  Nero  designated  for  the 
succession,  whereupon  the  death  of  the  emperor  occurred 
and  it  was  whispered  that  he  died  by  poisoning. 

505.  Nero,  A.D.  54-68. — All  men  hoped  the  best  things  The  Reign 
from  Nero.  He  was  fond  of  art  and  literature  and  had  principled" 
imbibed  a  taste  of  wisdom  from  his  tutor  Seneca,  the  Dilettante. 
philosopher.  The  latter,  with  Burrus,  the  prsetorian 
prefect,  guided  the  first  activities  of  the  new  ruler,  who 
was  a  mere  youth  seventeen  years  old.  His  mother,  a 
capable,  imperious  woman,  had  a  strong  influence  over 
him.  But  the  quartette  fell  out  one  with  another.  Nero 
was  encouraged  to  emancipate  himself  from  his  mother's 
authority,  and  plunged  into  wild  excesses,  while  his  able 
ministers  conducted  public  affairs  successfully.  But 
soon  his  frivolous,  brutal  temper,  thus  roused,  played 
havoc  on  every  side.  His  mother  was  murdered.  Seneca 
was  condemned  and  committed  suicide.  Nero  gave  him- 
self loose  rein.  He  posed  as  a  poet  and  public  singer. 
Extravagant  revels  and  unending  shows  wasted  the  im- 
perial   treasures;     abominal^le    vices    and    unspeakable 


450  The  Principate 

cruelties  disgraced  the  court.  So  low  had  he  fallen  in 
public  esteem  that  a  frightful  conflagration,  which  de- 
stroyed the  greater  part  of  Rome,  was  laid  at  his  door. 
Patience  was  at  last  exhausted,  the  legions  in  the  prov- 
inces rebelled  and  Nero  fled  to  die  at  length  by  his  own 
hand.  His  last  words  were:  "That  such  an  artist  as  I 
should  perish!" 

506.  The  Principate  as  Tyranny. — During  these  years 
the  position  of  the  princeps  changed.  The  balance  in 
his  favor  over  against  the  senate  was  complete.  His 
powers  were,  it  is  true,  voted  to  him  by  the  senate  and 
people,  but  he  had  made  sure  of  the  position  before 
election.  Hereditary  descent  was  recognized  as  giving  a 
claim  to  it.  The  principate,  therefore,  in  theory  and 
form  constitutional,  was,  in  fact,  a  tyranny.  The  pos- 
session of  military  power  was  decisive;  the  princeps  was 
first  of  all  imperator — and  emperor*  we  shall  henceforth 
call  him.  The  senate  was  little  more  than  his  tool.  Its 
fear  of  him  was  intensified  by  his  assuming  the  right 
to  accuse  anyone  of  treason;  an  accusation  meant  con- 
demnation and  was  followed  by  immediate  execution  at 
the  hands  of  the  soldiery.  By  this  means  many  of  the 
leading  men  of  Rome  were  put  to  death.  Yet  a  section 
of  the  proud  and  independent  nobility,  though  silenced, 
was  not  subdued.  They  knew  their  rights  and  steadily 
The  opposed  the  tyranny.     The  emperor,  in  turn,  knew  that 

Opposition,  constitutionally  he  was  dependent  upon  the  senate,  and 
did  not  dare  go  so  far  as  to  destroy  it  and  rule  alone. 
As  a  result,  he  looked  for  support  to  the  weapons  of  his 
prsetorian  guard.  Such  an  ally  was  dangerous;  it  might 
in  time  become  the  master. 

*  Emperor  is  only  the  English  form  of  imperator. 


The  Flavian  Line  451 

507.  Political  Progress. — The  growth  of  the  princeps' 
power  was  an  advantage  to  the  empire  as  a  whole.  His 
imperial  administration  came  to  be  better  organized. 
The  emperor's  helpers  were  now  to  be  found  in  every 
department  and  district  of  the  empire.  Every  great  Freedmen 
noble  had  freedmen  to  manage  his  private  affairs,  write  '°  °®"" 
his  correspondence  and  keep  his  accounts.  But  the  em- 
peror's accounts  and  correspondence  were  those  of  an 
empire,  and  the  men  who  attended  to  these  became  of 

great  importance   to   the  state.     Under  this   improved  Prosperity, 
public  service  the  prosperity  of  the  provinces  advanced. 
The  unifying  of  the  empire  by  a  common  government  and 
by  the  spread  of  commerce  and  culture  went  on  rapidly. 
The  personal  character  of  the  emperors  and  their  doings 
at  Rome,  whether  good  or  bad,  did  not  affect  the  well- 
ordered  system.     Egypt,  for  example,  was  never  so  pros- 
perous as  under  Nero.     The  same  progress  is  found  in  The 
relation  to  the  frontier.     In  general  the  cautious  policy  ^'■°°''"- 
of  Augustus  was  followed  (§§  487,  488).     Military  roads 
and  fortifications  strengthened  the  Rhine  frontier. 

508.  The  Flavian  Caesars. — The  revolt  of  the  legions,  The  one 
before  which  Nero  took  his  own  life  and  thus  left  the  prin-  ^°"^  ^^^'■• 
cipate  vacant,  was  followed  by  a  brief  period  of  anarchy 

(a.d.  68-69),  in  which  four  generals,  Galba,  Otho,  \'itcl- 
lius  and  Ves-pa'sian,  were  proclaimed  imperators  by  their 
troops  and  each  was  recognized  by  the  senate.  In  the 
struggle  that  followed,  Vespasian  came  out  victor.  He 
and  his  two  sons  who  followed  him  constitute  the  house 
of  the  Flavian  Caesars.     They  reigned  as  follows: 

Vespasian,  a.d.  69-79. 
Titus,  a.d.  79-81. 
DoMiTiAN,  A.D.  81-96. 


45!2  The  Pri7icipatc 

A  "New  509.  Vespasian,  A.D.  69-79. — Vespasian  was  an  ex- 


Man 

becomes 


pcrienccd  commander  and  administrator.  He  was  of 
Prince.  humble  origin,  the  son  of  a  Sabine  centurion  and  money- 
lender. He  brought  to  the  principate  shrewd  common- 
sense  and  practical  ability,  coupled  with  unpolished  man- 
ners and  provincial  speech,  which  were  a  stock  subject  of 
ridicule  with  the  Roman  nobles.  But  he  knew  how  to 
rule  wisely  and  well,  joining  firmness  with  justice  and 
forbearance  toward  his  enemies,  and  restoring  the  shat- 
tered finances  of  the  state  by  such  careful  economies  that 
he  was  thought  stingy  and  sordid.  He  appreciated  the 
dignity  of  his  office  and  was  worthy  of  it.  When  at  the 
age  of  seventy  years  the  pains  of  death  came  upon  him, 
he  struggled  to  his  feet  declaring  that  the  emperor  should 
die  standing. 

510.  Titus,  A.D.  79-81 — The  early  life  of  his  son 
Titus  led  men  to  expect  in  him  a  second  Nero.  They 
were  happily  disappointed.  He,  like  his  father,  sought 
to  live  up  to  his  high  position;  he  abandoned  his  vices 
and  boon  companions.  To  his  enemies  he  was  splen- 
didly gracious;  to  the  people  lavishly  generous.  He 
thought  that  day  lost  in  which  he  had  not  given  some- 
thing away.  "The  darling  of  humanity"  is  the  descrip- 
Pompeii.  tive  phrase  of  a  later  historian.  The  terrible  eruption  of 
Vesuvius,  which  destroyed  Pompeii  and  Her-cu-la'ne-um 
(a.d.  79),  a  disastrous  fire  at  Rome,  a  wasting  pestilence 
which  devastated  Italy,  gave  him  unequalled  opportuni- 
ties for  exercising  his  benevolence,  and  he  was  not  found 
wanting.  It  has  been  questioned  whether  in  time  the 
vexatious  problems  of  imperial  rule  would  not  have 
changed  him  for  the  worse.  As  it  was,  after  scarcely  two 
years  of  power,  he  died,  loved  and  mourned  by  all. 


The  Flavian  Line  453 

511.  Domitian,  A.D.  81-96. — His  younger  brother,  Do- 
LiiTiAN,  was  a  passionate,  ambitious  character  who,  held 
back  by  his  father  and  brother  during  their  hfetime,  was 
all  the  more  eager  to  rule.  People  called  him  a  "bald- 
headed  Nero,"  but  if,  like  that  ruler,  he  was  corrupt  and 
vicious  in  his  private  life,  as  an  administrator  he  was  able 
and  successful.  In  many  respects  he  resembled  Tiberius, 
whom  he  took  as  his  model.  His  haughty  air  and  lordly 
bearing  made  enemies  for  him  among  the  nobility,  and 
their  renewed  hostility  turned  him  into  a  suspicious  and 
cruel  tyrant.  He  perished  by  the  daggers  of  his  attend- 
ants after  a  reign  of  fifteen  years. 

512.  Political  Progress. —  Two  important  political 
changes  date  from  the  Flavian  emperors,  (i)  They 
made  much  of  the  office  of  censor,  by  which  they  had 
large  power  over  the  senate.     Domitian  held  it  for  life. 

By  virtue  of  this  censorial  authority  Vespasian  enlarged   Reorgan- 
the  senatorial  order  (§  490),  which  had  become  thinned  the  Senate, 
out  by  civil  war  and  executions.     He  chose  new  senators 
from  the  most  honorable  citizens  throughout  Italy  and 
the  empire.     Thus  to  the  old  republican  nobility,  which 
had  practically  died  out  during  the  persecutions  of  the 
Julio-Claudian  time,  was  added  a  new  official  aristocracy 
created  by  the  emperor  and  friendly  to  him.     (2)  Ves-  The 
pasian  met  the  problem  of  the  succession  by  emphasiz-  S"'="s^'°"- 
ing  the  hereditary  right  of  his  oldest  son  to  follow  him. 
In  the  same  way  Titus  made  his  nearest  of  kin,  his  brother 
Domitian,  a  colleague.     The  name  Caesar  was  taken  as  an 
imperial  title,  as  though  these  emperors  were  descended 
from  Augustus.     The  result  of  all  these  measures  was  to 
raise  the  dignity  and  mark  the  supremacy  of  the  princeps. 
The  senate  had  less  and  less  importance;  the  people  none. 


454 


The  Principate 


The 

Revolt  of 
Judaea. 


Destruction 
of  Jerusa- 
lem. 


Britain. 


Germany. 


513.  Imperial  Advance. — Apart  from  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  finances  of  the  state  and  the  restoration  of 
order  and  peace  b)^  these  emperors,  three  imperial  tasks 
call  for  special  mention,  (i)  The  province  of  Judaea 
(§  472)  broke  out  in  a  fierce  rebellion  in  a.d.  66.  Ves- 
pasian had  been  sent  against  the  rebels,  and  it  was  while 
he  was  fighting  there  that  his  legions  proclaimed  him 
emperor.  When  he  went  to  Rome  he  left  the  conduct 
of  the  war  to  Titus.  Among  the  Jews  there  were  many 
who  preferred  Roman  rule,  but  a  body  of  violent  fanatics 
gained  the  upper  hand,  destroyed  the  Roman  garrison  in 
Jerusalem  and  slaughtered  right  and  left.  Finally,  Titus 
shut  up  the  rebels  in  Jerusalem.  For  five  awful  months 
the  Romans  besieged  and  assaulted  the  city,  until  at  last 
the  rebels  held  only  the  Temple  hill.  The  whole  was 
finally  taken  by  assault  and  burned  to  the  ground  (a.d, 
70).  (2)  Under  the  reign  of  Domitian  the  empire  was 
extended  in  the  west  and  north  of  Britain.  The  legions 
were  under  the  command  of  an  able  general,  A-gric'o-la, 
who  advanced  into  Scotland.  His  fleet  also  circum- 
navigated the  island.  (3)  On  the  German  frontier 
Rome  advanced  across  the  upper  Rhine  and  a  fortified 
wall  more  than  a  hundred  miles  in  length  was  begun,  to 
connect  the  upper  waters  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube. 
Behind  this  rampart  lay  a  strip  of  land  called  the  Agri 
Decumates,  which  was  thus  added  to  the  empire.  It  was 
in  no  sense  a  change  in  the  defensive  policy  of  Augustus, 
but  a  measure  of  protection  for  Roman  colonists  and  a 
stronger  means  of  defence  against  the  Germans. 


REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Name  the  emperors  of  this  century 
in  chronological  order.  2.  What  is  meant  by  Agri  Decumates, 
praetorian  prefect,  the  title  Caesar?    3.  For  what  are  the  fol- 


PLATE  XXXII 


Spoils  of  the  Jewish  War 


RELIEF    FROM    THE    ARCH    OF    TITUS    IN    ROME 


Review  455 

lowing  famous:  Seneca,  Sejanus,  Jerusalem,  Pompeii,  Agri- 
cola?  4.  What  is  the  date  of  the  annexation  of  Britain,  of  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem?  5.  Had  Tiberius  a  definite  administrative 
policy? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  policy  of  the  Flavian 
Caesars  regarding  the  problem  of  the  succession  with  that  of 
Augustus.  2.  As  far  as  good  government  goes,  how  does  the 
first  century  a.d.  of  Roman  rule  compare  with  the  first  cen- 
tury B.C.?  3.  What  was  the  difference  between  the  demands 
made  upon  an  emperor  b)  the  city  of  Rome  and  by  the  prov- 
inces? Could  they  be  reconciled?  4.  "I  wish  that  the  Roman 
people  had  but  one  neck,  that  I  might  strike  it  off  with  one 
blow."  "I  wish  to  govern  .ne  state  not  as  my  property,  but 
that  of  my  people."  Show  how  both  these  sayings  are  char- 
acteristic of  a  Roman  emperor. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,    i.  The  Difficulties  of  Tiberius. 

(c)  Military.  Jones,  pp.  44-49;  {b)  The  Control  of  Sejanus. 
Jones,  pp.  49-52.  2.  Claudius's  Influence  on  the  History  of 
the  Empire.  Jones,  pp.  61-64.  3.  The  Contradictions  in 
Nero's  Reign.  Jones,  pp.  69-83.  4.  The  Flavians'  Conduct 
of  Roman  Affairs,  {a)  Business  Administration.  Jones,  pp. 
115-118.  {b)  The  E.xtension  and  Strengthening  of  the  Frontiers. 
Jones,'  pp.  119-124,  139-145.  (c)  The  Building  in  the  City. 
Jones,  pp.  127,  130,  132.  ((/)  A  General  Estimate  of  the  Flavians. 
Jones,  p.  148. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  RJ'PORT.  i.  The  Problem 
of  Tiberius.  Munro,  pp.  149-152  (.source);  Merivale,  pp.  430- 
436;  Abbott,  pp.  288-2S9;  Bury,  pp.  1 '-59-195,  209-213.  2.  Life 
and  Character  of  Sejanus.  Merivale,  \  i.  438-442.  3.  Internal 
Politics  under  the  Julian  C£"sars.  Abb  )tt,  ch.  13.  4.  Imperial 
Politics  under  the  Julian  Caesars.  Mor  y,  ch.  24;  Merivale,  pp. 
430-478;  Bury,  p[).  166-187,  206-209,  238-245,  258-270,  305-321. 
5.  The  Burning  of  Rome  under  Nero  Laing,  i)p.  424-431 
(source);  Bury,  pp.  2S5-2SS.  6.  The  Flavian  Caesars — Their 
Personality  and  Achievement.  ^lerivalc,  ^p.  501-513;  Abbott, 
ch.  14;  Bury,  ch.  21.  7.  The  Jewish  Wai.  Merivale,  pp.  495- 
500;  Bury,  pp.  366--'73.  8.  The  Destruction  of  Pompeii  and 
Herculaneum.     Lai    ;,  pp.  455-460  (source). 

514.  Social  Progress. — The  century  of  imperial  Rome 
closing  with  the  death  of  Domitian  presents  a  brilliant 


456 


The  Principate 


and  instructive  picture,  when  viewed  from  the  side  of 
A  Warning,  social  h'fc.  In  Studying  it,  we  must  observ-e,  however, 
that  our  information  comes  chiejEly  from  the  capital. 
Rome  was  the  centre  of  literature,  and  its  life  is  reflected 
in  the  writings  which  have  come  down  to  us.  Italy  and 
the  provinces  contributed  but  little  to  the  picture,  and 
what  little  comes  from  them  reveals,  in  many  respects, 
a  notable  difference  in  the  purity  and  simplicity  of  their 
life  and  manners  from  those  that  prevailed  in  the  great 
city. 

515.  Social  Classes. — In  social  classes  and  their  re- 
lations the  old  Roman  distinctions  (§  490),  emphasized 
by  Augustus,  grew  more  rigid.  At  the  summit  stood  the 
princeps  and  the  senatorial  order.  The  rulers  that  fol- 
lowed Augustus  imitated  him  in  the  formal  rejection 
of  special  titles  and  in  not  encouraging  an  elaborate  court 
etiquette.  Yet  little  by  little,  with  increasing  powers, 
they  assumed  greater  state.  A  court  grew  up;  ^ friends" 
of  the  emperor  paid  him  formal  visits  every  day;  his 
house  became  a  palace,*  and  was  filled  with  servants  and 
courtiers.  A  similar  stateliness  appears  in  the  house- 
holds of  the  senatorial  nobility.  Immensely  rich  and 
standing  next  to  the  emperor,  they  kept  up  splendid  es- 
tablishments. A  curious  feature  is  the  system  of  clients. 
The  old  Roman  client  (§  342)  became  a  mere  courtier 
and  parasite.  Every  morning  he  visited  his  noble  patron 
to  pay  his  respects.  If  a  poet,  he  recited  his  verses;  if  a 
wit,  he  amused  the  great  man  by  jests;  if  a  common  man, 
he  followed  in  his  train  when  the  senator  went  out  on 
the   street.     For    these   services   all    expected    rewards, 

*  Our  word  "palace"  comes  from  Palalium,  the  Palatine  Hill,  where 
the  emperor  dwelt. 


The  Court. 


Senators. 


The 
Client 


Clwises  of  Society  457 

tood  or  money  or  patronage  of  some  sort.  Beneath  the  Knights, 
senatorial  was  the  equestrian  order  (knights),  whose 
members  were  immersed  in  business  or  official  duties. 
They,  too,  were  men  of  great  wealth.  Next  came  the  Lower 
mass  of  ordinary  citizens,  divided  into  a  middle  class,  *^  *' 
doubtless  respectable  and  well-to-do,  but  of  whom  we 
know  little,  and  the  lowest  classes,  who  were  restless  and 
wretchedly  poor,  dependent  on  state  doles  for  food  and 
on  the  public  shows  for  amusement.  Then  there  were 
the  freedmen,  who  were  often  wealthy  and  influential  by 
reason  of  their  positions  as  confidential  servants  in  the 
imperial  administration,  and  great  houses,  or  because 
of  their  business  activities.  The  various  foreigners  from 
the  provinces  formed  another  body,  a  crowd  of  Egyptians, 
Syrians,  Jews  and  others,  who  had  sought  the  capital  for 
the  opportunities  afforded  by  it  of  making  an  easy  living. 
Beneath  all  was  the  enormous  body  of  slaves  who  per- 
formed all  sorts  of  tasks  in  the  household,  the  manufac- 
tories and  the  mines,  on  the  streets  and  the  farms.  A 
Roman  house  could  not  be  managed  without  slaves.  In 
the  great  mansions  they  performed  all  sorts  of  services  for 
the  members  of  the  household.  Their  duties  were  care- 
fully specialized;  besides  a  slave  to  keep  the  door,  or  a 
slave  to  call  the  name  of  the  guest,  the  noble  sometimes 
had  a  special  slave  to  put  on  his  sandals  and  a  special 
slave  to  fold  his  clothes. 

516.  Occupations. — In  considering  the  occupations  of 
the  period  we  observe  that  some  activities  which  hitherto 
were  thought  unworthy  have  risen  into  favor.  Such 
were  teaching  and  medicine.  Citizens  became  wealthy 
and  distinguished  as  physicians.  An  income  of  ten 
thousand  dollars  a  year  was  obtained  by  one  famous 


458 


The  Principate 


specialist.  Other  Romans  trained  themselves  as  teach- 
ers of  rhetoric  and  philosophy  and  gained  large  fees. 
We  hear  of  successful  booksellers.  The  law  became  a 
most  important  profession.  The  immense  extension 
of  Roman  business  and  political  interests  gave  a  rich 
field  for  the  lawyer.  To  win  this  case  he  must  be  a  good 
speaker,  and  Roman  legal  oratory  was  famous  the  world 
over. 

The  increase  of  Roman  wealth  and  the  expansion  of 
the  Roman  horizon  resulted  in  the  improvement  of  the 
art  of  living.  This  is  seen  in  studying  {a)  the  house,  {h) 
food  and  dress,  {c)  the  amusements  of  Rome. 

517.  The  House. — The  simple  one-room  house  of  old 
Rome  (§  389)  had  grown  into  an  extensive  and  magnifi- 
cent mansion.  The  improvements  of  the  later  day 
(§  441)  were  carried  further.  The  height  of  splendor 
was  reached  in  the  famous  palace  of  Nero,  the  "  Golden 
House,"  "the  most  stupendous  dwelling-place  ever  built 
for  mortal  man."  Country-houses  were  of  great  size 
and  marvellously  adorned.  Ivory,  marble,  gems  and 
gold  were  lavishly  employed  for  decoration.  Even  a 
provincial  town  like  Pompeii  (pom-pa'e),  could  boast 
elegant  private  mansions.  There  the  house  of  Pansa  oc- 
cupied an  entire  square.  It  had  more  than  sixty  rooms 
on  the  ground  floor,  of  which  half,  being  on  the  street  and 
separate  from  the  interior,  were  rented  for  shops.  Back 
of  the  peristyle  (§  441)  were  five  great  rooms  opening  on 
a  long  veranda  which  faced  a  garden  covering  a  space  one- 
third  as  large  as  the  house.  The  most  remarkable  orna- 
mentation in  houses  of  this  age  was  the  mosaic  and  fresco 
work.  Statues,  paintings  and  bric-a-brac  abounded;  the 
furniture  was  highly  ornamental  and  costly. 


H 

H 

> 

a 

H 

o 

u 

tn 

O 

B 
H 


Luxury  4.59 

518.  Dress. — Little  change  is  seen  in  Roman  dress 
except  in  the  costliness  of  the  materials.  The  lacerna,  or 
cloak,  was  often  worn  in  addition  to  the  toga.  Garments 
of  silk  and  linen  began  to  appear.  Extravagant  display 
of  jewels,  a  weakness  of  Roman  women  (§  389),  is  char- 
acteristic. The  popular  gem  was  the  pearl;  strings  of 
pearls  of  great  size  and  purity  were  highly  prized.  Ca- 
ligula's wife  had  a  set  of  pearls  and  emeralds  valued  at 
nearly  two  million  dollars.  The  growing  refinement  of  Food, 
taste  in  food  and  the  lavish  extravagance  at  banquets,  al- 
ready referred  to  (§  441),  reached  a  great  height.  Rare 
and  costly  dainties  were  sought  from  the  ends  of  the  earth; 
dinners  of  twenty  courses  were  given.     Gluttony  became 

an  art  and  the  Roman  nobles  were  unrivalled  masters  in 
it.  This  wanton  extravagance,  however,  testifies  to  a 
greater  variety  of  food  and  a  finer  taste  among  all  classes 
of  society.  Three  courses,  consisting  of  kid  or  chicken 
with  eggs  and  asparagus  and  fruit,  was  probably  an  or- 
dinary bill  of  fare  for  a  dinner  among  well-to-do  people 
and  indicated  a  variety  and  refinement  in  eating  of  which 
old  Rome  knew  nothing. 

519.  Amusements. — In  a  society  of  luxurious  wealth 
and  idle  poverty  amusements  are  a  necessity,  and  the 
Romans  never  plunged  so  deeply  into  them  as  at  this 

time.  The  number  of  holidays  grew;  there  were  eighty-  Holidays 
seven  in  a  year  under  Tiberius.  Two  favorite  holiday 
seasons  were  the  Sat'ur-na'li-a,  beginning  December  17, 
and  New  Year's  Day.  The  former  was  a  season  of 
riotous  fun,  when  the  ordinary  conditions  of  life  were  re- 
versed. Slaves  could  do  as  they  liked;  crowds  thronged 
the  streets,  laughing  and  feasting.  New  Year's  Day  was 
an  official  and  religious  holiday.     Visits  were  exchanged 


460  The  Principate 

among  friends.  The  emperor  received  the  people  in 
state.  At  both  seasons  gifts  were  made.  All  classes  of 
the  people  were  accustomed  to  give  something  to  the 
emperor,  and  in  return  he  made  a  splendid  festival  or 
reared  statues  and  temples.  But  the  chief  centres  of 
amusement  remained,  now  as  before,  the  amphitheatre, 
the  circus  and  the  theatre.  The  splendor  of  the  shows 
and  the  races  almost  surpasses  description,  while  the 
buildings  in  which  they  were  held  were  of  extraordinary 
The  Amphi-  numbcr  and  size.  Of  amphitheatres  the  greatest  was  the 
theatre.  Col-i-se'um  at  Rome,  built  by  the  Flavian  emperors.  It 
covered  nearly  six  acres  and  accommodated  eighty  thou- 
sand spectators.  Here  were  held  the  gladiatorial  contests 
(§  442),  which  had  now  become  a  favorite  spectacle. 
More  elaborate  methods  of  fighting  were  introduced. 
The  whole  system  occupied  a  recognized  place  in  Roman 
life.  All  sorts  of  contests  were  held.  Wild  beasts  were 
imported  to  fight  with  each  other  or  with  men.  The 
arena  was  flooded  and  naval  battles  were  fought.  The 
shows  were  advertised,  and  the  entire  population  of  Rome, 
from  emperor  to  slave,  attended  and  enjoyed  the  scenes 
The  Circus,  of  blood.  In  the  circus  the  races  were  almost  equally 
popular.  Here  organization  increased  the  interest;  rival 
establishments  were  distinguished  by  their  colors,  the  red, 
the  white,  the  green,  the  blue.  The  populace,  and  even 
the  emperors,  took  sides  and  great  sums  were  wagered. 
Successful  charioteers,  although  slaves  or  freedmen,  and 
without  social  rank,  became  popular  idols  and  gained  im- 
mense wealth.  An  inscription  in  honor  of  one  Crescens, 
who  died  at  twenty-two,  tells  us  that  he  won  forty-seven 
races  and  received  seventy-eight  thousand  dollars.  The 
Circus  Maximus  was  enlarged  to  accommodate  the  crowds 


4V  / 


/    \P'»^ 


VO<> 


1  ro»^!:^ 


J/ 

-J      Gardens    of      '^> 


tiin*. 


uj  -vVtt 


O^' 


The  City  of 

ROME 

under  the  Empire. 


Scale  of  Feet. 


Baths 

Fora  and  Portlooea 

Clrcusem  Theatres  etc 

Temples 

Imperial  PalaceS 

Aqueduct* 


Baths  of  Diocletiaji. 

Batha  of  Constantine. 

Baths  of  Titus. 

Baths  of  Caracalla. 

Baths  of  Agrippa. 

Baths  of  Nero. 

Colisseum. 

Cii'cus  Maximus. 

Circus  Flaniinius. 

Theatre  of  Marceflus. 

Theatre  of  Balbus. 

Stadium  of  Doniitiaii. 

Odeum  of  Domittan. 

Circus. 

Amphitheatre  Caetrense. 

House  of  Uaius. 

House  of  Tiberius, 

House  of  Augrustus. 

House  of  Domitian. 

Pompey's  Portico. 

Forum  of  Trajan. 

Forum  of  Au^stus. 

ForumsOf  Vespasian. 

The  Forum. 

Portico  of  Phllippl. 

Portico  of  Octavian. 

House  of  ^'ectiiian. 

Temple  of  Venus  and  Rome. 

Temple  of  Jupiter 

Emporium. 

Mau.soleum  of  Hadrian. 

atadel. 


Theatre. 


Aimisemenh  401 

that  flocked  to  these  races  until  it  held  four  hundred 
thousand  persons.  The  theatrical  exhibitions  were  of  a  The 
low  order;  pantomime  was  the  favorite  form  of  acting, 
and  the  crowds  that  attended  were  am.uscd  by  vulgar 
jests  and  debasing  scenes.  Another  form  of  amusement  The  Bath 
must  be  mentioned — the  bath.  Public  bathing-houses, 
established  at  an  earlier  day  (§  441),  became  numerous 
and  splendid.  People  bathed  for  pleasure  several  times 
a  day.  Bathers,  for  a  fee  of  less  than  one  penny,  had 
entrance  to  what  was  practically  a  luxurious  club-house. 
In  connection  with  the  bath  proper  were  bowling-alleys 
and  a  gymnasium.  Colonnades  and  resting  and  loung-. 
ing  rooms  adorned  with  pictures,  a  restaurant,  shops 
and  a  library  completed  the  outfit  of  a  first-class  bathing 
establishment  at  Rome.  Even  a  daily  paper,  published  by 
the  government,  containing  news  of  the  city  and  official  an- 
nouncements, was  at  the  service  of  curious  and  idle  readers. 

520.  Amusements     Outside     Rome.  —  The     Romans  The  spreac 
carried  with  them  these  forms  of  pleasure  all  over  the  oiadia- 
world.     In  Africa,  on  the  Danube  and  in  the  borders  of  *°"^^ 

Games. 

the  eastern  desert  the  ruins  of  amphitheatres  and  baths 
may  be  seen  to-day  in  the  cities  where  the  Romans  ruled. 
In  Pompeii,  which  was  a  small  Italian  town,  there  were 
three  bathing  establishments,  two  theatres,  seating  re- 
spectively 1,500  and  5,000  people,  and  an  amphitheatre 
with  a  capacity  of  20,000  persons.  When  we  remember 
that  these  admirably  built  and  decorated  structures  were 
for  the  use  and  enjoyment  of  the  people  at  large,  we  may 
realize  the  place  and  influence  of  these  amusements  in 
the  life  of  the  Roman  world. 

521.  Art. — Turning  to  the  higher  life  of  the  century 
we  observe  first  the  art  and  literature.     At  no  previous 


462 


The  Principate 


Portrait 
Statues. 


Archi- 
tecture. 


Under  the 

Julian 

Caesars. 


period  in  human  history  were  these  so  widely  diffused. 
Cities  had  their  libraries  and  their  fine  public  buildings 
adorned  with  statues  of  the  emperors  and  other  distin- 
guished men  of  the  past  and  present.  The  private  houses, 
if  we  may  judge  from  those  of  Pompeii,  were  beautified 
with  mosaics  and  wall-paintings;  artistic  objects,  large 
and  small,  abounded.  Rich  men  were  patrons  of  artists 
and  writers,  and  could  criticise  their  productions  with 
taste  and  judgment.  A  marvellous  number  of  good  works 
of  art  have  come  down  to  us  from  these  times.  Yet  no- 
where is  there  evidence  of  originality  or  genius.  The 
artists  are  imitators  or  copyists  of  the  past.  Yet  the 
Roman  portrait  statues  are  notable  artistic  successes.  It 
was  characteristic  of  the  Roman  to  wish  to  preserve  por- 
traits of  his  ancestors  (§  392)  and  the  noble  art  of  sculpture 
gave  him  the  opportunity  to  make  these  portraits  endur- 
ing in  marble  and  bronze.  While  seeking  to  portray  his 
subjects  to  the  life,  the  artist  seems  sometimes  to  have  per- 
mitted himself  to  idealize  them;  a  portion  of  the  Greek 
grace  and  charm  has  been  joined  with  the  Roman  vigor 
and  literalness.  The  long  series  of  the  statues  or  busts 
of  the  emperors  is  the  supreme  illustration  of  this  art.  In 
the  achievements  of  architecture  and  engineering  the  Ro- 
man shows  his  power.  The  massive  buildings,  the  endur- 
ing roads,  the  extensive  and  graceful  aqueducts,  the  ruins 
of  which  remain  in  all  the  lands  that  acknowledged  the  im- 
perial sway,  these  are  the  witnesses  of  that  practical  genius 
so  truly  characteristic  of  the  Roman.  That  genius  reachea 
its  height  under  the  empire  in  such  buildings  as  the  Coli- 
seum, the  palaces  of  the  Caesars  and  the  aqueducts  of  Rome. 
522.  Literature. — The  literature  of  the  time,  like  the 
art,  was  widely  distributed  and  highly  finished,  but  it  was 


The  Silvc?'  Age 


463 


not   genuine    and    powerful.     Following    the    Augustan 
writers  (§  491)  came  a  variety  of  authors  of  whom  only 
a  few  strike  high.     It  is  remarkable,  also,  that  they  hail 
mostly  from  the  provinces.     To  the  period  of  the  Julian  Seneca. 
Caesars  belongs  Seneca,  the  minister  of  Nero,  as  its  chief 


THE^VOKLD 

Aceordliig  to 
Ptolemy  I.'jO  A.B. 


literary  star,  (a.d.  4-65).     He  wrote  essays  and  letters 

on  morals  in  the  spirit  of  the  Stoic  philosophy  and  in  an 

ornate  rhetorical  style  which  is  always  clear  and  strong 

and  sometimes  eloquent.     His  tragedies,  while  attaining 

some  fame,  are  less  significant  works.     Another  courtier  Petronius. 

of  Nero,  who  was  also  a  writer,  was  Pe-tro'ni-us,  who  has 

the  distinction  in  literary  history  of  having  written  the 

first  known  novel.     The  fragments  of  it  which  have  been 

preserved  are  witty  and  realistic.     One  of  its  characters. 

Tri-mal'chi-o,  a  rich  fool,  has  been  the  original  of  many 

similar  personages  in  fiction.     A  richer  literary  life  opens  Under  the 

under  the  Flavian  Caesars — a  period  which,  in  compari-  caJI^" 

son  with  that  of  Augustus,  has  been  called  the  Silver  Age. 

Its  chief  poet  was  Statius  (about  a.d.  45-96),  whose  epic  statius. 


464 


The  Prmcipate 


Martial. 


Pliny 

the 

Elder. 


Quintilian. 


Contra- 
dictions. 


poem,  the  Tlic-ha'is,  centring  about  the  mythical  wars  of 
Thebes,  falls  just  short  of  greatness.  Martial  (43-101 
A.D.)  wrote  Epigrams,  short  stanzas,  witty,  stinging  or 
complimentary,  as  desired  by  the  patrons  to  whom  he  paid 
court.  They  present  a  vivid  picture  of  Roman  life  in  his 
day.  Pliny  (plin'i),  the  elder  of  the  name,  was  the  great 
scholar  of  the  time  (23-79  a.d.).  He  was  an  imperial  offi- 
cial who,  in  the  course  of  his  duties,  gathered  a  mass  of 
information  which  he  condensed  into  the  most  important 
of  his  works  that  has  been  preserved,  the  Natural  History. 
He  was  a  diligent  student  and  careful  observer.  While  his 
conclusions  are  valuable  only  as  illustrating  the  ideas  of 
his  time,  the  facts  he  gathered  are  of  the  greatest  interest 
to  all  later  students  of  the  geography  and  history  of  the 
empire.  Another  learned  prose  writer  was  Quintilian, 
a  distinguished  teacher  of  rhetoric.  He  gathered  the  re- 
sults of  his  observation  and  study  in  a  notable  work  on 
the  Art  and  Science  of  Rhetoric,  which  formed  for  cen- 
turies the  standard  treatise  on  the  subject.  Two  sub- 
jects treated  in  it  still  have  living  interest,  a  criticism  of 
the  great  Greek  and  Roman  writers  of  the  past  and  a 
theory  of  how  children  should  be  educated.  Such  a  work 
covered  in  reality  the  whole  subject  of  education,  since 
the  method  and  subjects  of  that  discipline  were  based 
upon  what  the  ancients  called  rhetoric.  To  become  a 
good  speaker  and  writer,  to  argue  your  cause  skilfully, 
or  to  express  your  thoughts  with  elegance  and  force— 
this  was  the  end  of  education. 

523.  Morals — The  Dark  Side. — When  looked  at  from 
the  point  of  view  of  its  moral  and  religious  life,  this  cen- 
tury shows  strange  contradictions.  It  seems  impossible 
to  believe  that  a  world  which  ran  after  amusements  such 


Regenei^ation  of  Society  465 

as  the  brutal  gladiatorial  shows,  or  was  wedded  to  such 
luxury  and  extravagance  as  we  have  described,  could  be 
moved  by  serious  things.  Other  sides  of  life  disclose  like 
dark  pictures.  The  mad  thirst  for  money  led  to  all  sorts 
of  wickedness.  The  legacy-hunter  who  paid  court  to  rich 
old  bachelors  in  order  to  be  remembered  in  their  wills  was 
a  recognized  character  in  society.  Others  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  forge  wills  or  to  remove  by  poisoning  those  who 
stood  in  the  way  of  their  inheritance.  Marriage  was  now 
a  mere  civil  contract  and  the  wife  retained  control  of  her 
property.  Common  and  easy  as  divorce  had  become, 
m.arriage  was,  nevertheless,  regarded  as  undesirable.  A 
man  who  married,  some  thought,  was  out  of  his  sober 
senses.  He  would  be  much  more  sought  after  in  society 
if  he  remained  single. 

524.  Morals — The  Brighter  Side. — To  offset  this  dark 
side,  we  need  to  remember  that  such  scenes  are  found  at 
Rome  only  and  that  they  are  characteristic  of  a  society  in 
which  both  the  rich  at  the  top  and  the  poor  at  the  bottom 
are  idle — a  perfectly  unnatural  state  of  things.  In  the 
provinces  a  healthy  and  sober  life  was  the  rule,  and  from 
them  a  stream  of  new  strength  was  poured  into  the  capital. 
Moreover,  the  worst  phases  of  Roman  life  appeared  under 
the  Julian  Caesars.  In  the  time  of  the  Flavians  a  much 
higher  tone  of  morals  is  to  be  observed.  In  the  first  half 
of  the  century  the  Romans  had  gone  crazy  from  excess  of 
power  and  riches;  in  the  latter  half  they  came  back  to 
reason. 

525.  Moral  Philosophy. — The  popularity  of  philoso- 
phy in  Rome  throws  a  brighter  gleam  over  these  times. 

The  moral  system  of  the  Stoics  was  the  favorite.     When  The  stoics 
we  recall  the  principles  of  that  school  (j^  324),  we  cannot 


466  The  Pinncipate 

fail  to  see  how  they  would  fall  in  with  the  practical  bent 
of  the  Roman  mind.  For  the  old  Roman  notion  of  do- 
ing one's  duty  to  the  state  and  the  gods,  the  Stoic  only 
substituted  a  larger  obligation  to  the  world,  to  nature. 
Virtue  came  to  be  a  fad,  and  devotion  to  virtue  even  unto 
death  an  exquisite  delight.  Thus  suicide  was  elevated 
into  a  sacred  duty.  The  Stoic  idea  of  the  brotherhood 
of  man  had  a  softening  influence  upon  the  harsh  treat- 
seneca.  mcnt  of  the  slave.  "Treat  slaves,"  says  Seneca,  "as  in- 
feriors in  social  rank  to  whom  you  stand  in  the  position 
of  protector."  The  education  of  the  poor  was  encouraged 
by  free  schools,  such  as  Vespasian  founded,  and  many 
rich  men  gave  donations  for  free  education  to  their  native 
towns.  Humane  feeling  was  roused  at  the  sight  of  suffer- 
ing, weakness  and  helplessness.  The  disasters  and  pes- 
tilences that  afflicted  parts  of  the  empire  gave  occasion  for 
social  help  and  sympathy.  Even  kindness  to  animals 
was  approved.  Seneca  protests  against  the  cruelty  of  the 
amphitheatre.  But  his  own  actions  illustrate  the  strange 
contradictions  of  his  day.  He  preached  virtue  and  en- 
couraged Nero  in  vice.  He  commended  poverty  and  was 
worth  millions.  Many  rich  men  flung  themselves  with 
equal  zeal  into  the  pleasures  of  life  and  the  instructions  of 
virtue.  They  employed  philosophers  to  teach  them  the 
way  of  right  living  and  received  their  teachings  with  en- 
thusiasm, but  did  not  practise  them.  Yet,  after  all,  the 
standards  of  morals  and  the  ideals  of  life  were  sensibly 
lifted  by  the  influence  of  philosophy. 

526.  Religion. — The  first  century  of  the  empire  could 
hardly  be  said  to  be  deeply  religious.  The  vigorous  at- 
tempt of  Augustus  to  revive  the  old  Roman  faith  resulted 
in  little  more  than  jiivins:  it  an  official  and  formal  life. 


New  Religioihs  467 

Not  much  {i;enuine  reli'f^ious  fcclin;^  was  involved  in  the  cjesar- 

Worshi 
Developed- 


worship  of  the  Caesars,  which  Augustus  had  seen  grow  up  "^°"^'p 


in  the  provinces,  and  from  which  Roma  (§  489)  had  gradu- 
ally been  eliminated,  but  it  continued  to  meet  a  popular 
need  for  the  expression  of  gratitude,  awe  and  satisfaction 
felt  by  high  and  low  alike  in  view  of  the  grandeur  and 
the  beneficence  of  the  imperial  organization.  Assemblies 
were  organized  in  the  provinces  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing on  this  worship  and  holding  a  religious  festival  in 
honor  of  the  emperor.  Officials  were  elected  to  superin- 
tend the  affair,  and  participation  in  the  worship  was  re- 
garded not  only  as  a  privilege,  but  also  as  a  sign  of  proper 
loyalty  to  the  state.  Oriental  faiths,  pre-eminently  that  Eastern 
of  Isis,  the  Egyptian  goddess,  which  had  made  its  entrance 
into  Rome  from  the  Hellenistic  world  (§  319)  in  the  later 
Republican  time,  continued  to  be  popular  with  the  lower 
classes,  who  found  cheer  and  inspiration  for  their  wretched 
lives  in  the  emotional  appeal  of  the  noisy  and  startling 
performances  of  such  cults  and  in  the  promise  of  future 
happiness  which  they  held  out. 

527.  Rise  of  Christianity. — Among  these  new  religions 
from  the  east  one  which  began  to  make  its  way  in  the 
Roman  world  of  this  age  rec^uires  special  consideration. 
Jesus,  whose  birth  in  Judasa  has  already  been  men- 
tioned (§  494),  began  at  the  age  of  thirty  to  preach 
and  teach  in  Palestine.  He  proclaimed  himself  the 
Mes-si'ah,  or  Christ,  for  whom  the  Jews  were  looking  as 
a  deliverer.  But  he  taught  a  spiritual  deliverance  from 
sin  as  the  highest  good  and  would  not  lead  a  rebellion 
against  Rome.  The  Jewish  authorities  denounced  him  TheCruci- 
before  the  Roman  governor,  Pilate,  and  he  was  crucified 
after  having  taught  a  little  more  than  two  years  (a.d.  29). 


468 


The  Principate 


Paul. 


The  New 
Testament. 


Organiza- 
tion. 


But  he  left  behind  him  a  band  of  disciples  who  proclaimed 
that  he  had  risen  from  the  dead  and  thus  had  sealed  the 
truth  of  his  teaching.  They,  also,  were  bidden  by  him 
to  preach  the  new  doctrine  of  salvation  from  sin  through 
the  risen  Christ  to  all  who  would  hear,  with  the  assurance 
that  he  would  soon  return  to  earth  to  rule  as  supreme 
lord.  Among  those  who  were  gained  for  the  cause  was 
a  Jew  named  Paul.  He  carried  the  name  and  doctrine 
of  the  Christ  to  non-Jews  or  Gentiles  and  gathered  com- 
panies of  believers  in  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor  and  Greece. 
These  believers  were  first  called  Christians  in  Antioch. 
Soon  assemblies,  or  churches,  of  Christians  were  founded 
in  the  west,  at  Rome  and  as  far  as  Spain  and  Gaul.  To 
many  of  these  churches  Paul,  afterward  executed  by 
Nero,  wrote  letters  explaining  the  doctrines  of  Christ  as 
he  understood  them.  Soon  narratives  of  the  life  and 
work  of  Jesus  were  written  down  and  sent  about  among 
the  churches.  Thus  a  book  of  Christian  writings  was 
begun,  the  book  we  call'  the  New  Testament.  The  or- 
ganization of  these  churches  was  very  simple  at  first. 
Each  church  was  a  unit,  its  members  managing  its  affairs 
and  choosing  officers  to  lead — deacons  to  minister  to  the 
poor,  elders*  to  preside  at  its  assemblies.!  Admission 
to  the -circle  was  conditioned  on  confession  of  faith  in 
Christ  as  Saviour  and  submission  to  the  rite  of  baptism. 
At  stated  seasons  the  members  met  and  partook  of  bread 
and  wine  in  obedience  to  the  command  of  Jesus  at  his 
Last  Supper  with  his  disciples. 

528.  Opposition  to  Christianity. — The    new    brother- 
hood soon  came  under  the  notice  of  the  imperial  author- 

*  These  elders  appear  under  two  names,  both  Greek,  presbyter,  or 
priest,  and  episcopos,  or  bishop. 

f  See  for  Hellenistic  associations  of  the  same  general  characte.-  §  319. 


Persecution  of  Clii'istians  -469 

ities.  Its  secret  meetings  and  ceremonies  were  suspected 
of  evil  designs,  and  the  belief  of  its  members  in  one  God 
brought  them  into  opposition  to  the  worship  of  the  em- 
perors. The  first  action  against  them  was  taken  by 
Nero,  not  indeed  as  Christians,  but  as  malefactors,  upon 
whom  he  laid  the  charge  of  setting  fire  to  Rome.  At 
this  time  many  of  them  were  put  to  death  with  horrible 
tortures.  They  were  later  accused  of  evil  practices  and 
systematically  punished.  Gradually  the  refusal  of  the  Persecu- 
Christians  to  join  in  the  worship  of  the  emperors  came  cLIoyaity 
to  be  the  chief  ground  of  their  punishment.  They  were 
regarded  as  disloyal  to  the  empire  and  punished  as  trai- 
tors, for  that  was  what  refusal  to  worship  Caesar  signi- 
fied (§§  299,  435,  489).  Thus  Domitian  is  said  to  have 
persecuted  them  cruelly  on  this  account.  The  empire, 
therefore,  at  the  end  of  the  first  century  regarded  all 
Christians  as  worthy  of  death.  In  spite  of  this,  the  new 
religion  spread  widely,  especially  in  Asia  Minor,  Greece 
and  Egypt.  The  city  of  Rome  possessed  a  flourishing 
church,  and  its  adherents  were  found  even  in  the  im- 
perial court.  The  pure  morals,  the  brotherly  love,  the 
joyful  spirit  and  the  hopeful  confidence  of  the  members  of 
this  faith  commended  it  to  those  everywhere  who  by 
reason  of  poverty  or  sinfulness  or  scepticism  sought 
light,  strength  and  peace — and  many  such  there  were  in 
the  Roman  world.  All  who'  joined  it  looked  forward  to  How  Far 
the  speedy  return  of  Christ  to  earth;  they  cared  nothing  J"^''^^**- 
for  society  and  the  state;  they  would  not  join  in  heathen 
worship;  they  doubted  whether  it  was  right  to  serve  in 
the  army.  By  this  separatencss  they  were  laying  up  for 
themselves  hatred  and  contempt  on  the  part  of  the  people 
and  the  empire. 


470  The  Principate 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  For  what  are  the  following  signifi- 
cant:  Seneca,  Paul,  Crescens,  Pliny  the  Elder,  Isis,  Martial? 

2.  What  is  meant  by  Messiah,  imperial  client.  Saturnalia, 
Gentiles,  legacy-hunter.  Stoicism,  New  Testament? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  the  Stoicism  of  Rome 
with  the  Stoicism  of  Greece  (§  32-^).  2.  Why  was  the  craze 
for  amusements  in  Rome  so  much  greater  than  in  Athens? 

3.  "As  many  slaves,  so  many  enemies."     How  does  this  say- 
ing reveal  Roman  character? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Assessment  and  Col- 
lection of  Taxes.  Tucker,  Life  in  the  Roman  \\'orld  of  Nero 
and  St.  Paul,  pp.  85-91.  2.  The  Life  of  the  Roman  Working 
People.  Tucker,  pp.  244-255.  3.  An  Ordinary  Roman  Dinner- 
Party.  Tucker,  pp.  229-237.  4.  The  Household  Servants  of 
a  Well-to-do  Roman.  Tucker,  pp.  200-206.  5.  Roman  Mar- 
riages and  Matrons.  Tucker,  pp.  29.2-308.  6.  The  Roman 
Woman's  Dress.  Tucker,  pp.  308-313.  7.  The  City  Streets 
and  Water-Supply.  Tucker,  pp.  130-137.  8.  Building  Materials 
and  Town-Houses.  Tucker,  pp.  137-138,  143-163.  9.  The 
Lighting  and  Heating  of  a  Roman  House.  Tucker,  pp.  161-162, 
186-1S8.  10.  The  Senate  as  a  Rival  of  the  Emperor.  Dill, 
Roman  Society  from  Nero  to  Marcus  Aurelius,  pp.  39-57.  li. 
The  Position  of  the  Clients  and  Freedmen.  Dill,  pp.  93-99, 102- 
114.  12.  Municipal  Income  and  Expenditure.  Dill,  pp.  218- 
230.  13.  The  Roman  Colleges:  Their  Wide  Organization  and 
Influence.  Dill,  pp.  250-2S6.  14.  Roman  Society  Seen  through 
Pliny's  Writings.  Dill,  pp.  179-190.  15.  The  New  Stoicism. 
Dill,  pp.  301-321.  16.  The  Belief  in  Immortality  among  the 
Romans.  Dill,  pp.  499-515.  17.  The  Influence  of  the  Eastern 
Cults,  (a)  The  Religion  of  Mithra,  Dill,  pp.  600-610.  {b)  The 
Great  Mother.     Dill,  pp.   547-559. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  Social  Life 
at  Rome  in  the  First  Century.  Morey,  ch.  25;  Botsford,  ch. 
15;  Bury,  ch.  31.  2.  Roman  Amusements.  Munro,  pp.  207- 
216  (sources);  Bur_y,  pp.  607-626;  Thomas,  ch.  4;  Wilkins,  ch.  3; 
Johnston,  ch.  9.  3.  Education  of  the  Time.  Munro,  pp.  193- 
197  (sources);  Bury,  pp.  598-600.  4.  Literature  of  the  Silver 
Age.  Botsford,  ])]).  239-242;  Bury,  pp.  457-475;  Mackail,  pp.  171- 
204.  5.  The  Rise  of  Christianity.  Seignobos,  pp.  362-366;  Bots- 
ford, pp.  262-264,  281-282;    Gibbon,  pp.  109-111 


The  Five  Good  Emperors  471 

529.  The  Emperors  of  the  Second  Century. — Domi- 
tian  was  followed  by  a  series  of  rulers  equal  in  cliaracter 
and  achievement  to  Tiberius  and  Vespasian.  In  the 
cestury  of  their  leadership  the  empire  reached  its  climax. 
Their  names  are  as  follows: 

Nerva,  a.d.  96-9S. 

Trajan  (adopted  son  of  Nerva),  a.d.  98-117. 

Hadrian  (relative  and  adopted  son  of  Trajan),  a.d.  i  17-138. 

AxTOXiNUS  (adopted  son  of  Hadrian),  a.d.  138-161. 

Marcus  Aurelius  (adopted  son  of  x^ntoninus),  a.d.  161-180. 

COMMODUS  (son  of  Aurelius),  a.d.  180-192. 

530.  Nerva,  96-98  A.D. — On  the  death  of  Domitian 
the  senate  chose  as  princeps,  Nerva,  a  senator  of  more 
than  sixty  years.  An  aged,  kindly  ruler,  his  chief  service 
to  the  state  during  his  short  reign  was  the  selection  of 
Trajan  as  his  successor. 

531.  Trajan,  98-117  A.D. — Tr.\jan  was  a  Spaniard 
by  birth  and  an  able  general.  As  princeps,  he  showed 
himself  equally  vigorous  in  the  management  of  the  em- 
pire. He  was  a  tall,  strong,  handsome  man,  of  genial 
manners,  not  highly  cultured,  but  with  a  broad  and  active 
mind.  He  selected  his  officials  wisely  and  won  their 
respect,  yet  kept  careful  watch  upon  their  doings  and 
required  minute  reports  from  them.  During  long  periods 
he  was  occupied  on  the  various  frontiers  with  military  cam- 
paigns. In  them  he  gained  brilliant  victories  and  en- 
larged the  empire.  In  this  respect  he  struck  out  a  new 
path.  He  died  in  Asia  Minor  while  returning  from  a 
victorious  war  in  the  east. 

532.  Hadrian,  117-138  A.D. — Ha'dri-an,  his  succes- 
sor, is  a  most  interesting  character.     A  tried  soldier,  he  Cosmo- 
proved  himself  also  a  practical  administrator.     But  his  p°''*^"'=™- 


472  The  Principate 

most  striking  trait  was  his. wide  interest  in  all  the  affairs 
of  politics  and  life.  He  was  well  educated  and  dabbled 
in  literature,  art  and  philosophy.  He  travelled  into  every 
nook  and  corner  of  his  wide  domains.  He  was  not  at- 
tracted by  military  glory.  A  peaceful  reign,  with  the 
opportunity  it  gave  him  for  consolidating  and  improving 
the  state  and  for  following  out  the  bent  of  his  eager  in- 
quiring spirit,  was  his  ambition.  He  was  the  first  em- 
peror to  wear  a  beard,  and  his  love  of  letters  gave  him 
the  nickname  of  "Greekling."  He  had  no  capacity  for 
personal  friendship;  men  respected,  but  did  not  love 
him.  The  Roman  world  was  his  pride  and  joy;  he  left 
it  happier  and  stronger  than  it  had  ever  been  before.  In 
the  hour  of  death  he  composed  the  famous  poetic  address 
to  his  soul,  two  lines  of  which  are  characteristic  of  the 
man: 

"Whither  wilt  thou  hie  away, 
Never  to  play  again,  never  to  play." 

533.  Antoninus  Pius,  138-161  A.D. — A  senator  of  Gal- 
lic descent,  An'to-ni'nus,  became  his  successor  at  the 
age  of  fifty-two.  From  his  nam^e,  he  and  his  two  succes- 
sors are  called  the  Antonines.  He  was  a  quiet,  frugal 
ruler,  without  striking  qualities,  yet  sustaining  with 
dignity  and  honor  the  duties  of  his  position.  So  econom- 
ical was  he  in  the  finances  of  the  empire  that  he  was  called 
the  "cheese-parer."  His  devotion  to  religion  was  par- 
ticularly marked.  From  this  trait  he  received  the  name 
Pius,  "devout." 

Juris-  "  It  was  in  the  field  of  jurisprudence,  and  there  only,  that  the  reign 

prudence.      of  Antoninus  could  show  any  positive  achievement.     We  have  already 

seen  that  Hadrian  had  formed  a  school  of  jurists  wliose  most  eminent 


/    'O 


The  Royal  Philosopher  473 

members  had  seats  on  his  privy  council  and  exercised  a  marked  in- 
fluence on  legislation.  Their  labors  continued  to  bear  fruit  under 
his  successor,  and  Roman  law  was  modified  in  many  particulars  by 
the  principles  of  equity  upon  which  the  dominant  philosophy  of 
Stoicism  laid  stress.  A  wide  conception  of  humanity  found  expres- 
sion on  the  provisions  which  facilitated  the  enfranchisement  of  slaves 
and  limited  the  use  of  torture.  It  should  be  noted  also  that  the 
Antonine  jurists  did  much  to  give  to  Roman  law  the  systematic  form 
which  it  had  hitherto  lacked,  and  to  present  it  in  a  compendious 
form  to  the  student." 

534.  Marcus  Aurelius,  161-180  A.D. — In  this  respect  xhePhi- 
he  prepared  the  way  for  Mar'cus  Au-re'li-us,  the  most  'osopher  cr 

ir      f  J  '  the  Throne. 

extraordinary  man  who  occupied  the  imperial  throne. 
From  his  youth  Marcus  had  been  a  student  of  moral 
philosophy  of  the  Stoic  type  (§  324),  and  in  his  exalted 
station  he  sought  only  to  carry  out  his  high  ideals. 
Much  of  the  activity  of  an  emperor  was  distasteful  to 
him,  but  he  was  proud  that  everywhere  he  did  his  duty  as 
a  philosopher  should.  He  sought  to  carry  into  practice 
the  sentiments  of  love  for  mankind  which  he  cherished. 
Severe  toward  himself,  he  disdained  luxury  and  pre- 
ferred hardship  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  always 
in  poor  health.  Though  he  loved  peace  and  desired  to 
relieve  suffering,  his  reign  was  darkened  by  a  series  of 
disastrous  wars  and  a  terrible  pestilence.  His  family 
life  was  not  pleasant,  perhaps  through  his  own  fault.  His 
son  was  unworthy  of  him.  His  sole  joys  were  found  in  the 
circle  of  his  fellow-philosophers  and  in  his  own  thoughts 
which  he  expressed  in  his  lofty  Meditations.  He  died  at 
the  age  of  sixty,  while  campaigning  against  barbarian  in- 
vaders on  the  Danube. 

535.  Commodus,   180-192   A.D. — His    worthless   son, 
Com'mo-dus,  followed  him  at  the  age  of  nineteen  and 


474 


The  Principate 


Emperors 
Constitu- 
tionally 
Chosen. 


The 

Succession. 


Civil 

Service 
Reform. 


brought  the  happy  age  of  the  Antonines  to  a  sorry  end. 
Cruel  and  depraved  in  tastes,  weak  and  vain  in  disposi- 
tion, he  preferred  games  to  government.  His  highest 
glory  was  to  win  in  the  gladiatorial  contests  and  to  be 
hailed  as  the  Roman  Hercules.  To  his  praetorians  only 
was  he  attentive  and  they  were  the  bulwark  of  his  rule. 
He  was  strangled  by  a  wrestler  after  eleven  years  of  folly 
and  disorder. 

536.  Political  Progress. — The  emperors  of  the  second 
century  received  their  position  through  election  by  the 
senate.  Hence  they  were  constitutional  rulers.  So  far 
as  election  went,  therefore,  the  principate  was  practically 
restored.  These  emperors  ruled  also  in  harmony  with 
the  senate.  It  was  an  era  of  good  feeling  in  the  state. 
Some  measures  were  even  brought  before  the  comitia  of 
the  people.  But  each  emperor  took  care  to  indicate  his 
successor.  The  method  chosen  was  that  of  adoption 
and  association  in  government.  The  senate  never  failed 
ta  elect  the  successor  thus  indicated. 

537.  Advance  in  Organization. — In  the  imperial  or- 
ganization two  notable  advances  are  seen,  (i)  The 
offices  of  Caesar's  household,  formerly  filled  by  freed- 
men  (§  504),  were  now  given  to  members  of  the  eques- 
trian order.  Thus  Caesar's  administration  was  dignified 
and  an  honorable  public  career  in  the  civil  service  was 
opened  to  equestrians.  (2)  The  emperor  gave  to  the 
counsellors,  who  had  been  called  in  from  time  to  time 
to  advise  him,  a  more  official  and  stable  character.  They 
constituted  the  imperial  council,  made  up  of  officials 
and  senators.  (3)  The  edicts  of  the  praetors  were  col- 
lected and  arranged  in  a  code — the  so-called  Perpetual 
Edict.     From  time  immemorial  the  officials  had  taken 


in 


2; 
< 

< 

H 
O 

o 

W 

a 

H 

O 
« 
fa 

fa 

w 

13 
w 


Conquests  of  Trajan  475 

account  of  the  law  of  other  peoples  [ius  gentium)  in  ad- 
ministering justice  in  Italy  and  the  provinces.  Thus  a 
body  of  legal  decisions  had  grown  up  alongside  the  law 
of  the  Twelve  Tables.  Now  this  ill-defined  mass  was 
classified  and  withdrawn  from  the  control  of  magistrates. 
All  of  these  changes  were  the  work  of  Hadrian. 

538.  Imperial  Progress. — The  second  century  was  a 
stirring  period   in  the  external  history  of  the  empire. 
Two  epochs  of  special  importance  are  to  be  observed. 
(i)  The  reign  of  Trajan  marks  a  significant    extension  Eniarge- 
of  the  empire  in  north  and  east.     After  completing  the  £^"'j°J  '^^ 
rampart  begun  by  the  Flavian  emperors  protecting  the 
Agri  Decumates  (§  513),  Trajan  proceeded  to  deal  with 
a  formidable  danger  that  had  arisen  on  the  Danube. 
Here  just  across  the  river  the  Dacians  had  established  a  Conquest 
kingdom  under  an  able  ruler,  De-ceb'a-lus.     He  had  al-  °     ^"^' 
ready  been  able  to  make  terms  with  Domitian,  and  his 
strength  menaced  the  security  of  the  Roman  frontier. 
Trajan  determined  to  crush  him.     Two  campaigns  were 
necessary,  each  taking  two  years  (a.d.   101-102;    105- 
106).     The  struggle  was  fierce  and  desperate.     Only  on 
the  death  of  Decebalus  in  battle  did  Dacia  submit  and 
become  a   Roman  province.     The   splendid  victory   is 
commemorated  in  the  Column  of  Trajan  raised  at  Rome 
to  the  height  of  a  hundred  feet  and  decorated  with  sculpt- 
ured scenes  of-  the  war.     In  the  east  the  question  of  the  The 
relation  of  Armenia  to  the  empire  was  reopened;  Trajan  Qugg^on 
determined  to  take  issue  with  Parthia  and  settle  it.     He 
took  the  field  in  a.d.  115,  overcame  Armenia,  advanced 
southward  into  Mesopotamia  and  did  not  stop  till  he 
reached  the  Persian  gulf.     The  Roman  arms  were  su- 
preme in  the  seats  of  the  oldest  civilization.     Three  new 


476  Tlie  Principate 

provinces    were    created,    Armenia,    Mesopotamia    and 
Assyria;   the  Parthian  king  received  his  crown  from  the 
hand  of  the  Roman  emperor.     Already  the  province  of 
Arabia  Petraea  had  been  created.     Thus  the  entire  ori- 
ental world  was  under  the  authority  of  Rome,  and  the 
Hadrian's      Roman  empire  had  reached  its  greatest  extent.     What 
PoHcy.^  °      would  have  been  the  verdict  of  time  on  these  eastern  con- 
quests we  cannot  know,  for  hardly  had  Hadrian  come  to 
the  throne  when  he  voluntarily  withdrew  his  troops,  aban- 
doned the  provinces  of  Mesopotamia  and  Assyria  and 
restored  Armenia  to  its  position  as  a  dependent  kingdom. 
It  seems  likely  that  Rome  would  not  have  been  able  to 
maintain  them  permanently  against  Parthia,   however 
important  they  were  to  the  protection  of  the  older  Ro- 
man provinces  in  the  east.     (2)  The  other  epoch  was  a 
Appearance  much  less  brilliant  one.     In  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius 
barians.        Tcutonic  pcoples  began  pressing  down  to  the  Danube 
and  seeking  peaceably  or  by  force  to  enter  the  empire. 
Chief  among  these  were  the  Mar'co-man'ni,  and  in  the  en- 
deavor to  drive  them  back,  Marcus  Aurelius  was  involved 
in  a  series  of  fierce  conflicts.     The  invaders  were  finally 
Its  sig-        overcome  and  driven  across  the  Danube.     The  impor- 

nificance.  i       t         •  i  r  i  • 

tance  of  the  struggle  lies  m  the  fact  that  it  was  the 
pressure  from  behind  that  forced  these  barbarians  into 
the  empire,  the  beginnings  of  those  movements  which  in 
the  coming  centuries  were  to  break  it  in  pieces. 

539.  Organization.— The  changes  in  internal  organiza- 
tion were  all  in  the  direction  of  more  unity  under  the 
Adminis-      imperial  administration.     The  emperor  and  his  officials 
Activity.       were  everywhere  active.     Hadrian  is  the  great  example 
of  this.     His  visits  to  the  provinces,  which  covered  a 
dozen  years,  were  not  simply  for  pleasure,  but  for  the 


MEDITERRANEAN  WORLD 

with  the  boundaries  of 
THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE  Reference  to  Oolora. 

over.g.OOOXeet- 


at  its  srentest  extent. 

0 100         goo         300         400         sqo 

Scale  of  Miles. 


3.000  to  9.000  feet 
600  tu  3,000  feet 
Sea  Level  to  600  feet 


Lougltuile        East      from       fln 


Ad?ni7iistratwe  Reforms  477 

purpose  of  inspecting  their  resources  and  organization. 
As  a  result  of  them,  a  more  careful  and  minute  super- 
vision of  the  details  of  administration  was  introduced. 
Imperial  officials  were  appointed  to  look  after  the  affairs 
of  the  municipalities  which  were  thus  taken  up  directly 
into  the  structure  of  the  empire.  Hadrian  built  many- 
fine  buildings  for  these  cities  and  brought  their  finances 
into  order.  The  chief  benefit  of  such  measures  was  that  its  Good 
they  consolidated  the  powers  of  the  state  and  its  interest,  5"^^^  ^ 
bringing  all  under  the  guidance  of  a  central  authority, 
produced  greater  efficiency  and  stimulated  the  life  of  the 
members.  A  wider  extension  of  the  franchise  was  nat- 
ural in  these  circumstances,  but  this  was  not  followed 
by  greater  zeal  for  the  state  and  a  patriotic  devotion  to  it. 
Citizenship  was  rather  looked  upon  as  a  personal  honor 
and  prized  because  it  gave  special  privileges.  In  this 
imperial  administration  Italy  began  to  stand  on  the  same 
basis  as  the  provinces,  and  Rome  itself  was  treated  like 
any  other  municipality.  The  use  of  barbarians  in  the 
legions  still  further  relieved  the  citizens  from  military 
service.  Likewise  the  extension  of  imperial  courts  of 
justice  throughout  the  Roman  world  and  the  supremacy 
of  Roman  imperial  law  which  was  characteristic  of  the 
time,  while  it  was  a  bond  of  union,  served  as  another 
means  of  making  individuals  and  local  communities  de- 
pendent on  the  central  government. 

540.  Social  Life. — Society  breathed  more  freely  under 
the  emperors  of  the  second  century,  and  as  a  result  new 
life  sprang  up  on  all  sides.     Trajan  and  Hadrian  were  Art  and 
mighty  builders.     The  finest  memorial  of  the  former  is  his  ^^^^^^ 
Column  at  Rome,  already  referred  to  (§  538).      Hadrian's 
three  chief  buildings  at  Rome  were  the  temple  of  Venus 


478  The  Principate 

and  Roma,  the  largest  and  most  magnificent  of  all  Ro- 
man temples;  the  Pantheon — originally  the  work  of 
Agrippa — a  temple  of  all  the  gods;  and  a  massive  mauso- 
leum which  he  built  on  the  other  side  of  the  Tiber,  now 
known  as  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo.  Yet,  most  charac- 
teristic of  the  times  was  the  stately  villa  of  Hadrian  at 
Tibur,  conceived  on  a  grand  scale  and  filled  with  works 
of  art;  a  theatre,  libraries,  temples,  porches  and  gardens 
found  place  in  it.  From  it  have  been  taken  statues, 
reliefs,  mosaics  and  silver  ornaments  sufficient  to  stock 
several  museums. 

541.  The  Literary  Revival. — Literature  flourished  un- 
der the  liberal  patronage  of  the  emperors  and  in  the 
free  atmosphere  of  the  times.  A  striking  sign  of  the 
unity  in  the  world  of  letters  under  the  empire  is  the  fact 
that  as  many  works  of  lasting  fame  were  written  in  Greek 
Tacitus.  as  in  Latin.  One  of  the  greatest  historians  of  antiquity, 
Cornelius  Tac'i-tus,  belongs  to  this  century.  His  chief 
works  are  the  Histories  and  the  Annals,  which  deal 
with  the  empire  under  the  Julian  and  Flavian  Caesars. 
Unfortunately,  large  parts  of  these  works  have  been  lost, 
but  what  remains  is  our  chief  source  of  knowledge  for 
the  times.  Tacitus  aspired  to  bring  back  to  life  and 
power  just  the  ideas  and  institutions  which  the  history 
of  the  empire  had  shown  to  be  fruitless  and  hopeless. 
He  sought  to  exalt  the  senatorial  nobility  as  over  against 
the  princeps,  Rome  and  Italy  as  over  against  the  prov- 
inces. But  so  keen  is  his  insight  into  characters  and 
manners  at  Rome,  and  so  brilliant  his  way  of  expressing 
his  estimates  of  them,  that  his  bitter  and  one-sided  judg- 
ments have  colored  all  subsequent  views  of  the  times. 
Two  lesser  works  of  his  are  the  Agricola,  an  appreciation 


The  Silver  Age  479 

of  his  father-in-law,  the  general  of  Domitian,  and  the 
Gcrmania,  a  description  of  the  Germans,  in  which  their 
simplicity  and  purity  of  life  are  favorably  compared  with 
the  depravity  of  imperial  Rome.  Side  by  side  with  juvenai. 
Tacitus  stands  Juvenal,  the  satirist  of  the  empire.  What 
the  former  condemned  as  an  historian,  the  latter  held 
up  to  scorn  and  ridicule  in  his  powerful  verse.  Hypo- 
critical philosophers,  parasitical  clients,  rich  fools,  os- 
tentatious luxury,  fortune-hunting  and  the  trials  of  poor 
men  of  letters  are  painted  in  strong  and  vivid  colors. 
Suetonius  wrote  the  Lives  of  the  Twelve  Ccesars,  a  gossipy  Suetonius 
work,  yet  very  helpful  as  a  source  for  the  reigns  of  the 
early  Caesars  including  Domitian, 

542.  Plutarch    and    Lucian. — Of    Greek   writers   the  Greek 
most  famous  is  Plutarch  (a.d.  46-125),  who  wrote  the      ""^* 
Parallel  Lives,  forty-six  in  number,  setting  the  biography 

of  a  Roman  hero  over  against  that  of  a  Greek.  He  was  a 
diligent  collector  of  anecdotes  and  used  them  shrewdly 
to  show  the  traits  of  his  characters.  The  book  has  ever 
been  a  storehouse  of  information  and  at  the  same  time 
a  hand-book  of  morals — history  teaching  by  the  examples 
of  the  greatest  men  of  the  ancient  world.  Not  so  well 
known,  but  a  brighter,  keener  mind  than  Plutarch,  was 
Lucian  (about  a.d.  125-180).  His  career  was  typical  of  the 
time;  he  was  a  travelling  lecturer.  His  peculiar  gift  re- 
vealed itself  in  the  writing  of  witty  and  satirical  dialogues. 
The  weaknesses  and  inconsistencies  of  the  religion  of  his 
day  are  daringly  ridiculed  in  his  Dialogues  of  Ihe  Gods,  while 
similar  keen  and  amusing  criticism  is  passed  on  various 
types  of  people  of  his  day  in  the  Dialogues  of  the  Dead. 

543.  Representative   Men  of  the  Times. — Two  men 
may  be    chosen    to   represent    the    higher    life    of    this 


480  The  Principate 

Pliny  the  cciitury:  Pliny  the  Younger  and  Marcus  Aurelius,  the 
ounger.  empcror.  Pliny  was  a  trusted  official  of  Trajan  and 
reveals  himself  and  his  times  in  a  series  of  Letters  to 
friends.  In  these  he  appears  as  a  cultivated  gentleman, 
such  as  might  be  met  among  us  to-day.  He  takes  long 
walks  in  the  woods  and  delights  in  the  beauty  of  nature. 
He  discusses  the  latest  books.  With  a  modesty  that 
approaches  vanity,  he  tells  of  his  gifts  to  his  native  town 
in  behalf  of  education.  He  entertains  his  guests  by  tak- 
ing them  around  the  grounds  of  his  villa  and  inviting 
their  admiration.  He  gives  public  readings  from  his 
works,  and  we  feel  him  tremble  as  he  gets  on  his  legs 
before  his  cultured  audience.  A  good-natured,  indul- 
gent master  to  his  slaves,  a  devoted  husband,  an  upright, 
earnest,  if  somewhat  commonplace,  character,  he  ex- 
hibits the  Roman  gentleman  produced  by  the  broad, 
serious  and  refined  culture  of  the  early  second  century. 

544.  Marcus  Aurelius,  Emperor  and  Philosopher. — 
On  a  higher  plane  we  meet  with  the  impressive  and  mel- 
ancholy figure  of  the  emperor-philosopher,  Marcus 
Aurelius.  From  his  youth  he  was  a  Stoic  in  word  and 
deed.  His  Meditations,  which  he  wrote  down  in  Greek 
from  time  to  time  wherever  he  happened  to  be,  in  the 
camp  or  in  the  palace,  reveal  to  us  his  thoughts.  He 
aspired  to  be  a  perfect  man  and  he  thought  it  possible  to 
attain  his  ideal  by  the  old  Stoic  rule  of  following  nature 
(§  324).  His  philosophy  was  tempered  by  practical  ex- 
perience, and  hence  he  insisted  much  on  the  duty  of  a 
true  man  to  society.  From  his  experience,  perhaps, 
came  also  his  sense  of  the  need  of  divine  help.  He  turned 
his  thought  into  life;  this  separates  him  from  the  profes- 
sional philosopher  and  makes  him  interesting,  for  he 


Progress  of  Christianity  481 

passed  his  life  on  the  throne.  A  sober  and  high-minded 
personality,  he  did  his  duty  in  this  high  sphere  and  came 
near  to  practising  what  he  preached. 

545.  Religion. — Yet  this  emperor  persecuted  the  Persecu 
Christians!  Such  are  the  contradictions  of  history.  The  christians, 
growing  popular  hatred  of  the  Christians  is  not  remark- 
able. We  have  already  suggested  a  reason  (§  528).  As 
Tertullian,  a  Christian  writer,  said:  "If  the  Tiber  rises, 
if  the  Nile  does  not  rise,  if  the  heavens  give  no  rain,  if 
there  is  an  earthquake,  famine,  or  pestilence,  straightway 
the  cry  is,  'The  Christians  to  the  lions!'  "  The  imperial 
authorities  in  some  cases  sought  to  stand  against  the  mob 
and  protect  the  Christians  from  unwarranted  violence. 
Trajan  wrote  Pliny  not  to  search  out  Christians  for 
death,  but  only  to  deal  with  cases  that  were  brought  be- 
fore him.  Marcus  Aurelius  was  more  severe,  and  under 
his  command  Christians  were  hunted  down  and  put  to 
death.  He  regarded  their  refusal  to  join  in  the  religion 
of  the  empire  as  "mere  obstinacy"  and  thought  it  a  part 
of  his  duty  to  punish  those  who  professed  what  Pliny 
called  "a  degrading  and  unreasonable  superstition." 
The  Christians,  in  their  turn,  went  willingly  in  great 
numbers  to  death,  which  they  called  "martyrdom," 
that  is,  "witnessing"  to  their  faith.  Yet  they  grew  in  Their 
numbers  and  in  unity,  impelled  both  by  persecution  from 
without  and  by  the  false  doctrines  that  some  within  the 
fold  were  teaching.  Among  them  appeared  literary  de- 
fenders, some  of  whom  addressed  to  the  emperors  what 
are  called  Apologies,  or  arguments  in  defence  of  Chris- 
tianity as  a  reasonable  and  worthy  religion;  others  wrote 
books  maintaining  the  true  or  "orthodox"  doctrine 
against  the  false  doctrine  or  "heresy."     Thus  out  of  the 


Progress. 


482  The  Principate 

various  churches  all  over  the  empire  was  slowly  forming 
the  Church,  the  one  body  of  believers  in  Christ,  standing 
over  against  the  empire  and  the  heretics.  It  was  soon 
to  make  its  power  felt  in  both  directions. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  is  meant  by  mausoleum,  heretic, 
Imperial  Council,  martyrdom,  dyarchy,  apology?  2.  Name 
the  emperors  of  this  century  in  chronological  order.  3,  For 
what  are  the  following  famous :  Hercules,  Pliny  the  Younger, 
Decebalus,  Tacitus,  Plutarch? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  In  what  were  Marcus  Aurelius 
and  Solomon  alike?  2.  Compare  the  empire  of  Augustus 
in  extent  with  the  empire  of  Trajan.  3.  Compare  Pliny 
the  Younger  with  Cicero  in  ideals,  activities  and  character. 
4.  Why  is  Juvenal  more  a  type  of  this  period  than  of  Athens 
in  the  fifth  century?  5.  What  reasons  may  be  given  for  the 
famous  saying  of  Gibbon  quoted  below?  * 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  An  Estimate  of  the  Character 
of  the  Good  Emperors.  Nerva,  Jones,  p.  149;  Trajan,  Jones, 
p.  156;  Hadrian,  Jones,  p.  179;  Antoninus,  Jones,  pp.  196-197; 
Marcus  Aurelius,  Jones,  pp.  204-208.  2.  The  Eastern  Conquests. 
Jones,  pp.  164,  170-172,  175,  203,  208,  212.  3.  The  Barbarians 
Threaten  the  Empire.  Jones,  pp.  221-22S.  4.  The  Material 
Welfare  of  Italy.  Jones,  pp.  165-168,  171,  180-182.  5.  East- 
ern Ideas  Triumphant  Over  Western  Ideas.    Jones,  pp.  212-220. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Empire 
in  the  Second  Century.  Seignobos,  ch.  22;  Botsford,  pp.  243- 
256;  Morey,  ch.  26;  Merivale,  pp.  513-542;  Gibbon,  ch.i.  2.  The 
Inner  Politics  of  the  Empire.  Abbott,  ch.  15.  3.  The  Dacian 
Wars  of  Trajan.  Bury,  pp.  421-430.  4.  Personality  and  Work 
of  Hadrian.  Merivale,  pp.  524-529.  Bury,  ch.  26.  5.  Marcus 
Aurelius.  Merivale,  pp.  538-539;  Bury,  ch.  28;  Munro,  pp.  176- 
178  (source).  6.  The  Literature  of  the  Second  Century.  Bots- 
ford, pp.  256-262;  Bury,  pp.  475-487.  7.  Pliny  and  the  Chris- 
tians.    Laing,  pp.  468-471  (source);    Munro,  pp.  165-167  (source); 

*  "If  a  man  were  called  upon  to  fix  the  period  in  the  history  of  the 
world  during  which  the  condition  of  the  human  race  was  most  happy 
and  prosperous,  he  would,  without  hesitation,  name  that  which  elapsed 
from  the  death  of  Domitian  to  the  accession  of  Commodus." 


Age  of  the  Severi  483 

Bury,  pp.  445-44S.  8,  Tacitus  the  Historian.  Mackail,  pp.  205- 
220;  Laing,  pp.  399-424.  9.  "As  an  emperor  I  am  a  Roman, 
but  as  a  man  my  city  is  the  world."  How  does  this  saying 
reveal  the  spirit  of  the  time? 

546.  Septimius  Sevenis,  193-211  A.D. — The  praetori- 
ans, after  the  death  of  Commodus,  held  the  succession  to 
the  empire  in  their  hands.  Having  finally  sold  it  to  the 
highest  bidder,  they  were  met  by  the  opposition  of  the 
three  frontier  armies  on  the  Rhine,  the  Danube  and  the 
Euphrates,  who  proclaimed  their  own  commanders  as 
emperors.  In  the  civil  war  that  followed,  Sep-tim'i-us  Se- 
ve'rus,  of  an  African  family,  general  of  the  army  on  the 
Danube,  secured  the  throne  and  ruled  with  vigor  as  the 

first  military  emperor  (a.d.  193-211).     He  reorganized  The  Prince 
the  praetorians  by  substituting  his  own  soldiers  for  the  t^e'intTrest 
Italians,  and  by  drawing  troops  from  the  regular  army  o^^he 
into  Italy  he  increased  its  military  establishment  from 
ten  thousand  to  forty  thousand.     He  extended  the  em- 
pire by  recovering  Mesopotamia,  abandoned  by  Hadrian 
(§  538).     He  ruled  as  a  practically  absolute  monarch,  dis- 
regarding the  prerogatives  of  the  senate.     By  taking  the 
name  of  Antoninus  he  sought  to  attach  himself  to  the 
previous  dynasty,  while  he  appointed  his  sons  as  his  suc- 
cessors.    The  centralization  and  extension  of  the  power 
of  the  princeps  were  his  manifest  aims,  the  vigor  and 
prosperity  of  his  administration  were  evidences  of  his 
success.     Yet  the  military  basis  of  his  throne  was  un- 
sound and  dangerous. 

547.  Caracalla,  211-217  A.D. — His  son  Car'a-cal'la 
was  a  cruel  and  wasteful  ruler  who  was  murdered  by  the 
prefect  of  the  guard.  Two  achievements  have  made  him 
famous:  (i)  the  building  of  the  "Baths  of  Caracalla"  at 


484  The  P?i7icipate 

Rome,  a  colossal  and  elegant  series  of  public  baths;  (2) 
The  Edict  his  cdict,  of  which  the  beginning  has  been  recently  found 
caiia.  "  '^^  ^^  Egyptian  papyrus,  bestowing  citizenship  upon  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  empire  except  the  dediiicii,  that  is 
to  say,  those  destitute  of  rights  in  some  one  of  the  organ- 
ized municipal  or  city-states  (a.d.  212).  This  last  act 
was  intended  by  him  to  facilitate  the  supervision  of  local 
government  by  making  it  more  uniform,  to  increase 
the  number  of  citizens,  from  whom  alone  was  collected 
a  tax  on  inheritances  and  on  sales  which  went  to  pro- 
vide pensions  for  the  veterans,  and  to  bring  to  completion 
the  long  process  of  civilizing  by  means  of  urban  institu- 
tions which  Alexander  the  Great — the  model  of  Caracalla 
— had  begun  (§  299). 

548.  Alexander  Severus,  222-235  A.D. — Alexander 
Severus  a  distant  relative  of  the  house  of  Septimius,  was 
no  soldier.  Indeed,  his  reign  marks  a  reaction  toward 
constitutional  rule.  Though  young,  he  had  an  earnest 
and  serious  spirit  and  sought  to  conform  his  life  to  the 
highest  models.  An  oriental  by  birth  and  sentiment,  he 
was  deeply  religious.  In  a  sanctuary  in  his  palace  he 
placed  statues  of  Abraham,  Orpheus,  Apollo  and  Jesus. 
But  such  a  temper  did  not  attract  the  legions.  His  cam- 
paigns were  unsuccessful  and  he  was  slain  by  a  mob  of 
his  own  soldiers. 

549.  The  Golden  Age  of  the  Jurists. — Under  the  em- 
perors of  the  house  of  Septimius  Severus  the  importance 
of  the  jurists  is  notable.  The  prefect  of  the  praetorians 
had  come  to  have  charge  of  the  administration  of  justice 
under  the  emperor.  He  was,  therefore,  chiefly  a  great 
lawyer  and  only  secondarily  a  military  man.  Under  these 
emperors  he  became  the  chief  minister  and  adviser  of  the 


Age  of  the  Severi  485 

crown.     Since  he  was  a  "knight,"  and  not  a  senator,  his  Theoid 
elevation  meant  the  elimination  of  the  highest  aristocracy  q^I^I^^^^ 
from  all  but  the  chief  military  positions;  and,  indeed,  the  Furnish  the 

•^   ^  Officials. 

Severi  began,  what  Gal'li-e'nus  (253-268  a.d.)  completed, 
the  removal  of  the  senators  from  the  army  also.  The 
glory  of  their  reigns  w-ere  the  prefects  Papinian  and 
Ulpian.  To  them  the  emperor  was  the  source  of  justice 
and  law,  the  supreme  authority.  Thus  they  gave  a  new 
theory  of  the  Roman  constitution.  They  gathered  the  im- 
perial judgments  ("decrees"),  instructions  ("rescripts") 
and  orders  ("edicts"),  and  brought  them  into  harmony 
according  to  the  highest  ideals  of  the  time.  This  they 
did  by  writing  commentaries  on  the  decisions  of  the  em- 
perors, by  giving  official  legal  interpretations  {responsa) 
and  discussing  doubtful  points  of  law.  Thus  was  pre-  xheHar- 
pared  the  way  for  a  code  of  imperial  law.  The  spread  of  ^°he 'civii 
the  Graeco-Roman  civilization  reached  its  acme  in  the  Law. 
age  of  the  Severi.  It  is  true  that  the  empire  was  a  trifle 
greater  in  territorial  extent  in  the  last  year  or  two  of 
Trajan's  reign;  but  the  growth  of  new  municipalities, 
which  is  the  mark  of  expanding  culture,  continued  to  its 
culmination  in  the  epoch  now  under  consideration. 

During  the  regime  of  the  jurists,  moreover,  the  ties  of  law  which   Supervision 
bound  the  municipalities  to  the  central  government  were  perfected,    °^  Mumc- 
and  the  various  officials  already  established — notably  by  Hadrian —   ernment. 
to  check  their  extravagance  and  to  remedy  defects  in  their  adminis- 
tration of  justice  were  as  yet  interfering  only  in  a  salutory  way  with 
local  freedom.     There  is  no  clear  evidence  for  a  lessening  of  a  healthy 
interest  in  municipal  politics.     It  is  true  that  men  of  wealth  did 
not  always  volunteer  for  public  officers,  but  this  was  nothing 
new.     Seeing  that  rich  men  paid  their  taxes  by  holding  offices,  they 
had  been  compelled  to  become  candidates  for  the  magistracies  since 
the  time  of  the  republic. 


486  The  Principate 

For  over  two  hundred  and  jfifty  years  a  territory,  which 
has  to-day  a  population  of  over  one  hundred  and  ninety 
millions,  and  which  may  have  had  one-third  of  that  num- 
ber in  antiquity,  had  seen  no  great  war  or  serious  dis- 
turbance of  economic  production. 

550.  Growth  of  Municipalities.— The  results  were 
apparent  in  the  existence  of  many  thousand  towns 
and  municipalities  in  which  the  peasants  as  well  as  the 
traders  and  citizens  lived.  These  were  well  equipped 
with  sewers  and  aqueducts,  streets  and  sidewalks,  tem- 
ples and  amphitheatres  which  stand  in  their  ruins  to- 
day, sometimes  far  out  in  the  desert,  as  impressive  testi- 
monials of  the  achievements  of  the  "  Roman  peace." 

551.  The  People  Not  Warlike. — Around  the  frontiers 
ran,  where  a  natural  barrier  was  wanting,  the  great 
limes,  a  wall  here,  a  chain  of  forts  there,  along  which 
lived  the  soldiers,  now  permitted  by  the  Severi  to  have 
wives  and  homes  in  the  towns  which  had  grown  up  at 
the  military  posts.  Only  these  men  on  the  border 
had  weapons,  military  organization  and  knowledge  of 
war.  Two  centuries  and  a  half  of  relaxation  and  peace 
had  converted  a  population  almost  every  man  of  which 
at  the  time  of  Julius  Caesar  had  been  potentially  a  sol- 
dier into  a  great  flock  of  sheep  of  which  the  soldiers  were 
the  watch-dogs.  In  return  for  their  services  they  re- 
ceived pay  while  in  the  army,  and  pensions  and  immu- 

The  Sol-  nity  from  municipal  taxes  after  their  discharge.  They 
Mlslers!  wcrc  really  the  masters  of  the  world,  and  during  the 
time  of  the  Severi  they  became  conscious  of  this  fact. 
Accordingly  each  great  army  corps  now  sought  to  gain 
for  itself  the  possession  of  the  empire;  they  left  the 
frontiers  and  setting  out  for  the  capital  engaged  in  a 


First  Barbarian  Invasions  487 

protracted  war  (235  a.d  to  270  a.d.)  with  one  another, 
while  in  their  rear  the  barbarians  whom  they  had  held 
in  check  swept  over  the  limes  and  plundered  and  harried 
at  will. 

552.  The  Break-up  of  the  Roman  Empire. — During  Barbarian 
this  horrible  welter  of  civil  and  foreign  war  Franks  and  ^"^^^'°°^ 
Alamanni  invaded  Gaul  and  pushed  south  into  Spain 

and  Italy.  Goths  swept  from  beyond  the  Danube  to  the 
Mediterranean,  and  taking  ship  crossed  the  Black  sea  and 
ravaged  Asia  Minor.  They  even  sailed  the  entire  length 
of  the  Mediterranean,  plundering  Greece  and  Africa  on 
their  way.  The  Sassanids,  who  in  227  a.d.  had  set  the 
Parthian  dynasty  of  the  Arsacids  aside  and  re-established 
a  Persian  empire  in  Asia,  claimed  all  the  territory  once 
ruled  by  Cyrus,  and  again  and  again  sacked  Asia  Minor 
and  Syria.  Even  Antioch  was  twice  captured  by  them. 
Down  the  Nile  came  the  Arab  Nomads;  into  Numidia 
swarmed  the  Moors.  The  whole  civilized  world  was  at 
one  time  or  other  overwhelmed  by  the  barbarians.  A  xhepiague 
horrible  plague  broke  out  w^hich  raged  in  the  empire  for 
fifteen  years.  Great  cities  like  Alexandria  fell  to  half 
their  size.  Whole  towns  were  left  without  inhabitants, 
and  in  every  direction  stood  tumbled-down  houses  and 
deserted  farms.  This  frightful  period  culminated  in  the  caiiienus. 
reign  of  the  unhappy  Gallienus  (253-260  a.d.). 

553.  The  Thirty  Tyrants. — One  of  his  predecessors, 
his  father,  Decius,  was  slain  in  battle  against  the  Goths; 
another.  Valerian,  was  made  prisoner  by  the  Sassanian 

king.     AuRELiAN  (a.d.  270--275)  had  better  success.     He  Aureiian. 
restored  the  unity  of  the  empire  by  overthrowing  Queen 
Zenobia,  who  had  set  up  an  independent  kingdom  in  the 
east  with  its  capital  at  Palmyra,  and  Tet'ri-cus,  the  head 


488 


The  Great  Upheaval 


Probus. 


New 
riatonism. 


of  a  similar  kingdom  in  Gaul.  The  barbarians  were 
beaten  back,  Rome  was  fortified  with  the  so-called  Aure- 
h'an  wall  and  a  splendid  "triumph"  was  held  in  the  city. 
He  was  compelled,  however,  to  abandon  Dacia  to  the 
invaders.  Probus  (a.d,  276-282)  was  equally  successful 
against  the  barbarians.  He  thrust  them  back  from  the 
northern  frontiers  and  restored  the  wall  connecting  the 
Rhine  and  Danube.  He  transplanted  numbers  of  these 
tribes  into  the  empire  as  settlers  and  added  many  to 
his  armies.  This  desperate  measure  was  necessary  to 
strengthen  the  waning  size  and  vigor  of  the  Roman  mil- 
itary and  civic  body.  Both  he  and  Aurelian,  however, 
were  at  last  slain  by  their  own  soldiers  while  in  the  field, 
but  not  till  the  one  had  restored  the  unity  of  the  empire 
and  the  other  cleared  it  of  the  invaders.  It  remained 
for  a  more  adroit  and  fortunate  man  to  build  anew  a 
wonderful  imperial  system.  But  he  could  not  undo  what 
had  been  done  in  the  generation  between  Alexander  and 
Aurelian— the  age  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants,  as  it  is  some- 
times called;  for  in  that  awful  time  the  noble  culture  of 
antiquity  perished  beyond  the  hope  of  restoration.  The 
barbarian  invasions  of  the  third  century  with  their  attend- 
ant wars  and  calamities  were  more  far-reaching  in  their 
effects  upon  ancient  life  than  were  the  Germanic  move- 
ments of  the  fifth  century. 

554.  Religion.— It  is  not  surprising  that  religion  had  a 
large  place  in  the  life  of  this  age  of  disaster.  The 
troubles  and  woes  of  the  time  led  men  everywhere  to  look 
to  the  heavenly  powers  for  mercy  and  help.  All  sorts  of 
religions  found  favor.  Magic  and  astrology  were  very 
popular  with  all  classes.  In  Alexandria  a  new  school  of 
philosophy  sprang  up  called  "New  Platonism."  because 


PLATE   XXXVII 


THE   PANTHEON,    ROME 


From  a  photograph  by  R.  Moscioni 

THE   WALLS   OF   AURELIAN 


Religiou.s  Revival  489 

it  revived  the  ideas  of  Plato  (§  265)  and  sought  to  find 
comfort  and  a  rule  of  life  in  them.  The  soldiers  had 
their  religion  and,  as  they  were  the  leading  force  of  the 
time,  it  spread  widely.  This  was  the  worship  of  Mithra,  Mithraism. 
a  Persian  deity,  represented  as  a  young  hero  slaying  a 
bull  or  bearing  it  off  on  his  shoulders.  He  had  his 
priests  and  his  temples;  he  promised  victory  over  sin  and 
immortal  happiness  to  his  followers.  The  worship  of 
the  sun  as  the  source  of  all  life,  the  unconquerable  lord, 
was  a  popular  cult.  The  emperors  of  the  time  were  very 
favorable  to  these  various  religions;  they  saw  in  them  a 
source  of  strength  for  the  hard-pressed  Roman  world. 

555.  Christianity. — Only  against  one  faith  were  all 
alike  opposed.  Christianity  had  to  battle  with  them 
for  her  life  and  no  one  could  foresee  the  result.  Yet  she 
grew  through  all  the  century,  undismayed  by  persecution. 
The  effect  of  her  independent  position,  opposed  as  she 
was  by  the  state  and  attacked  by  the  people,  began  to 
appear.  Her  organization  became  more  centralized.  Growth  of 
Among  the  elders  or  bishops  of  the  churches,  here  and  ^■^^^^^^^~ 
there,  a  leader  appeared  who  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
Christians  of  the  city  and  became  the  bishop;  the  elders 
or  presbyters  became  "priests"*  under  the  bishop's 
authority;  churches  of  a  district  united  for  the  settle- 
ment of  questions  common  to  them  by  sending  their 
priests  to  a  synod,  presided  over  by  a  bishop.  Thus  a 
distinction  between  the  clergy  and  the  lay  members  began 
to  arise.  Bishops  in  such  centres  as  Antioch,  Alexan-  the 
dria  or  Rome,  where  the  Christians  were  many,  were 
called  archbishops  or  metropolitans.  The  church  at  The 
Rome  came  to  have  a  special  position.  It  was  thought  ch^ch 
*  The  word  "priest"  is  a  contracted  form  of  the  word  "presbyter." 


Hierarchy. 


490  The  Great  Upheaval 

that  Peter,  the  leader  of  Jesus'  disciples,  was  its  founder 
and  thus  gave  it  leadership  over  the  other  churches.  Its 
bishop  was  thus  led  to  make  peculiar  claims  to  head- 
ship in  the  Church.  In  all  this  advance  of  the  Church 
we  see  it  begin  to  shape  itself  on  the  model  of  the  imperial 
organization  and  to  stand  up  over  against  it.  Leaders 
of  thought  began  to  come  forward.  In  Alexandria,  a 
school  of  Christian  teaching  was  formed,  the  most  brill- 
iant ornament  of  which  was  Origen.     In  North  Africa, 

Christian  Christianity  was  particularly  strong.  Here  the  great 
names  were  Tertullian  and  Cyprian,  who  by  their  writ- 
ings defended  the  Church  against  enemies  within  and 

Art.  without.    A  Christian  art  began  to  appear.     Upon  grave- 

stones and  chapels  the  dove,  the  good  shepherd  and  the 
lamb,  favorite  symbols  of  the  new  faith,  were  rudely 
carved  or  painted. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  Name  the  chief  emperors  of  the  third 
century.  2.  For  what  are  the  following  significant:  Zenobia, 
Ulpian,  Origen?  3.  What  is  meant  by  coloni,  priest,  New 
Platonism,  edict,  Sassanian?  4.  What  is  the  date  of  the 
Edict  of  Caracalla?  5.  Describe  the  conditions  existing  on  the 
Roman  frontier  in  the  third  century.  6.  From  what  regions 
did  the  invaders  come  into  the  Roman  territory? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Greek  religion  in  the 
sixth  century  b.c.  (§  134)  with  the  religion  of  this  age — what 
similar  conditions  and  results?  2.  How  do  the  barbarian  in- 
vasions resemble  those  that  afflicted  the  oriental  world  (§§  12, 
16,  35-  48,  71,  74)? 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  The  Concessions  of  Severus 
to  the  Military  Element.  Jones,  pp.  244-249.  2.  Two  Opinions 
upon  the  Edict  of  Caracalla.  J^ncs,  pp.  256-257.  3.  Ten  Years 
of  Respite  under  Severus  Alexander.  Jones,  pp.  268-276. 
4.  Strife  between  the  Senatorial  and  Military  Orders.  Jones, 
pp.  2S0-286,  306-310.  5.  Aurelian,  One  of  the  Great  Com- 
manders.    Jones,  pp.  318-335. 


Restoi'ation  491 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Em- 
oire  in  the  Third  Century.  Gibbon,  pp.  21-83;  Morey, 
ch.  27;  Merivale,  pp.  5;42-5'^)9;  Seignobos,  pp.  373-390.  2.  The 
Emperor  and  His  Administration.  Abbott,  pp.  329-334;  Bots- 
ford,  pp.  270-278.  3.  The  Jurists  of  the  Empire.  Seignobos, 
pp.  383-3S4;  Botsford,  pjj.  269-270.  4.  Severus  Alexander.  Gib- 
bon, pp.  37,  38;  Merivale,  pp.  555,  556.  5.  The  Sassanian  Kings. 
Gibbon,  pp.  30-42;  Botsford,  pp.  271-272.  6.  Zenobia  and 
Palmyra.     Gibbon,  pp.  70-73. 


8.— THE  LATER   ROMAN  EMPIRE 

(DESPOTISM) 

A.D.  284-395 

556.  The  Empire   Reorganized. — The  new  organiza- 
tion of  the  state  which  was  demanded  by  the  times  was 
started  by  an  emperor  at  the  close  of  the  century.     Among 
the  able  lieutenants  that  the  valiant  emperors  Aurelian 
and  Probus  gathered  about  them  and  trained  in  the 
fierce  battles  with  Goths  and  Persians  were  Di'o-cle'tian 
and  Max-im'i-an.     Tlie  legions  chose  Diocletian  as  em-  Diocletian 
peror  (a.d.  284-305)  to  defend  and  restore  the  decaying  ^  i^^'^^^ 
empire.     He  responded  by  a  new  plan  of  imperial  or-  ThePiar, 
ganization  to  meet  the  difficulties  of  the  times,     (r)  To  ofReorgan- 

°  ,  '     .  ization. 

solve  the  problem  of  the  succession  he  associated  with 
himself  as  colleague  Maximian,  giving  him  the  title  of 
Augustus,  and  took  as  assistants  Galerius  and  Con- 
STANTius,  giving  them  the  title  of  Caesar.  Hence,  there 
was  always  one  at  hand  to  succeed  to  the  throne.  (2) 
To  meet  the  necessity  of  defending  so  great  an  empire 
from  its  enemies,  he  assigned  Maximian  to  Italy  and  the 
western  provinces  with  Constantius  under  him  in  charge 
of  Gaul,  Spain  and  Britain,  and  himself  took  the  east  with 
Galerius  under  him  in  charge  of  Illyricum.     His  cap- 


492 


The  Despotism 


Bureau- 
cracy. 


End  of  the 
System  of 
Augustus. 


ital  was  at  Nicomedia  in  Asia  Minor;  that  of  Maximian 
at  Milan  in  Italy.  Thus  there  was  no  general  of  a  large 
army  who  was  not  already  a  member  of  the  government. 
(3)  For  a  better  administration  of  the  state,  he  split  up  the 
provinces,  making  one  hundred  and  sixteen  in  all.  These 
were  united  into  twelve  "  dioceses."  (4)  To  guard  against 
misuse  of  power,  he  separated  the  military  from  the  civil 
authority.  Governors  of  provinces  were  civil  officers. 
Generals  (counts  and  dukes)  had  charge  of  the  soldiery. 
(5)  A  very  complex  organization  of  the  officials  of  the  state 
was  introduced;  all  were  closely  bound  together,  each  de- 
pendent on  the  one  above  him  in  rank,  until  the  culmina- 
tion was  reached  in  the  emperor.  Each  rank  of  officials 
had  its  appropriate  title.  The  supreme  emperor  was 
far  above  all  other  mortals  and  surrounded  himself  with 
oriental  pomp  and  form;  he  wore  a  diadem  and  was 
called  Z>omf;m5,  " lord " ;  the  subject  was  servus,  "slave." 
This  kind  of  a  government  had  existed  in  Egypt  since  the 
time  of  the  Ptolemies  (§  311). 

557.  A  Despotism. — Thus  by  these  measures  the  prin- 
cipate  perished  and  an  absolute  monarchy  took  its 
place.  The  republic  with  its  constitution  and  magis- 
trates, princeps,  senate,  assemblies,  citizens  became  as 
insignificant  as  titles  of  nobility  in  a  modern  republic. 
The  pre-eminence  of  Rome  and  Italy  vanished.  All 
that  had  been  built  up  by  Augustus  with  such  marvellous 
skill,  and,  for  three  centuries,  had,  in  form  at  least,  been 
the  basis  of  Roman  government,  passed  away.  That  it 
should  perish  was  proper,  for  it  had  done  its  work  and 
was  unequal  to  the  new  demands.  But  the  meaning  of 
the  change  now  introduced  must  not  be  overlooked. 
The  empire  of  Rome  was  essentially  transformed.     The 


Diocletian  493 

experiment  in  government,  which  sought  to  combine  re- 
publican institutions  with  effective  administration  of  an 
empire,  was  over. 

558.  The  PersonaHty  of  Diocletian. — His  plan  of  re- 
organization proves  Diocletian  to  have  been  a  wise  and 
practical  statesman,  as  well  as  a  skilful  soldier.  He  w^as 
of  humble  origin,  the  son  of  a  freedman  of  Dalmatia, 
and  had  worked  his  way  up  from  the  ranks.  Tall  and 
spare  of  body,  he  had  a  clear  mind,  reflected  in  a  face 
with  finely  cut  features,  and  an  attractive  personality 
which  made  firm  friends.  With  a  strong  will  that  pur- 
sued its  way  resistlessly,  and  used  all  men  to  further  its 
designs,  he  had  one  weakness  common  to  his  age — a  vein 
of  religious  superstition  which  caused  him  to  set  much 
store  by  omens  and  signs,  and  to  pay  passionate  heed  to 
the  utterances  of  magicians  and  astrologers. 

559.  Good  Results  of  the  New  Plan. — Under  his  skil- 
ful ministration  the  exhausted  empire  was  revived  and 
leaped  to  its  feet.  The  coinage  was  improved  and  fi- 
nances restored.  New  taxes  were  imposed,  but  their 
burden  was  unwisely  distributed  among  the  various 
classes  of  society.  Military  reforms,  particularly  the  concentra- 
creation  of  a  field-army  in  addition  to  the  legions  on 
the  frontiers,  available  wherever  the  need  was  greatest, 
brought  the  disturbed  frontiers  into  order.  Laws  were 
issued  bearing  on  all  sides  of  life;  it  was  even  attempted 
to  regulate  prices  by  legislation.  Imperial  cities  were 
adorned  with  new  and  splendid  buildings,  and  old  foun- 
dations were  renewed.  Inscriptions  of  the  time  hail  the 
period  as  the  "happy  era"  of  general  betterment. 

560.  Bad  Results  of  the  New  Plan. — ^The  complicated 
administrative  system  of  Diocletian,  while  it  preserved  the 


tion  of 
Troops. 


494  The  Despoti^^m 

empire  as  a  structure,  sapped  its  inner  life.  The  cost  of 
maintaining  so  great  a  body  of  officials  was  an  enormous 
drain.  Taxation  grew  by  leaps  and  bounds  accompanied 
by  scarcity  of  money,  increase  of  poverty  and  decline  of 
population.  Class  distinctions  still  further  weakened  the 
effectiveness  of  the  body  politic.  The  senatorial  class  was 
rich  and  powerful  and  was  exempted  from  many  civic 
burdens.  These  fell  largely  on  the  next  lower  class, 
called  the  curials  or  decurions.  All  who  possessed  at 
least  twenty-five  acres  of  land  were  included  in  this  class. 
They  were  responsible  for  the  collection  of  taxes,  de- 
ficiencies in  which  they  must  make  up  out  of  their  own 
Ruin  of  private  fortunes.  These  obligations  were  hereditary;  a 
Citizens.  son  of  a  curial  entered  the  order  at  the  age  of  eighteen; 
severe  laws  were  passed  to  prevent  any  from  avoiding  the 
civic  burdens,  which  often  proved  their  ruin.  As  the 
result  of  wars  and  taxation  many  small  freeholders  lost 
their  liberty  to  migrate  and  became  coloni  on  the  estates 
of  the  nobles,  to  be  sold  with  the  land  to  which  they 
belonged.  The  artisans  formed  a  separate  class  to  which 
all  members  were  likewise  perpetually  bound.  The  re- 
sult of  all  these  arrangements  was  that  the  imperial 
machine  with  its  rigid  system  and  universal  sweep  was 
crushing  the  life  out  of  the  middle  classes,  destroying  all 
civic  patriotism  and  individual  ambition,  in  the  praise- 
worthy endeavor  to  hold  the  state  together. 

561.  Persecution  of  Christians. — The  religious  policy 
of  Diocletian  brought  upon  him  a  serious  conflict.  In 
his  zeal  for  the  revival  of  the  ancient  Roman  worship, 
he  sought  to  suppress  the  Christians.  Although  they 
were  in  his  court  and  his  legions  and  formed  an  influ- 
ential and  progressive   element  in   the  state,  his  unre- 


Constantine  495 

lenting,  almost  fanatical,  spirit  did  not  flinch  from  the 
struggle.  He  did  not  use  bloody  means;  his  plan  was 
rather  by  destroying  churches,  silencing  leaders  and  seiz- 
ing property  to  bring  Christianity  gradually  into  con- 
tempt and  weakness.  He  failed.  His  edict  against  the  its  Failure 
faith  was  only  partially  respected  in  the  west,  and  down 
to  the  end  of  his  reign  the  struggle  went  on.  During  his 
own  lifetime — after  his  abdication  (§  562) — his  succes- 
sor, Galerius,  issued  his  Edict  of  Toleration  (a.d.  311), 
which  gave  the  Christians  freedom  to  worship  in  public 
and  private  on  condition  of  paying  due  respect  to  the 
laws. 

562.  Difficulties  of  the  Succession. — A  more  remark- 
able weakness  in  his  system  revealed  itself.  Worn  out 
with  his  incessant  labors,  Diocletian  determined  to  re- 
tire from  his  imperial  position.  In  a.d.  305,  after  twenty-  Abdication 
one  years  of  rule,  he  abdicated  and  retired  to  Dalmatia  Augusti. 
to  spend  in  private  the  remainder  of  his  life.  He  per- 
suaded his  colleague,  Maximian,  to  follow  his  example. 

The  Caesars  stepped  into  their  places  and  new  Caesars 
were  appointed.  But  without  Diocletian  the  system  would 
not  work.  His  successor  as  senior  Augustus  lost  control 
of  the  situation,  and  a  year  later  the  son  of  Constantius, 
Constantine,  was  proclaimed  imperator  by  his  legions 
in  the  west.  The  Roman  world  saw  the  emperors  involved 
in  conflict  with  each  other  for  the  supremacy.  The  out- 
come was  the  victory  of  Constantine,  who  in  a.d.  323 
became  sole  emperor  (a.d.  323-337). 

563.  Constantine,  306-337  A.D. — Constantine  was  at  His  Per- 
this  time  about  forty  years  of  age,  a  man    of  heroic  ^°°*^'*y- 
stature,   handsome  and  strong.     Tradition  tells  of  his 
piercing  eye  and  commanding  dignity,     A  brave  warrior, 


496  The  Despotism 

he  won  many  of  his  battles  by  his  own  personal  cour- 
age and  strength  in  single  combat.     Shrewd  and  self- 
contained,  never  thrown  off  his  guard,  quick  to  seize  an 
opportunity,  with  a  religious  sense  akin  to  Diocletian's 
and  a  love  of  praise  and  pomp  which  he  gratified  by  the 
oriental  splendor  of  his  dress  and  court,  he  carried  out 
the  spirit  of  Diocletian's  policy  to  the  end.     From  the 
men  of  his  own  time  and  from  succeeding  ages  he  has 
His  Two       won  the  title  of  "the  Great."     Of  all  his  achievements 
tions'^to""      ^wo  have  given  him  this  special  claim  to  remembrance: 
Progress.       (^j)  ^jg  transference  of  the  imperial  capital  from  Rome 
to  a  new  city  on  the  Bosporus,  named  from  him  Con- 
stantinople;    (2)   his  reconciliation  of  the  empire  with 
Christianity. 

564.  The  New  Capital. — Constantinople  was  placed 
on  the  site  of  the  Greek  city  of  Byzantium.  It  was  most 
wisely  placed  for  the  capital  of  an  empire  that  extended 
from  the  Euphrates  to  Britain.  From  it  the  emperor 
could  survey  his  domain  on  either  side  and  most  easily 
Advantages  control  its  scvcral  parts.  Commerce  found  it  a  most  con- 
venient centre  and  its  harbors  were  unsurpassed.  It  lay 
near,  yet  not  too  near,  to  the  Danube,  the  frontier  whence 
danger  from  the  barbarians  was  most  pressing.  It  was 
easy  of  defence  by  land  and  sea,  lying  on  seven  hills  and 
protected  on  three  sides  by  water.  The  emperor  pro- 
posed to  call  it  New  Rome,  and,  although  the  name  com- 
memorating its  founder  has  been  preferred  by  after  ages, 
the  result  contemplated  by  him  took  place — the  suprem- 
acy of  old  Rome  passed  to  its  new  rival.  Here  the  court 
was  set  up,  here  magnificent  palaces  were  built,  from 
here  the  imperial  administration  ruled  the  Roman  world. 
Rome  sank  to  the  level  of  a  provincial  city,  mighty  in 


of  the  Site. 


PLAT  E  XXXIX 


The  Arch  of  Constantine  at   Rome 


A  Roman  Aqueduct  in  Gau! 
CHARACTERISTIC    ROMAN    ARCHITECTrRE 


Constantlne  and  Christianity  497 

its  past  alone,  until  it  rose  again  to  be  the  capital  of  a 
spiritual  state,  the  seat  of  the  Roman  Church. 

565.  Recognition  of  Christianity. — Already,  before  he 
became  sole  emperor,  Constantine  had  seen  how  great 
a  power  Christianity  had  become,  and  by  his  friendly 
attitude  won  the  Christians  to  his  side.  His  father, 
though  never  breaking  with  the  old  religion,  had  inclined 
to  the  worship  of  the  Christian  god,  and  the  son  followed 
his  example.  In  a.d.  313  he  published  the  Edict  of 
Milan,  by  which  Christianity  was  put  on  a  par  with  the 
other  religions  of  the  Roman  empire.  As  time  went  on 
and  he  became  the  lord  of  the  Roman  world,  his  favor 
was  shown  more  clearly  by  his  edicts  and  by  his  personal 
kindness  to  Christian  bishops.  He  read  the  Scriptures. 
He  presided  at  a  famous  council  of  Christian  bishops  at  Constantine 
Ni-cae'a  (a.d.  325),  where  an  important  theological  ques-  \l^^^ 
tion  was  decided — whether  Jesus  Christ  was  the  same  as 
God  or  only  like  him.*  In  the  hour  of  death  he  was 
baptized  into  the  Church,  and  thus  personally  confessed 
Christianity.  But,  as  emperor,  he  refused  to  take  sides; 
if  he  granted  favors  to  Christians,  he  also  consecrated 
temples  and  gave  privileges  to  priests  of  the  old  Roman 
cult.  Nor  was  his  conduct  ever  deeply  influenced  by 
Christian  teaching.  He  sought  to  reconcile  all  wor- 
shippers of  every  god  and  use  them  for  the  upbuilding 
of  the  empire.  Yet  his  personal  attitude  toward  Chris- 
tianity was  more  potent  than  his  official  neutrality. 
From  his  reign  dates  the  beginning  of  the  victory  of 
Christianity  over  the  ancient  faiths  of  the  Roman  world 
and  the  union  between  the  Church  and  the  empire. 

*  Those  who  held  the  latter  view  were  led  by  the  Bishop  Arius  and 
were  hence  called  Arians.  The  question-  was  decided  against  them  in 
the  Nicene  Council. 


498  The  Despotism 

Eu-se'bi-us,  the  Church  historian  and  friend  of  Constantine,  tells 
us,  in  his  life  of  the  emperor,  that  Constantine,  before  he  became  sole 
emperor,  while  marching  against  one  of  his  rivals,  uncertain  as  to  his 
duty  to  God,  beheld  a  wonderful  vision.  As  the  day  was  declining, 
he  saw  the  representation  of  a  cross  of  light  in  the  heavens,  above  the 
sun,  and  bearing  the  inscription,  Conquer  by  this  !  At  this  sight  he 
himself  was  struck  with  amazement,  and  his  whole  army  also,  which 
followed  him  on  the  expedition  and  witnessed  the  miracle.  While 
pondering  on  the  vision,  he  fell  into  a  sleep  in  which  Christ  appeared 
to  him  with  the  same  sign  and  bade  him  make  a  likeness  of  it  as  a 
standard  for  his  army.  He  obeyed,  and  produced  what  was  called 
the  Labarum,  a  banner  hung  from  a  cross-bar  on  a  spear,  at  the  top 
of  which  was  a  wreath  containing  in  its  centre  a  monogram  for  the 
name  of  Christ.  From  this  time  forth  Constantine  was  at  heart 
a  Christian. 

566.  Successors  of  Constantine. — On  the  death  of  Con- 
stantine, his  three  sons  followed  him  as  emperors  in  the 
east  and  west  (a.d.  337-353)  until  one  of  them,  Con- 
STANTius,  became  sole  emperor  (a.d.  353-361).  After 
him  came  another  member  of  the  house  of  Constantine, 
Julian  (a.d,  361-363),  His  death  on  the  eastern  fron- 
tier was  followed  by  the  elevation  of  several  generals  of 
the  armies,  one  of  whom  was  the  unfortunate  Valens 
(a.d.  364-378),  until  a  vigorous  and  successful  warrior, 
The'o-do'si-us  (a.d.  379-395),  at  first  emperor  in  the 
east,  succeeded  in  uniting  the  empire  again.  The  renewal 
of  barbarian  invasions  after  his  death  on  a  scale  hitherto 
unparalleled,  and  the  establishment  of  their  independent 
states  in  the  empire,  has  made  the  year  of  his  death, 
a.d,  395,  a  significant  turning  point  in  history, 

567.  Christianity  and  the  Empire. — While  the  inroads 
on  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine  continued,  and  the  Per- 
sians in  the  east  were  constantly  threatening  the  Ro- 
man provinces,  the  uppermost  question   in   the  history 


Struggle  with  and  within  Church        499 

of  this  half- century  was  the  relation  of  the  empire  to 
Christianity.  The  Church,  superbly  organized  under 
its  bishops,  and  having  its  greatest  strength  in  the  cities,* 
offered  itself  as  a  useful  ally  to  the  imperial  power. 
A  fierce  conflict  about  the  doctrine  which  had  been  in  The  war  of 
dispute  at  the  council  of  Nicaea  (§  565)  was  rending  the  in°the"^^ 
Church  in  twain.  Arianism  sought  to  reassert  itself  Church. 
against  its  opposing  view,  which  being  accepted  in  that 
council  was  called  Orthodoxy  or  the  ''right  doctrine." 
The  sons  of  Constantine  had  been  reared  as  Christians, 
but  Constantius  accepted  the  Arian  view.  Hence,  the 
Arians  sought  to  obtain  his  help  to  gain  their  victory. 
Although,  as  emperor,  he  sought  to  remain,  like  his 
father,  neutral  in  religious  matters,  he  could  not  help 
being  drawn  into  the  struggle.  The  empire  took  the 
side  of  Arianism.  Over  against  him  as  representing 
orthodoxy  was  Athanasius,  the  brilliant  and  unscrupu- 
lous bishop  of  Alexandria.  The  result  of  the  conflict  its  Effect, 
was  the  triumph  of  Arianism  by  the  aid  of  imperial 
authority.  The  moment  was  full  of  meaning,  not  be- 
cause of  the  triumph  of  this  or  that  doctrine,  but  because 
it  brought  the  union  of  the  empire  and  the  Church  a  long 
step  nearer.  Julian,  who  sought  to  revive  paganism 
and  repress  Christianity,  was  an  interesting  character, 
but  his  attempt  was  futile.  In  Christian  annals  he  is 
branded  as  "the  apostate."  The  emperors  who  followed 
favored  the  Church  more  and  more.  One  of  them, 
Gratian,  withdrew  all  imperial  support  from  the  public 

*A  remarkable  illustration  of  this  are  our  words  "Pagan,"  which 
means  "dweller  in  a  village,"  and  "Heathen,"  "dweller  on  the  heath" 
or  "country."  Christianity  made  its  way  very  slowly  among  the  country 
people.  Hence  "Paganism"  and  "Heathenism"  are  used  to  signify  the 
non-Christian  religions  of  the  ancient  world. 


500 


The  Despotism 


Victory  of 
Christian- 
ity over 
Paganism. 


worship  of  the  heathen  gods.  In  a.d.  392  Theodosius 
issued  an  edict  forbidding  all  practice  of  the  old  religion. 
This  date  marks  the  formal  downfall  of  paganism  and 
the  victory  of  Christianity  in  the  Roman  world.  At  the 
same  time,  this  emperor  exalted  the  orthodox  doctrine; 
he  forbade  and  punished  Arianism  and  all  other  false 
teachings  of  the  true  faith.  He  practically  made  Chris- 
tianity the  religion  of  the  empire.  Henceforth  bishops 
and  emperors  joined  hands  for  the  rule  of  the  Roman 
world. 

568.  Union  of  Empire  and  Church. — Let  us  stop  a 
moment  to  consider  what  this  meant.  In  the  ancient 
world,  the  part  of  religion  was  to  serve  the  state.  It  was 
one  of  the  elements  of  public  life  which  made  up  the 
state.  The  ruler  was  the  head  of  the  religious  system. 
But  Christianity  had  grown  up  outside  public  life;  it 
obeyed  no  earthly  ruler;  Jesus  Christ,  the  son  of  God, 
was  its  supreme  master.  Hence,  in  uniting  with  the 
state,  it  came  in  as  an  equal,  nay,  rather,  as  representing 
The  Victory  a  Lord  to  whom  the  emperor,  too,  must  bow.  Therefore, 
the  union  of  Christianity  and  the  empire  brought  with  it 
the  victory  of  the  Church  over  the  empire.  Before  the 
authority  of  its  Christ  there  could  be  no  equal  power. 
Hence,  this  moment  in  history  reveals  to  us  that  we  are 
approaching  the  border  of  a  new  age.  The  ancient  world 
is  passing  away. 


over 
Empire. 


The  position  occupied  by  the  Church  is  illustrated  by  the  famous 
"penance"  of  Theodosius.  He  had  been  stirred  by  a  rebellious  act 
of  a  mob  in  the  city  of  Thessalonica  to  order  the  massacre  of  the 
inhabitants.  At  least  seven  thousand  people  perished.  Ambrose, 
the  bishop  of  Milan,  was  horrified  by  this  crime.  When  Theodosius 
approached  the  church  to  worship,  he  was  met  by  the  bishop,  who 


Victory  of  Christianity  501 

forbade  him  entrance  and  laid  before  him  the  conditions  on  which 
God's  pardon  could  be  obtained.  Taking  off  his  royal  robes,  he 
must  appear  in  the  church  as  a  penitent  and  beg  for  mercy  from  God. 
The  emperor  submitted,  and,  after  eight  months  of  probation,  Am- 
brose absolved  him  from  guilt  and  restored  him  to  the  communion 
of  the  Church. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  is  the  meaning  of  bishop, 
diocese,  Orthodoxy,  pagan.  New  Rome,  labarum?  2.  For 
what  are  the  following  famous :  Ambrose,  Gratian,Athanasius, 
Julian,  Mithra?  3,  What  is  the  date  of  the  Edict  of  Tolera- 
tion, of  the  Council  of  Nicaea  ? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  What  circumstances  and  con- 
ditions existed  at  this  time  to  justify  and  make  possible  the 
despotism  which  did  not  exist  in  the  time  of  Augustus?  2. 
Compare  the  position  of  Christianity  in  the  state  under  Con- 
stantine  to  that  of  religion  in  the  ancient  oriental  states 
(§§  34)- 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Diocletian's  System:  Its 
Success.  Jones,  pp.  354-362.  2.  Diocletian's  Reorganization 
of  (a)  The  Army,  Jones,  pp.  365-369.  (b)  The  Finances,  Jones, 
pp.  369-372.  (c)  Espionage  of  Officials,  Jones,  pp.  372-373.  3. 
Constantine's  Attitude  toward  Christianity.  Jones,  pp.  385- 
386,  388-389.  4.  A  New  Capital.  Jones,  pp.  3S9-390.  5.  The 
Tax  System  and  Municipal  Administration.  Jones,  pp.  392- 
396.    6.  The  New  Social  Orders.     Jones,  pp.  396-39S. 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Reor- 
ganization of  the  Empire.  Morey,  ch.  28;  Botsford,  pp.  278- 
280,  285-288;  Merivale,  ch.  70;  Gibbon,  pp.  91-95,  132-143; 
Seignobos,  pp.  390-392,  406-409.  2.  Constantine  and  Christian- 
ity. Munro,  p.  175  (source);  Botsford,  pp.  2S2-2S3;  Merivale, 
ch.  71;  Gibbon,  pp.  120-240.  3.  The  Edicts  01  the  Emperors  in 
Relation  to  Christianity.  Munro,  pp.  174-176  (sources);  Gib- 
bon, pp.  11S-119.  4.  The  Council  of  Nicaea.  Seignobos,  pp. 
400-401.  5.  Julian  and  Pagan  Learning,  Merivale,  ch.  73; 
Seignobos,  pp.  412-413;  Gibbon,  ch.  12.  6.  Theodosius.  Meri- 
vale, pp.  616-623;  Seignobos,  pp.  416-420;  Gibbon,  pp.  207-221. 
7.  Constantinople  and  Rome.  Munro,  pp.  236-237  (source); 
Gibbon,  pp.  123-132;  Botsford,  pp.  283-285;  Merivale,  pp.  587- 
590;  Seignobos,  pp.  403-404.  8.  Society  in  the  Fourth  Century. 
Davis,  An  Outline  History  of  the  Roman  Empire,  pp.  192-195. 


502  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

9.— THE  BREAKING  UP  OF  THE  ROMAN 

EMPIRE  AND  THE  END  OF  THE 

ANCIENT  PERIOD 

A.D.  395-800 

569.  The  Last  Four  Centuries  of  Rome. — The  four 
centuries  a.d,  400-800  form  the  last  great  era  of  tran- 
sition in  the  history  of  the  ancient  world.  Everything 
was  in  confusion;  everywhere  ancient  races  were  yield- 
ing to  fresh  and  vigorous  peoples,  old  and  established 
forms  of  organization  were  breaking  down  and  new  in- 
stitutions were  forming  to  correspond  to  the  new  life. 
The  struggle  was  long,  the  changes  slow  in  taking  place, 
but  the  end  was  the  transformation  of  the  old  world  into 
the  Middle  Age. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  * 

For  bibliography  for  advanced  students  and  teachers,  see  Appendix  I. 
Church.     The  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages.     Scribners.     Not  a  new 

book,  but  by  an  admirable  scholar  and  of  permanent  value  for  the 

period  a.d.  400-800. 
Dill.    Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of  the  Roman  Empire.    Mac- 

millan.     An  interesting  and  helpful  work,  particularly  for  teachers. 
Emerton.     Introduction   to   the   Middle  Ages.     Ginn   and    Co.     The 

clearest  and  the  most  illuminating  account  of  the  transitional  period. 
Robinson.     History  of  Western  Europe.     Ginn  and  Co.     An  excellent 

book,  especially  strong  on  the  social  elements  of  the  history. 
Thatcher  and  Schwill.     A   General  History  of  Europe.     Scribners. 

The  early  chapters  have  a  full  and  spirited  account  of  the  decline 

of  the  empire  and  the  rise  of  the  barbarian  kingdoms. 

570.  The  Barbarian  Deluge. — The  death  of  Theo- 
dosius  placed  the  administration  of  the  empire  in  the 
hands  of  his  two  sons.     Arcadius  received  the  eastern 

*  For  previous  bibliographies,  see  §§  5a,  Spa,  338a,  481. 


Visigoths  and  Varidah  503 

portion,  Honorius  the  west.  Both  were  young  and  in- 
capable. Meanwhile  the  flood  of  Germanic  invasion 
which  in  the  course  of  the  following  century  was  to  over- 
whelm the  fairest  provinces  of  the  western  empire  had 
already  begun.  The  Visigoths  (West  Goths),  fleeing 
before  the  Huns,  who  had  already  conquered  the  Ostro- 
goths (East  Goths)  settled  for  a  time  in  Dacia,  but 
with  the  consent  of  the  Roman  officers  they  crossed  the 
Danube  in  the  reign  of  \'alens.  Feeling  misused  by 
their  hosts,  they  rose  in  rebellion  and  in  the  bloody  battle 
of  Adrianople  (378  a.d.)  they  slew  the  emperor  himself 
and  destroyed  his  army.  The  best  that  Theodosius  could 
do  was  to  leave  them  in  Moesia  where  only  his  strong  arm 
restrained  their  further  movements.  Meanwhile,  Van- 
dals, Suevi,  Burgundians,  Alamanni  and  Franks  burst 
into  the  western  provinces.  The  very  year  of  the  death  Visigoths. 
of  Theodosius  (a.d.  395),  the  Visigoths  rose  under  Al- 
aric,  their  chieftain,  and  marched  into  Greece.  Seven 
years  later  they  attacked  Italy.  Stil'i-cho,  the  general  of 
Honorius,  successfully  resisted  them,  until,  out  of  jeal- 
ousy and  fear,  he  was  murdered  by  his  royal  master. 
Then  Al'a-ric  was  able  to  overrun  Italy  and  even  to  capt- 
ure Rome  (a.d.  410).  It  was  in  this  crisis  that  the  Ro- 
man legions  departed  from  Britain,  leaving  it  exposed  to 
the  attacks  of  the  Picts  and  Scots.  The  Suevi  had  pene-  Vandais. 
trated  into  Spain,  where  they  were  followed  by  the  Van- 
dals. Upon  the  death  of  Alaric,  the  Visigoths  left  Italy 
and  moved  westward  into  Spain,  where  they  set  up  a  king- 
dom (a.d.  412)  which  was  to  last  for  three  hundred  years. 
The  Vandals  retired  before  them  into  Africa  (a.d.  429), 
where  they  captured  Carthage  ten  years  later  and  therein 
established  a  kingdom  under  their  shrewd  and  enter- 


504  End  of  the  A7icie7it  Period 

Huns.  prising  leader  Gai'ser-ic.     As  if  this  were  not  enough,  the 

cause  of  this  tremendous  upheaval  of  the  German  tribes 
now  appeared  on  the  scene  in  the  advance  of  the  Huns, 
a  people  of  alien  race  and  strange  manners,  wild  savage 
warriors,  rushing  down  out  of  the  far  northeast  from 
their  homes  in  Central  Asia.  Under  their  king,  At'ti-la, 
they  were  united  and  organized  into  a  formidable  host, 
which  included  also  Germans  and  Slavs.  Attila  had 
no  less  a  purpose  than  to  overthrow  the  Roman  empire 
and  set  up  a  new  Hunnish  state  upon  its  ruins.  "  Though 
a  barbarian,  Attila  was  by  no  means  a  savage.  He  prac- 
tised the  arts  of  diplomacy,  often  sent  and  received  em- 
bassies and  respected  the  international  laws  and  customs 
which  then  existed."  After  ravaging  the  east  as  far  as 
the  Euphrates,  he  turned  to  the  west,  crossed  the  Rhine 

Battle  of  and  invaded  Gaul.  There  he  was  met  by  an  imperial 
army  under  Aetius  and  was  defeated  and  turned  back  in 
a  fierce  struggle  at  the  "  Catalaunian  Fields"  (Chalons) 
in  A.D.  451,  which  is  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  de- 
cisive battles  of  history.  The  next  year  he  penetrated 
into  Italy  and  the  destruction  of  Rome  seemed  imminent, 
but  mysteriously  the  heathen  king  stayed  his  advance 
on  the  receipt  of  the  message  from  Pope  Leo  the  Great: 
"Thus  far  and  no  farther."  In  453  a.d.  he  died,  and 
with  his  death  his  vast  empire  dissolved  and  the  Hun- 
nish peril  was  over. 

571.  Weaklings  on  the  Throne. — The  emperors  dur- 
ing this  period  were  weak  men  and  ineffective  rulers, 
often  set  up  and  always  upheld  by  their  armies,  which 
were  made  up  almost  entirely  of  Germans  and  led  by  men 
of  the  same  race.  Stilicho  was  a  Vandal.  Ric'i-mer, 
another  imperial  general,  was  a  Suevian.     The  emperors 


Chalons. 


Western 
Empire. 


Fall  of  JVestern  Empire  505 

of  the  west  emphasized  still  more  their  importance  by 
placing  the  seat  of  government  at  Ra-ven'na,  an  almost 
inaccessible  fortress  on  the  xA.driatic  sea.  The  rest  of 
Italy  might  suffer  from  the  marches  and  contests  of  rival 
armies,  while  they  were  secure.  Thus  they  beheld,  in 
A.D.  455,  the  capture  and  sack  of  Rome  by  Gaiseric,  the 
Vandal  king  of  Africa,  repeated  in  a.d.  472  by  Ricimer. 
Following  Honorius,  a  succession  of  nine  weaklings  kept 
up  a  pretence  of  imperial  rule,  until  Romulus  Augustu- 
Lus,  a  mere  boy,  was  set  upon  the  throne.  His  Ger-  Fail  of 
man  mercenaries,  irritated  by  a  refusal  to  grant  them 
lands  on  which  to  settle,  took  as  their  leader  O'do-va'car, 
the  Rugian,  captured  the  emperor  and  forced  him  to 
resign  his  office  (a.d.  476).  Then  the  imperial  insignia 
were  sent  to  the  emperor  of  the  east,  Zeno,  who  thus  be- 
came sole  emperor  and  appointed  Odovacar  governor  of 
Italy.  In  fact  the  latter  ruled  Italy  as  a  king,  while,  as 
we  have  seen  (§  570),  other  parts  of  the  west  did  not  even 
formally  acknowledge  the  emperor's  authority.  For  this 
reason  the  year  a.d.  476  is  often  regarded  as  a  turning 
point  in  the  history  of  Rome  as  marking  the  fall  of  the 
Western  Empire. 

572.  Ostrogoths  in  Italy. — But  peace  was  still  far  off. 
The  Ostrogoths,  who  lived  an  unsettled  and  warring  life 
in  the  Danubian  provinces  of  the  eastern  emperor,  set 
out,  under  their  leader,  The-od'o-ric,  to  contest  with  Odo- 
vacar the  possession  of  Italy.  The  struggle  ended  with 
Theodoric  as  victor  and  king  of  Italy.  He  ruled  it  for 
more  than  thirty  years  (a.d.  493-526),  wisely  and  pros- 
perously. "He  restored  the  aqueducts  and  walls  of 
many  cities,  repaired  the  roads,  drained  marshes,  re- 
opened   mines,    cared    for  public    buildings,    promoted 


506  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

agriculture,  established  markets,  preserved  the  peace, 
administered  justice  strictly  and  enforced  the  laws.  By 
intermarriages  and  treaties  he  tried  to  maintain  peace 
between  all  the  neighboring  German  kingdoms,  that  they 
might  not  mutually  destroy  each  other."  *  Nominally 
a  subject  of  the  emperor,  he  was  in  reality  sole  lord  of 
Italy. 

573.  Influence  of  Rome  on  Invaders. — It  must  not 
be  thought  that  these  waves  of  barbarian  invasion  com- 
pletely shattered  the  structure  of  Roman  politics  and 
society.  Such  attacks  on  the  borders  had  been  going  on 
for  centuries.  Multitudes  of  Germans  had  already  been 
settled  in  the  provinces.  The  armies  were  almost  entirely 
made  up  of  them.  They  were  found  in  numbers  in  the 
offices  of  the  imperial  administration  and  in  close  touch 
with  the  court  of  the  emperor.  Not  only  had  the  splen- 
dor and  the  strength  of  the  empire,  its  civilization  and 
its  wealth,  attracted  them,  but  they  had  been  deeply 
influenced  by  it.  Many  of  them  had  been  converted  to 
Christianity.  We  can,  therefore,  understand  the  famous 
saying  of  one  Gothic  chieftain,  that  once,  in  his  youth, 
he  had  the  ambition  to  overthrow  the  Roman  power, 
but  now  his  highest  ambition  was  to  sustain  the  law  and 
order  of  Rome  by  the  swords  of  the  Goths.  Accord- 
ingly, the  moment  these  invaders  reached  their  goal, 
they  fell  into  the  ways  of  Rome.  They  came  not  to  de- 
stroy, but  to  enter  into  the  Roman  heritage.  They  were 
proud  to  be  made  the  bulwark  and  support  of  its  civiliza- 
tion and  even  of  its  throne.  Thus,  it  was  not  long  be- 
fore the  superior  culture,  the  organizing  and  civilizing 
power  of  old  Rome,  worked  them  over  and  they  settled 

*  Thatcher  and  Schwill,  A  General  History  of  Europe,  p.  27. 


Justinian  507 

down  to  maintain  the  most  substantial  parts  of  the  im- 
perial structure.  This  appears  most  clearly  in  their  laws, 
which  were  gathered  up  into  codes  that  show  the  deep 
influence  of  Roman  law. 

574.  The  Imperial  Reaction. — With  the  passing  of  the 
fifth  century,  the  empire,  sorely  smitten  in  the  storms 
of  barbarian  invasion,  raised  its  head  and  asserted  its 
ancient  authority  over  the  Roman  world.     A  series  of  Justinian 
able  rulers  in  the  east  prepared  the  way  for  the  brilliant 

and  vigorous  reign  of  Justinian  (a.d.  527-565).  Under 
him  the  imperial  armies  were  again  victorious,  and  ter- 
ritories lost  for  a  time  were  again  united  to  the  empire. 
His  able  generals  were  Belisarius,  a  Thracian,  and  Narses, 
an  Armenian;  under  their  skilful  administration  and 
admirable  generalship,  the  army  was  reorganized  and 
led  out  successfully  to  recover  lost  territory.  In  a.d.  534  Military 
Africa  was  won  back  from  the  Vandals.     In  553,  after  Achieve. 

ments. 

a  long  and  fiercely  contested  struggle,  Italy  was  rescued 
from  the  Ostrogoths.  The  Visigoths  were  deprived  of 
parts  of  Spain.  The  German  tribes  on  the  Danube,  as 
well  as  the  Avars,  who  were  related  to  the  Huns,  were 
kept  in  check.  The  Persians  in  the  east  were  less  suc- 
cessfully resisted. 

575.  Peaceful  Victories. — The  achievements  of  Jus- 
tinian in  more  peaceful  spheres  were  equally  splendid. 
He  was  occupied  with  building,  with  law  and  theology, 
with  commerce  and  manufactures,  as  well  as  with  war. 
In  architecture  and  painting  he  is  renowned  for  the  won- 
derful cathedral  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople.  "  When 
one  enters  into  this  church  to  pray,"  says  a  contemporary 
of  the  great  emperor,  "one  feels  at  once  that  it  is  not  the 
work  of  human  power  and  industry,  but  rather  the  work 


508 


End  of  the  Ancient  Period 


The  Code 
of  Jus- 
tinian. 


Centred  in 
Constanti- 
nople. 


of  God  himself;  and  the  spirit;  rising  up  to  heaven,  under- 
stands that  here  God  is  quite  near  and  that  he  rejoices 
in  the  dwelHng-place  which  he  himself  has  chosen."  In 
law,  he  is  immortalized  in  the  code  which  bears  his 
name.  To  do  away  with  the  inconsistencies  and  con- 
tradictions which  existed  among  the  laws  of  the  empire, 
he  appointed  a  commission  with  Tribonian  at  its  head 
to  collect,  harmonize  and  arrange  them.  The  result 
was  the  famous  Code  of  Justinian.  "Besides  the  laws, 
the  opinions,  explanations  and  decisions  of  famous 
judges  were  collected  (§  549).  As  in  the  practice  of  law 
to-day,  much  regard  was  had  for  precedent  and  decisions 
of  similar  cases,  and  these  were  brought  together  from 
all  quarters  in  a  collection  called  the  Digest  (Pandects). 
For  the  use  of  the  law  students,  a  treatise  on  the  general 
principles  of  Roman  law  was  prepared,  which  was  called 
the  Institutes.  Justinian  carefully  kept  the  laws  which 
he  himself  promulgated,  and  afterward  published  them 
under  the  title  of  Novelise."  * 

576.  The  Continued  Influence  of  the  Empire. — Thus 
once  more,  under  the  guidance  of  Justinian,  the  Ro- 
man empire  proved  itself  a  power  in  the  earth.  And 
though  its  newly  recovered  provinces  were  soon  lost,  it 
long  continued  on  its  way  a  light  and  a  fruitful  source 
of  culture  to  the  world.  The  wisdom  of  Constantine's 
choice  of  New  Rome  for  its  capital  was  proved.  Behind 
its  impregnable  walls,  the  city  was  able  to  bid  defiance 
to  barbarian  assailants  and  to  send  forth  again  and  again 
its  armies  to  regain  its  lost  territories.  Its  unrivalled 
commercial  advantages  drew  irresistibly  the  trade  of  the 
world,  and  riches  continued  to  flow  into  it,  while  learning 

*  Thatcher  and  Schwill,  A  General  History  of  Europe,  p.  ^6. 


The  Byzantine  Empire  509 

and  culture  found  refuge  and  encouragement  within  its 
bulwarks.  When  the  west  succumbed  to  barbarian  in- 
vasions and  within  its  borders  Roman  civilization  faded 
out  and  disappeared,  it  was  revived  and  renewed  by  the 
influences  which  went  forth  from  the  eastern  capital.  Its 
citizens  were  alert  and  progressive,  combining  the  gifts 
of  Greek  and  Roman;  its  palaces  were  many  and  mag- 
nificent. Above  all,  it  was  the  centre  of  a  Christian  life 
and  thought,  which  transformed  the  hordes  of  eastern 
and  northern  barbarians  that  settled  on  its  borders. 
A  sense  of  nationality  was  aroused  among  the  motley 
populations  that  fell  under  its  spell;  Byzantine  imperi- 
alism, by  infusing  ancient  Grseco-Roman  forms  with  the 
Christian  spirit  brought  to  the  support  of  the  state  the 
fanaticism  hitherto  existent  only  for  the  church. 

577.  The  New  Persian  Peril. — The  occasion  for  this 
alliance  was  the  advance  to  the  Mediterranean  and  even 
to  Cyrene  of  the  great  Sassanid  monarch,  Chosroes 
(Kos'-roz),  who  threatened  to  extirpate  both  the  Graeco-^ 
Roman  state  and  the  Christian  religion.  The  hero  of  a 
war  which  assumed  the  character  of  a  religious  crusade 
was  Heraclius  (a.d.  610-641)  who  drove  the  Per- 
sians back  into  the  interior  of  Asia.  His  triumph,  how- 
ever, was  brief.  At  this  point  a  new  religion  appeared 
in  the  orient  and  was  spread  by  force  of  arms  throughout 
the  eastern  world.     This  was  Mohammedanism. 

578.  Mohammed. — In  far  Arabia,  on  the  southwestern 
side,  near  the  Red  sea,  lay  the  city  of  Mecca,  a  sacred 
shrine  of  Arabian  heathenism  and  a  centre  of  trade  for 
the  wandering  tribes  of  the  desert.  Here,  about  a.d. 
570,  was  born,  in  poverty  but  of  a  noble  family,  Mo- 
hammed, who  was  to  be  the  founder  of  a  religious  and  a 


510  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

political  power  of  wide  extent  and  influence.  As  he 
grew  up  and  came  somewhat  in  contact  with  the  world 
without,  he  became  deeply  impressed  with  the  idolatry 
His  New  and  wicked  practices  of  his  people.  Of  a  highly  sensi- 
tive nature,  perhaps  in  early  life  a  prey  to  some  nervous 
disease,  he  felt  himself  in  a  vision  called  to  be  the  prophet 
of  Allah,  the  supreme  god  of  the  Arabs.  After  long 
trial  and  struggle,  in  the  course  of  which,  in  622  a.d., 
occurred  the  flight  (He-gi'ra)  *  from  Mecca  to  Me-di'na, 
the  Arabs  were  won  for  his  doctrine.  Mohammed 
founded  a  church,  and  his  utterances,  which  Allah  com- 
missioned him  to  speak,  were  gathered  into  a  sacred 
book,  the  Koran,  the  law  and  gospel  of  his  followers. 
He  claimed  to  be  the  supreme .  prophet  of  God,  and, 
therefore,  all  men  were  called  upon  to  obey  his  word. 
To  the  emperor  and  to  the  Persian  king  he  sent  his  mes- 
sengers calling  for  submission  to  God  and  his  prophet. 
When  he  died  (a.d.  632),  his  followers  were  ready  to  go 
forth  to  the  conquest  of  the  world  on  behalf  of  the  true 
faith. 

579.  Spread  of  Mohammedanism. — Despite  the  vigor 
of  Heraclius  the  fanaticism  of  the  Mohammedans  car- 
ried all  before  it.  Syria  and  Egypt  were  lost.  A  Mo- 
hammedan capital  was  established  at  Damascus,  from 
which  the  successors  of  the  prophet,  called  Caliphs, 
ruled  over  a  wide  empire  that  included  Persia,  Arabia, 
Syria  and  Egypt.  They  entered  Asia  Minor,  and  in  a.d. 
673  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Constantinople.  They 
were  repulsed,  but  the  empire  had  forever  lost  its  eastern 
provinces. 

*  His  followers  still  use  this  date  as  a  point  for  reckoning  time  as  we 
do  the  birth  of  Christ. 


Mohammedans  and  Franks  511 

Filled  with  missionary  zeal  and  warlike  fury,  the  Mo- 
hammedans pressed  westward  along  the  northern  coast 
of  Africa  and  added  it  to  their  empire.  Thence  they 
crossed  over  into  Spain,  and  in  a.d.  711  overthrew  the 
kingdom  of  the  Visigoths  (§  570).  From  there  they 
advanced  into  Gaul.  It  seemed  as  though  the  western 
Roman  world,  like  the  eastern,  was  to  fall  into  their 
power.  But  the  force  that  held  them  in  check  had  been 
growing  strong  during  these  same  centuries  on  Gallic 
soil.  This  was  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks,  to  the  his- 
tory of  which  we  now  turn. 

580.  The  Franks. — The  Franks  had  advanced  but 
slowly  into  the  empire,  appearing  first  on  the  lower 
Rhine.  Thus  they  kept  in  touch  with  their  German 
brethren  and  renewed  their  native  vigor  by  constant  ad- 
ditions from  the  old  stock.  In  a.d.  481  a  petty  tribal  Kingdom 
king,  Clovis,  united  the  Frankish  tribes  under  his  author- 
ity, defeated  a  Roman  governor  and  took  possession  of 
upper  Gaul.  From  here  he  pushed  eastward  and  con- 
quered the  Alamanni.  Still  unsatisfied,  he  drove  the 
Visigoths  from  southern  Gaul  into  Spain  and  overcame 

the  Burgundians  to  the  southeast.  At  his  death,  in 
A.D.  511,  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks  stretched  from  the 
Pyrenees  and  the  ocean  to  beyond  the  Rhine.  His  sons 
extended  the  kingdom  eastward  in  Germany  to  a  point 
beyond  the  farthest  conquests  of  the  Romans.  In  time 
this  territory  was  divided  up  between  members  of  the 
royal  house,  and  two  kingdoms  appeared,  Austrasia  in 
the  east  and  Neustria  in  the  west. 

581.  Rise  of  Mayor  of  the  Palace. — The  Frankish 
nobility,  like  many  ancient  aristocracies  in  states  just 
emerging  from  the  tribal  conditions  (§  106),  succeeded 


512  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

in  course  of  time  in  gaining  more  and  more  power  over 
the  king.  The  way  in  which  this  took  place,  however, 
was  pecuhar.  An  important  officer  of  the  royal  house- 
hold was  the  major  domiis,  or  "mayor  of  the  palace," 
through  whom  admission  to  the  king's  presence  was 
secured.  The  noble  families  were  able  to  put  in  this 
position  men  from  their  own  body  and  thus  to  control 
the  king.  The  major  domus  possessed  royal  authority 
though  he  did  not  have  the  royal  name.  The  kings  were 
mere  figureheads,  ''do-nothing-kings." 

A  contemporary  thus  describes  them.  "Nothing  was  left  to  the 
king  except  the  kingly  name;  with  long  hair  and  flowing  beard,  he 
sat  on  the  throne  to  receive  envoys  from  all  quarters,  but  it  was 
only  to  give  them  the  answers  which  he  was  bidden  to  give.  His 
kingly  title  was  an  empty  shadow,  and  the  allowance  for  his  support 
depended  on  the  pleasure  of  the  mayor  of  the  palace.  The  king 
possessed  nothing  of  his  own  but  one  poor  farm  with  a  house  on  it, 
and  a  scanty  number  of  attendants,  to  pay  him  necessary  service  and 
respect.  He  went  abroad  in  a  wagon  drawn  by  oxen,  and  guided 
by  a  herdsman  in  the  country  fashion;  thus  was  he  brought  to  the 
palace  or  to  the  annual  assemblies  of  the  people  for  the  affairs  of  the 
realm;  thus  he  went  home  again.  But  the  government  of  the  king- 
dom, and  all  business,  foreign  or  domestic,  were  in  the  hands  of  the 
mayors  of  the  palace." 

582.  Charles  Mattel. — One  of  the  mayors  of  the  pal- 
ace of  the  Austrasian  kingdom,  Pippin  by  name,  con- 
quered Neustria  and  Burgundy,  and  when  he  died,  left 
the  domains  thus  gained  to  his  son,  Charles  Martel  (a.d. 
Battle  of  714)?  his  succcssor  in  the  mayoral  office.  The  new  ruler 
confronted  the  advancing  Mohammedans  and  defeated 
them  near  Tours  in  a.d.  732.  They  retreated  into  Spain, 
and,  owing  to  disturbances  in  the  Mohammedan  empire, 


Tours. 


Growth  of  the  Church  513 

no  further  attempt  was  made  to  extend  their  power  be- 
yond the  Pyrenees.  The  possible  fate  of  western  Chris- 
tendom, if  the  victory  had  been  gained  by  the  Moham- 
medans, has  placed  the  battle  of  Tours  among  the  world's 
decisive  battles. 

583.  Growth  of  the  Church. — During  these  centuries, 
which   had   seen   the  barbarian  deluge,   the   establish- 
ment of  barbarian  kingdoms,   the  revival  of  the   em- 
pire and  the  rise  of  Mohammedanism,  one  imperial  in- 
stitution, the  Christian  church,  had  suffered  the  least 
and  perhaps  had  gained  the  most.     Since  its  recognition 
as  the  religion  of  the  state,  it  had  advanced  rapidly. 
Its  ministers  became  imperial  officials  and  its  religious 
enactments  in  its  great  councils  had  imperial  authority. 
Among  its  leaders  were  men  of  learning  and  eloquence.  Leaders, 
whose  writings  have  deeply  affected  the  history  of  Chris- 
tian thought.     John    Chrys'os-tom   ("he  of  the  golden  chryso's- 
mouth")   was  one  of  the  most  powerful  preachers  of  his  ^°^' 
age    (a.d.   347-407).     As  patriarch  of    Constantinople, 
he  was  the  idol  of  the  people  for  his  eloquence  and  the 
aversion  of  the  court  for  his  fearless  denunciation  of  vice 
and  hypocrisy.     He  was  twice  banished  by  the  empe- 
ror.   Jerome  (about  a.d.  346-420)  was  the  most  learned  jerome. 
man  of  his  time.     His  services  to  the  church  are  twofold: 
(i)  He  translated  the  Bible  into  Latin  so  successfully, 
that  with  some  modifications  his  translation,  called  the 
Vulgate,*  remained  the  accepted  version  of  the  Latin 
church.     (2)  He  aided  powerfully  the  "monastic"  move-  Monasti 
ment.     Very  early  in  the  history  of  Christianity  its  fol-  '^'^™" 
lowers,  coming  into  contact  with  the  Roman  world  that 
in  their  eyes  was  evil  and  that  also  persecuted  them, 

*  Latin,  Vulgata,  i.  e.,  "in  common  use." 


514  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

were  moved  to  flee  from  it,  to  hide  in  the  deserts  or  other 
solitary  places,  that  thus  they  might  escape  from  tempta- 
tions and  trials,  and  be  enabled  to  live  a  worthier  life. 
The  men  who  followed  this  impulse  were  called  "as- 
cetics." When  Christianity  became  the  religion  of  the 
empire,  the  reason  for  this  mode  of  life  changed  some- 
what. Now  it  was  thought  to  be  the  one  means  of  ob- 
taining a  higher  kind  of  goodness;  it  was  a  method  of 
reaching  perfection  of  character.  Soon  such  persons, 
who  had  fled  from  the  world,  found  that  they  could  better 
gain  these  ends  by  living  together  in  secluded  commu- 
nities. Men  and  women  had  separate  establishments; 
they  were  called  "monks"  and  "nuns"  respectively.* 
All  the  church  leaders  praised  and  encouraged  this  mode 
of  life  and  it  soon  became  immensely  popular.  Jerome 
fervently  preached  and  rigorously  practised  the  monastic 
life  and  succeeded  in  inducing  many  wealthy  and  noble 
women  to  take  it  up.  Such  persons  refused  to  marry,  de- 
voted their  wealth  to  charity,  ate  coarse  and  scanty  food 
and  dressed  in  the  simplest  way.  Jerome  went  so  far 
as  to  denounce  the  study  of  heathen  literature,  even  the 
Augustine,  noblcst  works  of  antiquity.  The  greatest  of  the  Chris- 
tian leaders  of  the  age  was  Augustine,  bishop  of  Hippo 
in  Africa  (a.d.  354-430).  Trained  in  the  best  culture  of 
the  day,  he  devoted  his  powerful  mind  to  the  defence 
and  upbuilding  of  orthodox  Christianity.  He  wrote  in- 
numerable books,  the  greatest  of  which  was  The  City  of 
God.  This  book  was  inspired  by  the  capture  of  Rome  by 
Alaric  (§  570),  and  compared  the  splendid  city  of  the 
empire,  now  fallen,  with  the   true  spiritual  capital  of 

*  The  words  "monk,"  "monastery"  and  "monasticism"  come  from 
the  Greek  word  vwnos,  meanuig  "alone,"  "separate." 


Power  of  the  Pope  515 

mankind,  the  Christian  church.  Its  eloc|uence  and  its 
logic,  its  splendid  survey  of  the  past,  and  its  prophetic 
insight  into  the  future  have  given  this  work  a  place  among 
the  classics  of  all  time. 

584.  Increased  Importance  of  the  Roman  Church. — • 
In  the  general  progress  of  the  church  especial  promi- 
nence was  secured  to  the  church  and  bishop  of  Rome. 
In  the  troubles  that  fell  upon  Italy  this  church  was  fore- 
most in  asserting  the  power  of  Christianity  and  in  repre- 
senting its  spirit.  Its  bishops  were  the  friends  and 
helpers  of  the  oppressed,  the  fearless  opponents  of  in- 
justice and  cruelty.  They  also  secured  recognition  for 
their  own  claims  to  superior  position  among  Christian 
churches  (§555).  Leo  I,  the  Great  (a.d.  440-461),  Leo  the 
obtained  an  imperial  decree  (a.d.  445)  commanding  all 
the  bishops  of  the  west  to  recognize  the  supreme  head- 
ship of  the  Roman  bishop  and  to  receive  his  word  as  law. 
It  is  true  that  a  little  later  a  church  council  declared  that  Spiritual 
the  bishop  of  Constantinople  was  the  equal  of  the  Ro-  "'  °"'^ 
man  and  that  both  were  to  be  superior  to  all  others. 
But,  as  the  western  church,  now  slowly  separating  from 
the  eastern,  refused  to  accept  this  ruling,  the  Roman  su- 
premacy was  established.  It  has  been  well  said  that  with 
Leo  (§  570)  the  history  of  the  papacy  began.  The  Roman 
bishop  became  "pope"  of  the  church  in  the  west  with  the 
claim  to  be  the  head  of  all  Christendom.  Likewise,  as  an  Temporal 
imperial  official,  he  had  authority  over  the  territory  about  P""""- 
Rome,  and  this  he  exercised  to  its  fullest  extent  during  the 
dark  years  of  the  fifth  century.  He  "watched  over  the 
election  of  the  city  officials  and  directed  in  what  manner 
the  public  money  should  be  spent.  lie  had  to  manage 
and  defend  the  great  tracts  of  land  in  different  parts. cf 


516  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

Italy  which,  from  time  to  time,  had  been  given  to  the 
bishopric  of  Rome,  He  negotiated  with  the  Germans 
and  even  directed  the  generals  sent  against  them."  * 
Thus,  as  the  empire  declined,  his  power  grew  in  two 
directions:  (i)  in  spiritual  headship  over  western  Chris- 
tendom; (2)  in  worldly,  or  temporal,  authority  over 
parts  of  the  empire. 

585.  Conversion  of  the  Barbarians.— As  leader  of 
western  Christendom  the  papacy  entered  upon  the  most 
important  task  of  winning  the  barbarians  for  the  true 
faith.  Some  of  these  peoples  were  already  Christians, 
although  in  the  Arian  form  (§  567).  Others  were  still 
pagan.  In  the  work  of  conversion  the  popes  employed 
the  monks,  whose  freedom  from  family  ties  and  zeal 
for  the  Gospel  made  them  admirable  instruments  for 

Gregory       t^jg  purposc.     The  leading  spirit  in  this  movement  was 

the  Great.  r^ 

Pope  Gregory  I  (a.d.  590-604),  to  whom  is  due  the  send- 
ing of  a  missionary  monk  to  England.  Its  result  was  not 
merely  conversion  of  the  Angles  and  Saxons  who  had 
entered  and  occupied  the  land,  but  their  acceptance  of 
Boniface,  the  primacy  of  the  pope.  Another  famous  missionary 
whom  the  popes  sent  out  was  Boniface  (a.d.  718),  through 
whose  labors  the  Germans  across  the  Rhine  were  con- 
verted and  churches  organized  among  them. 

586.  The  Franks  and  the  Faith.— The  Franks,  how- 
ever, were  to  prove  the  most  potent  allies  of  the  popes  in 
their  progress  toward  headship  in  the  west.  Clovis  em- 
braced orthodox  Christianity  on  the  occasion  of  his  vic- 
tory over  the  Alamanni  (§  580),  and  ranged  his  people 
on  the  side  of  the  papacy.  Christianity  flourished  ex- 
ceedingly among  them,  although  the  purity  of  life  among 

*  Robinson,  History  of  Western  Europe,  p.  52. 


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Pope  and  Franks  517 

the  priests  and  bishops  was  not  on  a  par  with  that  of  the 
doctrine.  When,  however,  Boniface,  having  completed 
his  labors  among  the  Germans,  sought  to  reform  the 
Frankish  church,  he  found  a  helper  in  Charles  Martel. 
The  decisive  step  was  taken  in  a.d.  748,  seven  years  after  Acceptance 
this  king's  death,"  when  the  bishops  of  Gaul  agreed  to  supremacy, 
uphold  the  orthodox  faith  and  obey  the  commands  of 
the  pope  at  Rome.  Thus  the  strongest  force  in  the  new 
world  was  won  for  Christ  and  the  Roman  church. 
Henceforth  the  history  of  the  Franks  and  the  papacy  were 
inseparably  connected. 

When  Charles  Martel  died,  his  mayorial  power  was 
handed  on  to  his  sons,  Carloman  and  Pippin.  The 
former  soon  retired  to  a  monastery,  leaving  Pippin  alone 
in  the  office.  "Deeming  that  the  time  was  now  ripe. 
Pippin  laid  his  plans  for  obtaining  the  royal  title.  He 
sent  an  embassy  to  Rome  to  ask  Pope  Zacharias  who 
should  be  king;  the  one  who  had  the  title  without  the 
power,  or  the  one  who  had  the  power  without  the  title. 
The  pope,  who  was  looking  abroad  for  an  ally,  replied  Pippin, 
that  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  one  who  had  the  power 
should  also  be  king;  and  acting  on  this.  Pippin  called  an 
assembly  of  his  nobles  at  Soissons  (a.d.  751),  deposed  the 
last  phantom  king  of  the  older  line,  and  was  himself 
elected  and  anointed  king."  * 

587.  The  Lombards. — This  alliance  between  Roman 
pope  and  Frankish  king  soon  had  practical  results.  The 
pope  found  his  temporal  authority  (§  584)  threatened  by 
the  Lombards.  This  people  had  entered  Italy  soon 
after  the  Ostrogoths  had  been  overcome  by  the  Emperor 
Justinian.     By  a.d.  568  they  w^ere  in  possession  of  north 

*  Thatcher  and  Schwill,  .1  General  History  of  Europe,  p.  47. 


King  of 
the  Franks 


518  Eiid  of  the  Ancient  Period 

Italy  with  their  capital  at  Pavia.  Then,  in  separate 
bands,  they  spread  southward,  settling  here  and  there, 
conquering  large  parts;  only  Ravenna,  the  seat  of  the 
emperor's  representative,  the  exarch,  and  the  district 
about  Rome  were  able  to  maintain  themselves.  When, 
however,  the  Lombards  united  under  "a  king,  the  pope 
The  Pope's  found  himsclf  hard  pressed.  He  appealed  to  his  over- 
the  Eastern  lo^d  and  natural  protector,  the  Emperor  Leo,  the  Isau- 
Emperor.  j-j^j^  {p^.T>.  717-740),  in  the  east.  But  the  latter  had  intro- 
duced a  violent  controversy  into  his  realm  by  command- 
ing the  removal  from  Christian  churches  of  all  images  as 
tending  to  encourage  idolatry.  His  violence  in  enforcing 
this  command  gained  him  the  name  of  Iconoclast 
("Image-breaker").  The  pope  refused  to  obey  the  de- 
cree and  was  supported  by  the  western  churches.  Thus 
the  fellowship  between  the  two  was  broken  off  and  no 
help  came  from  the  east.  The  pope  turned  to  the  west 
Pippin  His  and  appealed  to  Pippin  to  deliver  him.  "Pippin  made 
two  campaigns  into  Italy  and  compelled  the  Lombards  to 
cede  to  the  pope  a  strip  of  territory  which  lay  to  the  south 
of  them  (a.d.  755).  This  marks  the  beginning  of  the 
temporal  sovereignty  of  the  pope.  He  was  freed  from  the 
eastern  emperor,  and  recognized  as  the  political  as  well 
as  the  ecclesiastical  ruler  of  Rome  and  its  surrounding 
territory,  under  the  overlordship  of  Pippin,  who  had  the 
title  of  Pairicius.'"  *  The  Lombards  were  made  tribu- 
tary to  the  Frankish  king. 

588.  Accession  of  Charlemagne. — His  two  sons.  Carlo- 
man  and  Carl,  succeeded  to  the  kingdom  on  Pippin's 
death  (a.d.  768).  The  former's  early  death  left  Carl 
sole  king.     He  is  the  first  prominent  figure  of  the  times 

*  Thatcher  and  Schwill,  .1  General  History  of  Europe,  p.  130. 


Savior. 


Pope  and  Charlemagne  519 

of  whom  we  know  something  distinct  and  detailed.  The 
reason  for  this  is  not  far  to  seek.  With  him  the  old  world 
passed  away  and  the  new  world  stepped  into  its  place. 
To  later  ages  he  was  Carl  the  Great,  Caroliis  Magnus, 
whence  the  common  form,  Charlemagne.  His  personal 
appearance  is  described  to  us  by  his  contemporaries. 

589.  Appearance  of  Charlemagne. — We  copy  the  admirable  conden- 
sation of  this  description  made  by  Robinson:  "He  was  tall  and  stoutly 
built:  his  face  was  round,  his  eyes  were  large  and  keen,  his  nose 
somewhat  above  the  common  size,  his  expression  bright  and  cheerful. 
^\'hether  he  stood  or  sat,  his  form  was  full  of  dignity;  for  the  good 
proportion  and  grace  of  his  body  prevented  the  observer  from 
noticing  that  his  neck  was  rather  short  and  his  person  somewhat  too 
stout.  .  .  .  His  step  was  firm  and  his  aspect  manly;  his  voice  was 
clear  but  rather  weak  for  so  large  a  body.  He  was  active  in  all 
bodily  exercises,  delighted  in  riding  and  hunting,  and  was  an  expert 
swimmer.  His  excellent  health  and  his  physical  alertness  and  en- 
durance can  alone  explain  the  astonishing  swiftness  with  which  he 
moved  about  his  vast  realm  and  conducted  innumerable  campaigns 
in  widely  distant  regions  in  startlingly  rapid  succession." 

590.  His  Relations  with  the  Pope. — With  the  details 
of  the  organizing  activity  of  Charlemagne  or  with  the 
way  in  which  he  corrected  and  expanded  the  frontiers  of 
his  empire,  the  student  of  ancient  history  does  not  need  to 
acquaint  himself.  The  king's  relations  to  Italy  and  the 
pope  alone  rec^uire  attention.  A  noteworthy  feature  in 
this  connection  is  the  conquest  and  Christianizing  of  the 
Saxons.  The  troubles  of  the  papacy  with  the  Lombards 
continued  in  his  time,  until,  on  the  appeal  of  the  pope, 
he  entered  Italy,  conquered  the  Lombards,  made  himself 
their  king  (a.d.  774)  and  restored  to  the  pope  his  terri- 
tories. When  a  party  in  Rome  sought  to  deprive  Pope 
Leo  III  of  his  temporal  authority  and  drove  him  from 


520 


End  of  the  Ancient  Period 


Crowned 

Roman 

Emperor. 


the  city,  he  again  appealed  to  Charlemagne,  who  rein- 
stated him.  A  service  of  thanksgiving  was  held  in  St. 
Peter's  Church  on  Christmas  Day,  a.d.  800,  at  which 
Charlemagne  was  present.  While  the  king  was  kneeling 
before  the  altar,  the  pope  placed  upon  his  head  the  im- 
perial crown  and  hailed  him  "Emperor  of  the  Romans." 
591-  Crowning  of  Charlemagne. — A  Frankish  chronicle 
gives  the  following  reasons  for  this  act  which  seems  to 
have  taken  Charlemagne  by  surprise. 

"The  name  of  emperor  had  ceased  among  the  Greeks,  for  they 
were  enduring  the  reign  of  a  woman  [Irene],  wherefore  it  seemed 
good  both  to  Leo,  the  apostolic  pope,  and  to  the  holy  fathers  [the 
bishops]  who  were  in  council  with  him,  and  to  all  Christian  men, 
that  they  should  name  Charles,  king  of  the  Franks,  as  emperor. 
For  he  held  Rome  itself,  where  the  ancient  Caesars  had  always  dwelt, 
in  addition  to  all  his  other  possessions  in  Italy,  Gaul  and  Germany. 
Wherefore,  as  God  had  granted  him  all  these  dominions,  it  seemed 
just  to  all  that  he  should  take  the  title  of  emperor,  too,  when  it 
was  offered  to  him  at  the  wish  of  all  Christendom." 


^  592.  What  This  Act  Means. — This  assumption  of  the 

Revival.  imperial  title  by  Charlemagne  has  two  aspects,  (i)  In 
one  sense  it  is  only  a  continuation  of  the  past.  The 
years  of  confusion  in  the  west  were  over  and  a  well- 
ordered  state  came  into  existence,  embracing  in  its  unity 
the  old  imperial  provinces,  and  ruling  in  the  name  of 
Rome,  a  name  hallowed  by  centuries  of  splendid  history. 
So  it  was  looked  upon  at  the  time.  Charlemagne  was 
regarded  as  a  successor  of  the  line  of  eastern  emperors.* 
But  (2)  in  a  more  important  sense  it  was  entirely  new. 
A  new  race,  a  barbarian  people,  upheld  the  imperial 

*  The  Empress  Irene  was  on  the  throne,  and  it  was  regarded  as  a 
disgrace  that  the  imperial  seat  should  be  occupied  by  a  woman. 


A  New  Era  521 

throne  and  were  represented  in  its  occupant.  The  old 
Roman  blood  and  institutions  were  swallowed  up  in  the 
Teutonic.  Even  more  significant  is  the  union  of  this 
new  imperial  people  with  the  Christian  church.  More- 
over, in  the  east  the  Semitic  Arabs,  inspired  with  zeal 
for  a  new  faith,  had  forced  back  almost  to  the  walls  of 
Constantinople  the  eastern  empire,  now  shorn  of  its  an- 
cient strength.  Such  a  breaking  up  of  the  past  institu-  a  New  Era. 
ticns  and  such  a  combination  of  new  historical  forces 
introduces  us  to  a  new  order  and  indicates  that  the  an- 
cient world  has  passed  away  and  another  world  is  rising 
on  its  ruins. 

REVIEW  EXERCISES,  i.  What  do  Alaric,  Attila,  Gaiseric, 
Theodoric,  Clovis  stand  for?  2.  Why  are  the  following  im- 
portant: Catalaunian  Fields,  Code  of  Justinian,  exarch, 
Tours?  3.  What  has  rendered  the  following  famous:  Jerome, 
Charles  Martel,  Gregory,  Justinian,  Stilicho,  Augustine?  4. 
What  is  the  date  of  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire,  of  the 
death  of  Mohammed,  of  the  battle  of  Tours-,  of  the  crowning 
of  Charlemagne? 

COMPARATIVE  STUDIES,  i.  Compare  Charlemagne  and  Con- 
stantine.  2.  Compare  the  origin  and  growth  of  Mohamme- 
danism and  of  Christianity.  3.  In  what  was  the  relation  of 
the  barbarians  to  the  empire  like  that  of  Philip  of  Macedon 
to  the  Greeks  (§§  272,  27S,  279)?  4.  Compare  the  rise  of  the 
Franks  with  the  rise  of  the  Roman  state. 

SELECT  LIST  FOR  READING,  i.  Julian,  the  Last  of  Constan- 
tine's  House.  Jones,  pp.  403-40S.  2.  The  Arian  Controversy. 
Jones,  pp.  409-417.  3.  The  Invasions  of  the  Empire.  Jones, 
pp.  420-424,  429-434  4.  The  Barbarians  as  Makers  of  History. 
Boniface,  Jones,  pp.  436-438;  Attila,  Jones,  pp.  440-443;  Ricimer 
and  Odovacar,  Jones,  pp.  444-446.  5.  The  Decay  of  the  Mid- 
dle Class.  Dill,  Last  Century  of  the  Western  Empire,  pp.  245- 
281.  6.  Roman  Feeling  about  Barbarian  Invasions.  Dill, 
pp.  303-345.  7.  Relations  of  Romans  and  Invaders.  Dill,  pp. 
346-382. 


522  End  of  the  Ancient  Period 

TOPICS  FOR  READING  AND  ORAL  REPORT,  i.  The  Ger- 
mans and  Their  Culture.  Laing,  pp.  401-409  (source);  Scigno- 
bos,  pp.  440,  441;  Botsford,  pp.  293-296.  2.  The  Visigoths  and 
Alaric.  Seignobos,  pp.  421-425,  442;  Gibbon,  ]]p.  226-238;  Bots- 
ford, pp.  297-303.  3.  The  Ostrogoths  and  Theodoric.  Botsford, 
])p.  312-315;  Seignobos,  pp.  444-446.  4.  The  Vandals  and 
Gaiseric.  Botsford,  pp.  303-306;  Seignobos,  pp.  429,  442.  5. 
The  Conquest  of  Britain.  Botsford,  pp.  321-322.  6.  The  Huns 
and  Attila.  Merivale,  pp.  648-651;  Seignobos,  pp.  427-429;  Gib- 
bon, pp.  200-203,  251-263.  7-  The  Lombards.  Gibbon,  pp. 
378-3S3;  Botsford,  pp.  319-321;  Seignobos,  pp.  446-447.  8. 
Theodoric.  Gibbon,  ch.  19.  9.  Justinian  and  the  Eastern 
Empire.  Gibbon,  chs.  20-22;  Seignobos,  pp.  449-456.  10.  The 
Decay  of  Society — Causes  and  Course.  Seignobos,  pp.  432-438. 
II.  The  Fathers  of  the  Church.  Morey,  p.  324.  12.  Rise  of 
the  Roman  Church.  Gibbon,  pp.  383-384;  Seignobos,  pp.  460- 
465.  13.  The  Iconoclasts.  Gibbon,  pp.  428-432.  14.  Monas- 
ticism.  Seignobos,  pp.  465-467.  15.  Mohammed.  Gibbon, 
pp.  451-465;  Seignobos,  pp.  467-471.  16.  The  Victories  of 
Mohammedanism.  Gibbon,  pp.  465-483;  Seignobos,  pp.  471- 
475.  17.  The  Rise  of  the  Franks.  Seignobos,  pp.  443-444; 
Botsford,  pp.  322-328;  Gibbon,  pp.  274-277.  18.  Charlemagne. 
Seignobos,  pp.  479-485;    Botsford,  pp.  328-331. 

GENERAL  REVIEW    OF  PART   III,   DIVISIONS   7=9 

44    B.C.-A.D.   800 

TOPICS  FOR  CLASS  DISCUSSION,  i.  Follow  the  different 
steps  in  the  relation  of  the  emperor  to  the  institutions  of  the 
republic  (§§  483,  4S4,  496,  506,  512,  515,  536,  546,  549,  556,  557). 
2.  Progress  in  the  administrative  organization  of  the  empirs 
(§§  5071  537>  539'  546,  556,  576).  3.  External  causes  tending 
to  weaken  the  empire  (s^§  487,  53S,  552,  553,  570,  573,  577). 
4.  Internal  causes  tending  to  weaken  the  empire  (§§  496,  490, 
499,  523,  539,  551,  560,  568,  571).  5.  The  problem  of  the  suc- 
cession in  its  various  stages  (§§  499,  512,  536.  546,  556). 
6.  Stages  in  the  organization  of  Christianity  (§§  527,  545^ 
555>  S^?)  568,  583,  584).  7.  Important  dates  in  the  history 
of  the  empire.  8.  A  chronological  list  of  the  invasions  of 
the  barbarians.  9.  Trace  the  gradual  separation  of  the  em- 
pire into  an  eastern  and  a  western  part  (§§  556,  562,  564,  565, 
567.  57o>  57i>  57^,  5S4,  5S6,  587-) 


General  Review  523 

PICTURE  EXERCISES,  i.  With  Plate  XXV  before  you,  compare 
the  figures  and  note  differences  of  artistic  and  historical  im- 
portance. 2.  On  Plates  XXVII  and  XXVIII  compare  coins  6 
and  8  with  coins  9  and  14.  What  important  differences  are 
seen?  3.  Compare  coins  11  and  13.  Bearing  in  mind  whose 
coins  these  are,  what  historical  conclusions  can  you  draw?  4. 
Compare  Plates  XXXVIII  and  XL  to  register  the  advance  or 
decline  in  artistic  character.  5.  Why  have  Plates  XX  and  XL 
decided  differences  in  subject  and  style?  6.  On  Plate  XXX 
study  head  6;  does  this  style  suit  the  man?  How?  7.  Why 
are  the  illustrations  of  Plates  XXXVI,  XXXVII  and  XXXIX 
characteristic  of  Rome?  8.  What  does  Plate  XXXIII  tell  us 
of  Roman  life  in  the  first  century  a.d.?  9.  Find  other  pictures 
like  Plate  XXXI.  10.  Wherein  does  Plate  XXXIV  differ  from 
Plate  XIX. 

SUBJECTS  FOR  WRITTEN  PAPERS,  i.  The  City  of  Rome 
under  the  Empire.  Merivale,  ch.  79.  2.  The  Persecutions 
of  the  Christians.  Munro,  pp.  164-176  (sources);  Univ.  of  Pa. 
Translations,  \'(il.  1\ ,  No.  i;  Gibbon,  ch.  g;  Seignobos,  pp.  366- 
372.  3.  The  History  of  Roman  Law.  Giblion,  ch.  23.  4. 
Rome  in  Juvenal's  Time  from  His  Own  Report.  Laing,  pp. 
433-449  (translation).  5.  What  the  German  Gave  to  the  Roman 
and  Received  from  Him.  vSee  Select  List  §  592.  6.  An  Account 
of  the  Parthian  Kingdom,  Its  History  and  Relations  to  Rome. 
Encyclopedia  Britannica,  .Article.  "Persia"  (the  part  dealing  with 
Parthia).  7.  A  Letter  from  Pliny  to  Tacitus  Describing  His 
Own  Life  and  Activities,  Interests,  Pleasures,  etc.  Laing,  pp. 
451-471  (contains  translations  of  Pliny's  letters);  The  Atlantic,  June, 
1886;  Thomas,  Roman  Life  under  the  Caesars,  ch.  14.  8.  The  Gifts 
of  Rome  to  Human  Civilization.  Moray,  ch.  30.  9.  An  Ac- 
count of  the  Historical  Event  Suggested  by  Plate  XXXIII. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 

The  Okient 

B.C. 

?298o-2475.  Old  Egyptian  Kingdom  (Capital  at  Memphis) :  Khufu  and 
the  Pyramids;   rise  of  Thebes. 

?2i6o-i788.  Middle  Egyptian  Kingdom  (Capital  at  Thebes):  feudal 
organization;  Nubia  subdued;  contact  with  Cretej  internal  im- 
provements; coming  of  the  Hyksos. 

?25oo.     Sargon  of  Accad. 

?i95o.     Hammurabi  of  Babylon;  old  Babylonian  Empire;  code  of  Lawr. 

1580-1 150.  Egyptian  (New)  Empire  (Capital  mostly  at  Thebes):  the 
eighteenth  dynasty;  campaigns  in  Asia;  first  great  empire  in 
history;  commerce  with  Babylonia,  Syria,  ^gean;  Egyptian 
remains  in  Crete  and  Mycenae;  Seti  I  (conflicts  with  the  Hit- 
tites);  Ramses  II  (wars  with  the  Hittites);  great  hall  at  Kar- 
nak  completed;  decadence. 

745-727.     Tiglathpileser  III  makes  Assyria  first  power  of  ancient  world. 

722-705.     Sargon  II:  Assyria  at  its  height;   captivity  of  Israelites. 

705-626.  Sennacherib,  Esarhaddon,  Ashurbanipal:  Capital  at  Nineveh; 
brilliant  age  of  Assyria;   cruel  wars. 

606.     Assyrian  Empire  ends  with  destruction  of  Nineveh. 

605-562.  Nebuchadrezzar  (Chaldean  or  New  Babylonian  Empire); 
building  of  temples;  fortifications;  palaces.  Babylonian  cap- 
tivity of  the  Jews. 

539.     Babylon  becomes  Persian  province  under  Cyrus. 

iEcEAN  District 
?20oo-i35o.     Bloom-time  of  Cretan  Age. 
1500-1150.     Mycenaean  civilization  at  its  best. 
1000-700.     Epic  Age. 
776.     First  Olympiad. 
750-550  (about).     Period  of  colonization. 
750-650  (about).     Period  of  the  nobles  at  Athens. 
700-500  (about).     Cultural  development;   lyric  poetry  and  philosophy, 
683.     Yearly  archons  at  Athens. 
650-594.     Period  of  the  heavy-armed  at  Athens. 
624  (about).     Codification  of  Draco. 
594.     Reforms  of  Solon. 
560-510.     Pisistratid  tyranny. 

524 


Chronological  Table  525 

550.     Sparta  supreme  in  the  Peloponnesus. 
508.     Reforms  of  Cleisthenes. 

Relations  with  Persia  and  Carthage,  500-479 
499-494.     Ionic  revolt:   Sardis,  Lade,  Miletus. 
492.     First  Persian  attack  under  ISIardonius. 

490.     Second  Persian  attack  under  Datis  and  Artaphernes  (Marathon). 
487.     Choice  of  archons  at  Athens  by  lot. 
480.     Third  Persian  attack  under  Xerxes  (Thermopjls,    Artemisium; 

Athenians  withdraw  from  Athens;   Salamis). 
480.     Himera  (Gelon  and  the  Carthaginians). 
479.     Campaign  of  Mardonius  (Plataea);   ]SIycale. 

The  Supremacy  of  Aihens,  479-431 
477-454.     Delian  Confederacy. 
474.     Hieron  defeats  Etruscans  oR  Cums. 
462.     Cimon  goes  to  help  Sparta  against  the  Helots;    decline  of    the 

Areopagus. 
459-445.     Athenian  Land  League:   Tanagra;    QLnophyta;   The  Thirty 

Years'  Truce  (445). 
445-431.     Golden  Age  of  Athens  under  Pericles:   the  bloom  of  art  and 

literature. 

The  Peloponnesian  War,  431-404 
A.  The  Archidamian  War,  431-421. 

429.     Death  of  Pericles  (rise  of  Cleon). 

427.     Revolt  of  Lesbos;   surrender  of  Plataea. 

425.     Pylos  (peace  negotiations). 

424.     Brasidas  and  the  Chalcidice;   Delium. 

422.     Amphipolis:   death  of  Brasidas  and  Cleon.  *■ 

421.     Peace  of  Nicias. 

B.  Period  of  the  Sicilian  Expedition,  421-413 
418.     Mantinea  (Alcibiades  and  Nicias  rivals  at  Athens). 
416.     Fall  of  Melos. 
415-413.     Sicilian  expedition. 

C.  The  Decelean  War,  413-404 
412.     Alliance  between  Persia  and  Sparta;   revolt  of  Chios,  etc. 
411.     The  Four  Hundred  at  Athens  (recall  of  Alcibiades). 
410.     Cyzicus  (peace  negotiations). 
407.     Notium  (retirement  of  Alcibiades). 


526  Chronological  Table 

406.     Arginusse  (peace  negotiations  and  condemnation  of  Athenian  gen- 
erals) . 
405.     /Egospotami. 

404.     Surrender  of  Athens  and  end  of  the  war. 
405-367.     Dionysius  I,  tyrant  of  Syracuse. 

The  Supremacy  of  Sparta,  404-371 
404-403.     The  Thirty  at  Athens. 
401.     Expedition  of  Cyrus  (Cunaxa). 
399-394.     War   between    Sparta    and    Persia:     Agesilaus   and    Conon 

(Cnidus). 
395-387.     Corinthian  War:    Agesilaus  and  Iphicrates;  peace  of  Antal- 

cidas  (387). 
379.     Liberation  of  Thebes  (Pelopidas  and  Epaminondas). 
371.     Leuctra  (end  of  the  Spartan  supremacy). 

The  Leadership  of  Thebes,  371-362 

371-362.     Theban  invasions  of  the  Peloponnesus;   Pelopidas  in  Thessaly 

and  Macedonia. 
362.     Mantinea  (death  of  Epaminondas  and  decline  of  Thebes). 

The  Period  of  Philip  of  Macedon,  362-336 

357-355-     Social  War. 

356-346.     Sacred  War:   Philip  and  Demosthenes;   peace  of  Philocrates 

(346).      . 
345-337.     Timoleon  of  Syracuse. 
338.     Chaeronea  (end  of  Greek  freedom). 

Alexander  and  the  Persians,  336-323 
336-323.     Alexander  the  Great :  Granicus  (334) ;  Issus  (333);  TyTe  and 
Alexandria  (332);   Arbela  (331). 

Hellenistic  Period,  323-146 
323-322.     Lamian  War  (death  of  Demosthenes). 
323-301.     War  of  the  Diadochi;  Ipsus  (301). 

The  Separate  Kingdoms 
(i)  Egypt  under  the  Ptolemies;  Ptolemy  I,  Ptolemy  IT,  Ptolemy 
III. 

(2)  Syria  under  the  Seleucidie:  Seleucus  Nikator,AntiochusIII_ 

(3)  Asia  Minor:    kingdoms  of   Pergamon,  Bithynia,  Pontus; 
Rhodes. 


Chronological  Table  527 

(4)  Macedonia:  the  Anligonl. 

(5)  Greece. 

289,     Death  of  Agathocles  of  Syracuse. 

280  (251).     Achaean  League  (.\ratus). 

222.     jMacedonian  supremacy  restored  (Cleomenes  III). 

196,     Rome  declares  Greece  free  from  IMaccdon. 

146.     Destruction  of  Corinth. 

Roman  History  to  the  Samnite  Wars,  753  (?)-343  (?) 
753  (?)•     Founding  of  Rome. 

510  (?).     Establishment  of  the  Repubhc:    two  consuls;    two  quaestors. 
494  (?).     First  secession:   two  plebeian  tribunes;    two  plebian  a;diles. 
451  (?)~449  (?)•     Decemvirate;   twelve  tables;   second  secession. 
445  (?).     Canuleian  law. 

444  (?).     Military  tribunes  with  consular  power. 
443  (?).     Two  censors. 
396.     Capture  of  Veii. 

390.     Sack  of  Rome  b)'  the  Gauls  (Allia  River). 
367.     Licinian  laws;  praetor;   two  curule  asdiles. 

Conquest  and  Organization  of  Italy,  343-264 
343-341.     First  Samnite  War. 
340-338.     Great  Latin  War. 

326-304.     Second  Samnite  War.     (Caudine  Forks,  321). 
300.     Valerian  law. 

298-290.     Third  Samnite  War  (Sentinum,  295). 
287.     Hortensian  law. 

281-272.     War  with  Tarentura  and  Pyrrhus:  Heraclea,  Asculum,  Ben- 
eventum. 

First  PtiNic  War,  264-241 
260.    Mylas. 

256.    Ecnomus  (Regulus  in  Africa). 
255-241.     War  in  Sicily. 

241.     Agates  Islands.     Rome  gains  Sicily;  Sardinia  and  Corsica  (later). 
225-222.     Extension  of  Italy  to  the  Alps. 

Second  Punic  War,  218-201 
218.    Ticinus  and  Trebia. 
217.     Trasimenus. 
216.     Cannae;    Hannibal  gets  new  allies,  but  Syracuse  and  Capua  are 

recovered  by  Rome. 
218-207.     Constant  war  in  Spain. 


528  Chronological  Table 

207.     Metaurus  (Ilasdruba!). 

202.     Zama.     Rome  gains  Ilitlicr  and  Farther  Spain. 

Conquest  of  the  East,  201-133 

200-197.     Second  Macedonian  War  (Cynoscephalae). 

192-189.     War  with  Antiochus  III  (Thermopylae  and  Magnesia). 

171-168.     Third  Macedonian  War  (Pydna). 

149-146.     Third  Punic  War  (Destruction  of  Carthage). 

146.     Destruction  of  Corinth. 

146.     Addition  of  Africa  and  Macedonia. 

133.     Addition  of  Asia. 

133.     Surrender  of  Numantia. 

Decline  of  the  Republic,  133-27 

133.     Reforms  of  Tiberius  Gracchus. 

123.     Reforms  of  Gaius  Gracchus. 

120  (about).     Addition  of  Gallia  NarbonensisJ 

111-105.     Jugurthine  War  (Marius). 

102.     Addition  of  Cilicia. 

102.     Marius  defeats  Teutons  at  Aqux  Scxtise. 

loi.     Marius  defeats  Cimbri  at  Vercellte. 

100.     Insurrection  of  Saturninus  and  Glaucia  (decline  of  jMarius). 

91.     Attempted  reforms  of  Drusus. 

91-88.     Social  War  (Sulla). 

88.     Sulpician  laws. 

88-84.     First  Mithridatic  War  (Cinna  and  ^Marius  at  Rome). 

82-79.     Sulla's  dictatorship:  proscriptions  and  constitution. 

81.     Gallia  Cisalpina  added. 

79-72.     Sertorian  War  in  Spain. 

73-71.     War  of  the  Gladiators  (Spartacus). 

70.  Consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus  (overthrow  of  Sulla's  constitu- 
tion). 

67.     Pompey  clears  the  sea  of  pirates  (Gabinian  law). 

66-63.  Pompey  ends  the  third  JNIithridatic  War  (Manilian  law).  Prov- 
inces added:  Pontus  and  Bithynia,  Syria,  Cilicia  (reorganized 
and  enlarged),  Crete. 

63.     Consulship  of  Cicero  (Conspiracy  of  Catiline). 

60.     First  Triumvirate  (Pompey,  Caesar,  Crassus). 

59.     Consulship  of  Caesar. 

58-51.     Caesar's  conquest  of  Gaul. 

56.     Conference  of  Luca. 


Chronological  Table  529 

I 

52.     Pompey  "sole  consul"  (Clodius  and  Mile). 

49-45.     War  between  Caesar  and  the  republicans:    DjTrachium,  Phar- 

salus  [Zela],  Thapsus,  ]Munda;   Ca;sar  supreme. 
44.     Death  of  Caesar. 

43.     Second  Triumvirate  (Antony  Octavian,  Lepidus). 
42.     Battle  of  Philippi. 
31.     Battle  of  Actium. 

The  Roman  Empire:   Augustus  to  Theodosius  27  B.C.-395  a.d. 
The  Julian  Cwsars 
27  B.C.-14  A.D.     Augustus:  establishment  of  the  principate;    the  bloom- 
time  of  literature. 

Provinces  added :    /Egypt,  ^loesia,  Pannonia,  Rhaetia,  Noricum, 
Galatia,  Lusitania. 
A.D. 
14-37.     Tiberius  (Crucifixion  of  Christ). 
37-41.     Caligula. 

Claud i an  Casars 
41-54.     Claudius  (Britain  added). 
54-68.     Nero. 
68-69.     Disputed  succession. 

The  Flavian  Ccesars 
69-79.     Vespasian  (Destruction  of  Jerusalem,  70). 
79-81.     Titus. 
81-96.     Domitian. 

"  The  Five  Good  Emperors  " 
96-98.     Nerva. 
98-117.    Trajan.     Provinces  added:  Arabia,  Dacia,  Armenia,  !Mesopo- 

tamia,  Assyria. 
1 1 7-138.     Hadrian. 
138-161.     Antoninus  Pius. 
161-180.     Marcus  Aurelius. 

Later  Emperors 
21 1-2 1 7.     Caracalla  (all  freemen  become  Roman  citizens). 
270-275.     Aurelian  (new  wall). 
284-305.     Diocletian  (Absolutism), 
313.     Edict  of  Milan. 


530  Chronological  Table 

2>~Z~2i2i7-     Constantine  sole  emperor  (further  reorganization  and  council 

of  Nicaea,  325). 
378.     Adrianople  (Visigoths). 
395.     Final  division  of  the  empire  (Theodosius) . 

Period  of  Transition,  395-800  a.d. 

410  and  455.     Sack  of  Rome  by  the  Visigoths  (Alaric,  410);  by  the  Van- 
dals (Gaiseric,  455). 
451.     Chalons  (Attila  and  the  Huns). 
476.     Odovacar  (end  of  Western  Empire). 
493.     Theodoric  (the  Ostrogoths)  conquers  Odovacar. 
496.     Clovis  becomes  an  orthodox  Christian  (the  Franks). 
527-565.     Justinian  (codification  of  the  law). 
622.     Hegira  of  Mohammed. 
732.     Tours  (Martel  and  the  Arabs). 
800.    Charlemagne  crowned  emperor  in  the  west. 


APPENDIX   I 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  FOR  ADVANCED  STUDENTS  AND 
TEACHERS 

I.  GENERAL  WORKS 

Andrews  and  Gambrill.  Bibliography  of  History  for  Schools  and 
Libraries.     Longmans. 

BoNHAM,  Andrews  and  Others  (New  England  History  Teachers 
Association).  Catalogue  of  Collection  of  Historical  Materials. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  Co.  Information  as  to  maps,  charts,  pictures, 
models  and  other  aids  to  visualizing  history. 

Cunningham.  Western  Civilization  in  Its  Economic  Aspects:  Ancient 
Times.  Cambridge  Univ.  Press.  Uniquely  valuable  for  its  point 
of  view,  which  is  ordinarily  overlooked.  Covers  with  special  ful- 
ness the  classical  period. 

Foster,  Gushing  and  Others  (New  England  History  Teachers  Asso- 
ciation). History  Syllabus  for  Secondary  Schools.  Heath.  An  ex- 
cellent bibliographical  aid  for  teachers.     Also  useful  for  class  work. 

Harpers.     Dictionary  of  Classical  Antiquity.     Harper  and  Bros. 

Hazen,  Bourne  and  Others.  Historical  Sources  in  Schools.  ;Mac- 
millan. 

Helmolt.  History  of  the  World.  Vol.  Ill,  Western  Asia  and  Egypt; 
Vol.  IV,  The  Mediterranean  Countries.  Dodd,  Mead  and  Co.  The 
most  recent  and  best  of  the  great  general  histories. 

Murray's  Classical  Atlas.  For  Schools.  Edited  by  G.  B.  Grundy. 
London:  Murray.  Is  the  most  artistic  and  accurate  school  atlas 
published. 

Sanborn's  Classical  Atlas.  Edited  by  J.  K.  Lord.  Boston:  Sanborn 
and  Co.     A  close  rival  of  the  Grundy-Murray  work. 

Seyffart.  Dictionary  of  Classical  Antiquity.  Ed.  Nettleship  and 
Sandys.     Macmillan. 

Tozer.    Classical  Geography  (Literature  Primers).    American  Book  Co. 

II.     THE   EASTERN   EMPIRES 

Encyclopedia  Biblica,  edited  by  Cheyne  and  Black.  4  vols.  IMacmillan 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  edited  by  J.^lsLSiings.     4  vols.     Scribners. 

These  latest  Bible  dictionaries  have  elaborate  and  valuable  arti- 
cles and  maps  dealing  with  the  ancient  oriental  peoples. 
531 


532  Appendix  I 

Harper.  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  Literature.  Appletons.  A  useful 
collection  of  accurate  translations  from  these  ancient  documents. 

Jackson.  Zoroaster.  Macmillan.  The  best  account  of  the  founder 
of  the  Persian  religion. 

Jastrow.  The  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  Ginn  and  Co. 
The  standard  treatise  on  this  subject. 

McCuRDY.  History,  Prophecy  and  the  Monuments.  3  vols.  Mac- 
millan. An  elaborate  survey  of  the  oriental  world  from  the  Hebrews 
as  a  centre.     Learned  and  instructive. 

Maspero.  History  of  the  Ancient  East.  i.  The  Dawn  of  Civilization. 
2.  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations.  3.  The  Passing  of  the  Empires. 
3  vols.  Appletons.  A  most  elaborate  work  by  an  excellent  scholar. 
Full  of  illustrations.     Costly  but  of  great  usefulness  for  school*  study. 

Myres.  The  Dawn  of  History.  (Home  Univ.  Library.)  Henry  Holt 
and  Co.  Especially  valuable  for  the  relations  established  betweeri 
the  land  and  the  people. 

Patox.  The  Early  History  of  Syria  and  Palestine.  Scribners.  An 
admirable  little  book,  well  constructed  and  accurate. 

Perrot  and  Chipiez.  History  of  Art  in  Ancient  Egypt.  2  vols.  His- 
tory of  Art  in  Ancient  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  2  vols.  Dodd, 
Mead  and  Co.  These  are  the  best  works  on  ancient  oriental  art, 
fully  illustrated.  They  are  costly,  but  fully  repay  constant  con- 
sultation.    The  same  is  true  of  the  other  works  of  these  authors. 

Rawlinson.  The  Five  Great  Monarchies  of  the  A  ncient  Eastern  World. 
3  vols.  Scribners.  Always  entertaining  and  useful,  but  now  largely 
antiquated  by  the  advance  of  knowledge. 

Records  of  the  Past  First  Series,  12  vols.  Second  Series,  6  vols.  (New 
York:  Pott.)  Translations  from  Egyptian  and  Babylonian-.\ssyrian 
documents  by  various  hands.     An  excellent  series. 

Rogers.  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.  2  vols.  Eaton  and 
Mains.  Besides  a  good  historical  survey  the  book  has  an  elaborate 
introduction  dealing  with  the  history  of  excavation  and  the  decipher- 
ment of  inscriptions. 

Steindorff.  The  Religion  of  Ancient  Egypt.  Putnams.  An  excellent 
survey  by  a  competent  scholar. 

III.     THE    GREEK   STATES 

/EsChylI'S.     Translated  by  Plumptre.     D.  C.  Heath  and  Co. 
Aristophanes.     Translated     by     Frere     ("  Acharnians,"     "Knights." 

"Birds," "in  Morley's  Universal  Library).     Routledge.     5  vols. 
Aristotle.     On  the  Constitution  of  Athens.     Translated  by  Kenyon, 

Macmillan.     Politics.     Translated  by  Welldon.     Macmillan. 


Appendix  I  533 


Becker.  Charicles.  Longmans.  This  time-honored  scholastic  tale 
of  ancient  Greece  is  still  useful  for  reference. 

Bevan.  The  House  of  SelcHCus.  2  vols.  Arnold.  A  well-written,  de- 
tailed history  of  the  Seleucid  empire. 

Blumnee.     Home  Life  of  the  a  ncien(  Creeks.     Cassell. 

Bury.  The  Ancient  Greek  Historians.  Macmillan.  The  best  critical 
appreciation  of  the  less-well-known  as  well  as  the  famous  Greek 
historians.     For  teachers. 

CuRTius.     History  of  Greece.     5  vols.     Scribners.     See  Holm. 

Davidsox.     Education  of  the  Greek  People.     Appletons. 

Demosthenes.  5  vols.  Translated  by  Kennedy.  Macmillan.  On 
the  Crown.     Translated  by  Collier.     Longmans. 

Dickinson.  The  Greek  View  of  Life.  New  Edition.  Doubleday, 
Page  and  Co.     Singularly  clear,  interesting  and  instructive. 

Diehl.     Excursions  in  Greece.     Gravel. 

DURUY.  History  of  Greece.  Dana,  Estes  and  Co.  Profusely  illus- 
trated and  written  with  French  clearness  and  grace.  Not,  however, 
the  work  of  a  great  scholar. 

Euripides.  Translated  into  prose  by  Coleridge.  Bell.  In  verse  by 
Way.     Macmillan. 

Freeman.  History  of  Federal  Government.  ]Macmillan.  One  of  Free- 
man's best  works.  Deals  in  great  detail  with  the  x\chasan  and 
^tolian  leagues. 

Gardner,  E.  A.     Ancient  Athens.     Macmillan.     The  work  of  an  ex- 
pert in  Greek  art  and  archaeology. 
"  A  Hand-book  of  Creek  Sculpture.     Macmillan. 

Grant.     Greece  in  the  Age  of  Pericles.     Scribners. 

GuLiCK.    Life  of  the  Ancient  Greeks.    Appletons. 

Hawes.     Crete,  the  Forerunner  of  Greece.     Harpers. 

Herodotus.  Translated  by  Rawlinson,  edited  by  Grant.  2  vols. 
Scribners. 

Hogarth.     Ionia  and  the  East.     Clarendon  Press.     Lectures  on    the 
oriental  background  of  Homer. 
"  Philip  and  Alexander  of  Macedon.     Scribners.     A  stirring 

exposition  of  the  ideals  and  achievements  of  these  heroes. 
Especially  appreciative  of  Philip. 

Holm.  History  of  Greece.  4  vols.  Macmillan.  See  Curtius.  Curtius 
and  Holm  are  very  different  in  point  of  view  and  treatment.  Cur- 
tius emphasizes  the  aesthetic;  Holm  the  political.  Curtius  is  the 
more  interesting;  Holm  is  more  recent  and  hence  more  accurate 
and  satisfactory. 


534  Appendix  I 

Homer.     Iliad.     Translated    by    Lang,    Leaf    and    Myers.     Odyssey. 

Translated  by  Butcher  and  Lang.     Macmillan.     Excellent  prose 

versions. 
Jebb.     Classical  Greek  Poetry.     Houghton,  ]Mifflin  Co. 
Mahaffy.     Social  Life  in  Greece.     Macmillan, 

"  Greek  Life  and  Thought  from  Alexander  to  the  Roman  Con- 

quest.    Macmillan. 

"  The  Silver  Age  of  the  Greek  World.     Chicago  Univ.  Press. 

Largely   a  reprint  of  Mahaffy's  Greek  World  under  Ro- 
man Sway. 

"  The   Ptolemaic   Dynasty.     Vol.    4   of   Petrie's    History   of 

Egypt.     Scribners. 
Mahaffy's  books  are  stimulating,  full  of  learning,  sometimes  rather 

opinionated. 
Murray,  G.     The  Rise  of  the  Greek  Epic.     New  Edition.     Clarendon 

Press.     A  brilliant  work  on  the  Homeric  question. 
Perrot  and  Chipiez.     History  of  Art   in  Primitive   Greece.    2   vols. 

Practically  a  discussion  of  Mycenaean  Civilization. 
Plato.     Socrates.     A  translation  of  the  Apology,  Crito  and  Parts  of  the 

Phsedo  of  Plato.     Scribners. 
Schuckardt.     Schliemann's  Excavations.     Macmillan. 
Sophocles.     Antigone.     ProsetranslationbyG.H.  Palmer.     Houghton, 

Mifflin  and  Co.     Works.     In  Prose,  translated  by  Coleridge.     Bell. 
Symonds.     Studies  in  the  Greek  Poets.     Macmillan. 
Thucydides.     Translated  by  Jowett.     Clarendon  Press. 
Tsountas   and   Man  ATT.     The   Mycencean  Age.     Houghton,    MifiBin 

Co.     A    thorough    discussion    of    recent    discoveries    in    primitive 

Greece  (up  to  1897). 
Wheeler.    Alexander  the  Great.     Putnams.     The  best  life  of  Alexan- 
der.    Well  illustrated. 
Xenophon.     Works.     Translated  by  Dakyns.     Macmillan.     These  are 

the  best  translations,  but  in  the  Bohn  series  others  may  be  obtained 

at  less  expense. 

IV.     THE   EMPIRE   OF   ROME 

Abbott.  The  Cotnmon  People  of  A  ncient  Rome.  Scribners.  A  good 
treatment  of  a  series  of  related  topics,  such  as  "Diocletian's  Edict 
and  the  Cost  of  Living,"  "Corporations,"  "A  Roman  Politician." 

Anderson  and  Spiers.  The  Architecture  of  Greece  and  Rome.  Bots- 
ford.     The  best  volume  on  this  subject. 

Appian.     Translated  by  White.     2  vols.     Macmillan. 


Appendix  I  535 

Arnold.    Roman  Provincial  Administration.    New  Edition.    Macraiilan. 

A  standard  authority. 
Becker.     Callus.     Longmans.     Of  the  same  character  as  his  Charicles. 
BOTSFORD.    The  Roman  Assemblies.   Macmillan.    A  sober,  well-informed, 

detailed  treatment. 
Bryce.     The  Holy  Roman  Empire.     Macmillan.     Of  great  value  for 

the  closing  epoch  of  Ancient  History. 
Bury.     The  Later  Roman  Empire.     3  vols.     Macmillan. 
Carter.     The  Religious  Life  of  Ancient  Rome.     Houghton,  Mifflin  Co. 
A  study  in  the  de  relopment  of  religious  consciousness  from  the  founda- 
tion of  the  city  until  the  death  of  Gregory  the  Great. 
Cicero.     Letters.    Translated  by  Shuckburgh.     Bohn. 

"  Works.     Translated  in  Bohn's  Library. 

CXJMONT.     The  Oriental  Religions  in  Roman  Paganism.     Open  Court 

Publication  Co.     A  fascinating  narrative  of  a  great  movement. 
Davis,   W.   S.     Influence  of  Wealth  in  Imperial  Rome.     ^Macmillan. 

Graphic. 
Duff.     Literary  History  of  Rome.     Scribners. 
DuRUY".     History  of  Rome.     8  vols.     Dana  Estes  and   Co.     Of  the 

same  character  as  his  History  of  Greece. 
Ferrero.     The   Greatness   and  Decline   of  Rome.     Putnams.     5  vols. 
The  Women  of  the  Ca-sars.     Century  Co.     Clever,  with  many  of  the 
qualities  of  the  historical  novel;  not  dependable,  however. 
Firth.    Augustus  Cmsar.     Putnams.     Useful. 
Fowler.     Ccesar.    Putnams. 

An  excellent  volume  in  the  series  "Heroes  of  the  Nations." 
''  The  Religious  Experience  of  the  Roman  People.     Macmillan, 

From  the  earliest  times  to  the  age  of  Augustus. 
"  Roman  Festivals.     Macmillan. 

Friedlaxder.     Roman   Life   and   Manners   under   the   Early   Empire. 
Translated  by  Magnus  and  Freese.     3  vols.     Dutton 
and  Co.     Has  long  been  the  standard  work  on   the 
subject. 
*•  Toain  Life  in  Ancient  Italy.    Translated  by  Waters, 

Sanborn,     Clear,  concrete,  picturesc[ue. 
GiBBOX.     Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire.     Edited   by  Bury. 

7  vols,     Scribners. 
Greenidge.     Roman  Public  Life.     Macmillan.     Fuller  than  Abbott's 

Roman  Political  Institutions;  scholarly,  valuable. 
Greenidge.     A  History  of  Rome.     Dutton,     The  best  account  of  the 

period  from  133  to  105  B.C. 
Guhl  and  Koner.     Life  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.     Scribners. 


53G  Appendix  I 

GWATKIN.     Early  Church  History  to  A.D.  313.     Macmlllan.     2  vols. 
Heitland.     The  Roman  Republic.     3  vols.     Cambridge  Univ.  Press.     A 

recent  English  work,  highly  valuable  for  the  period  of  the  revolution. 
Hill.     Handbook  of  Greek  and  Roman  Coins.     Macmillan. 
HODGKIN.     Italy  and  Her  Invaders.     7  vols.     Clarendon  Press. 

"  Theodoric.     Putnams. 

"  Charles  the  Great.     Macmillan. 

Horace.     Translated  by  Martin.     2  vols.     Scribners.     Or,  into  prose 

by  Lonsdale  and  Lee,     Macmillan. 
Inge.     Society  in  Rome  wider  the  Ccesars.     Scribners. 
Johnstone.     Mohammed  and  His  Power.     Scribners.     See  Macdonald. 
Juvenal.     Translated  by  Gifford.     Bohn. 

Lanciani.     Ancient  Rome  in  the  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries.     Hough- 
ton, Mifflin  and  Co. 

"  Ruins    and    Excavations    of   Ancient    Rome.     Houghton, 

Mifflin  and  Co. 
Lecky.     History  of  European  Morals  from  Augustus  to  Charlemagne. 

2  vols.     Appletons. 
Livy.     Translated  by  Spillan.     4  vols.     Bohn. 
Lucretius.     Translated  into  prose  by  Munro.     Bell. 
Macdonald.     Development  of  Muslim  Theology,  Jurisprudence  and  Con- 
stitutional    Theory.     Scribners.     Johnstone.     Mohammed  and  His 

Power. 

The  above  two  useful  works  in  small  compass  cover  the  whole 

field  of  Mohammedan  history,  life  and  thought. 
Marcus    Aurelius.     Meditations.     Translated    with    introduction    by 

Rendall.     Macmillan. 
Mau.     Pompeii,  Its  Life  and  Art.     Macmillan.     The  most  authoritative 

work  on  the  subject.     Well  illustrated. 
Merivale.     History  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empire.     6  vols.     Apple- 
tons.     From  Augustus  to  the  Antonines.     Not  a  great  work,  but 

clear,  in  full  detail  and  interesting. 
MoMMSEN.     A  History  of  Rome.     5  vols.     Scribners. 

"  The  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire.     2  vols.     New  Edi- 

tion.    Scribners. 
These  seven  volumes  contain  Vols  1-3  and   5  of  the  German 

original.     The  fourth  volume  of  the  History,  covering  the  period 

from  Julius  Caesar  to  Augustus,  was  left  unwritten. 
Oman.     Seven   Roman   Statesmen.     Longmans.     A   good    biographical 

treatment  of  the  revolutionary  epoch. 
Ovid.     Translated  by  Riley.     Bohn. 


AppeiidLv  I  ,        537 

Plainer.  Topography  and  Monuments  of  A  ncient  Rome.  New  Edition. 
Aliyn  and  Bacon.     The  best  work  in  English  on  the  subject. 

Pliny,  the  Younger.  Letters.  Translated  by  Melmoth-Bosanquet. 
Bohn. 

PoLYBius.     Translated  by  Shuckburgh.     2  vols.     Macmillan. 

Preston  and  Dodge.     Private  Life  of  the  Romans.     Leach. 

Ramsay.  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire  before  A.D.  170.  Putnams. 
A  stimulating  discussion  by  an  unusually  competent  scholar. 

Sellar.  Roman  Poets  of  the  Augustan  Age.  Clarendon  Press.  A 
standard  treatise  on  its  theme. 

Shuckburgh.  A  ugustus.  Fisher  Unwin.  Has  in  an  appendix  a  trans- 
lation of  the  autobiography  of  Augustus. 

Stanley.  History  of  the  Eastern  Church.  Scribners.  Vivid  pictures 
of  the  relations  of  the  Church  and  the  Empire  in  the  fourth  and 
fifth  centuries. 

Strachan-Davidson.  Cicero.  Putnams.  Perhaps  the  fairest  of  the 
biographies  of  the  orator. 

Strong.  Roman  Sculpture  from  Augustus  to  Constantine.  Scribners. 
The  best  work  on  the  subject.     Well  illustrated. 

Suetonius.  Lives  of  the  Twelve  Cccsars.  Translated  by  Thompson- 
Forester.     Macmillan. 

Tacitus.     Translated  by  Church  and  Brodribb.     2  vols.     Macmillan. 

Taylor.  A  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  Rome.  ]Methuen. 
Clear  and  accurate;   somewhat  old-fashioned. 

Thomas.     Roman  Society  under  the  Ccesars.     Putnams. 

Translations  and  Reprints  from  the  Original  Sources  of  European  His- 
tory, Department  of  History,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  \'ol.  5. 
No.  I.  Monumentum  Ancyranum,  The  Deeds  of  Augustus.  Trans- 
lated by  Fairley. 

Vergil.     Translated  into  prose  by  Bryce.     2  vols.     Bell. 

WiCKHOFF.     Roman  Art.     Macmillan. 


APPENDIX  II 

NOTES  ON  THE  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATE  I.  The  Parthenon  and  its  Frieze. — The  attempt 
is  made  in  this  plate  to  reproduce  the  effect  wrought  by  the  use 
of  color  on  Greek  temples.  It  is  taken  from  Fenger's  work  on 
the  subject.  We  are  looking  at  the  northeast  corner  of  the  Par- 
thenon. (See  Plate  XVII  and  §  205.)  The  top  of  the  Doric 
column  is  impressively  shown.  The  sculptured  "metopes"  in 
high  relief  represent  various  scenes,  the  meaning  of  which  is 
doubtful.  On  the  right  side  is  a  knight  in  battle  array  and  a 
combat  between  footmen.  On  the  other  side  are  female  figures. 
The  refinement,  coupled  with  vigor  in  the  pose  and  execution  of 
the  figures,  should  be  marked.  At  the  bottom  of  the  plate  the 
portion  of  the  frieze  pictured  is  taken  from  that  upon  the  east 
side  of  the  building.  From  the  right  the  procession  of  maidens 
bearing  sacrificial  vessels  is  advancing  toward  a  group  of  men 
conversing.  These  are  presumably  the  archons  of  the  city.  To 
the  left,  seated  facing  them,  are  the  gods  and  goddesses.  The 
one  farthest  to  the  left  has  been  identified  with  Poseidon,  next 
to  him  in  order  are  Dionysus,  Demeter  (?),  Aphrodite  with  Eros 
at  her  knee.  On  the  sculptures  of  the  Parthenon,  see  Tarbell, 
ch.  8,  and  Gardner,  Ancient  Athens,  ch.  7. 

PLATE  II.  Typical  Oriental  Heads. — i.  The  portrait  of 
Hammurabi  stands  on  a  hmestone  slab  found  near  the  site  of 
ancient  Accad  (§  11).  The  king  is  in  the  attitude  of  adoration 
with  hands  uplifted.  Study  the  cap,  the  hair,  and  the  beard  as 
illustrating  the  style  of  dress.  2.  The  head  of  Rameses  II  is 
taken  from  his  mummy  now  in  the  Museum  at  Cairo,  Egypt. 
The  remarkable  profile  betokens  a  man  of  imperious  character. 
3.  The  head  of  Esarhaddon,  the  Assyrian,  is  from  a  stone  tablet 
found  in  Syria.  The  conical  cap  betokens  royalty.  The  curled 
beard  and  hair  are  characteristic  of  Assyrian-Babylonian  style, 

538 


Appendix  II  539 

and  may  be  compared  with  those  of  head  i.  The  king  holds  in 
his  uphfted  hand  an  object  which  he  is  offering  (?)  to  his  god. 
The  Semitic  type  of  face  is  evident.  4.  The  Syrian  head  is  equally 
Semitic.  The  thick  shock  of  hair,  bound  with  a  fillet,  and  the 
beard  are  characteristic  of  the  Syrian  in  distinction  from  the 
shaven  Egyptian  and  the  carefully  barbered  Assyrian.  5.  The 
head  of  the  Philistine  illustrates  by  its  unlikeness  to  the  features 
of  the  other  heads  the  non-Semitic  character  of  this  people.  The 
helmet  or  head-dress  (of  feathers?)  is  likewise  peculiar.  6.  The 
Hittite  is  distinguishable  from  Semitic  heads  by  nose  and  chin. 
The  hair  hangs  in  a  pigtail  and  the  eyes  are  oblique,  suggestive 
of  the  Chinese.  Heads  4,  5,  and  6  are  from  Egyptian  reliefs. 
Observe  that  all  of  these  heads  are  in  profile.  Why  was  this 
characteristic  of  oriental  art?     See  Tarbell,  pp.  33,  38-42. 

PLATE  III.  (;z)  The  Sumerian  Army  in  Action. — The  pha- 
lanx formation  of  the  Sumerians  is  noteworthy.  ''The  great,  rec- 
tangular, nail-studded  shields,  which  protect  the  entire  body, 
form  a  wall,  out  of  which  issue  the  levelled  spears  of  the  front 
lines.  A  helmet,  probably  of  leather,  with  neck-guard,  protects 
the  head."  The  king  strides  in  front,  boomerang-like  sceptre 
in  hand  (below  he  is  about  to  hurl  his  spear).  The  machine 
passes  over  the  bodies  of  the  slain  enemy.  Note  the  bird-like 
heads  of  the  Sumerian  soldiers. 

{h)  Babylonian  Cylinders.  Round  the  surfaces  of  the  cyl- 
inders ran  scenes  such  as  those  shown  in  the  plate.  They  were 
used  to  stamp  documents  (which  were  made  of  moist  clay)  with 
a  seal  or  a  signature.  The  upper  scene  on  the  right  comes  from 
the  Gilgamesh  Epos  (§28).  The  scene  in  the  same  corner  at  the 
bottom  shows  a  lion  hunt.  Observe  in  others  a  god  or  goddess 
standing  on  the  back  of  a  wild  animal.  Observe  also  the  fond- 
ness for  monstrosities. 

PLATE  IV.  Painting  from  an  Egyptian  Tomb. — These 
pictures  adorn  the  wall  on  the  tomb  of  a  noble  in  the  time  of 
the  twelfth  dynasty  (§  8).  At  the  top  is  a  hieroglyphic  inscrip- 
tion giving  the  usual  prayers  for  the  dead.  Following  in  order 
from  top  to  bottom  are  represented  (i)  the  making  of  sandals, 
(2)  the  making  of  arrows,  chairs,  and  boxes,  (3)  goldsmiths' 


540  Appendix  II 

work,  (4)  the  making  of  pottery,  (5)  the  preparing  of  flax  and 
the  making  of  linen,  (6)  harvesting  and  threshing,  (7)  ploughing 
and  sowing.  The  picturing  of  these  on  the  wall  of  the  tomb, 
together  with  the  sacred  words  above,  was  thought  to  assure  to 
the  dead  the  enjoyment  of  such  things  in  the  world  to  come. 
Besides  the  representation  of  Egyptian  Hfe  here,  the  student 
has  an  excellent  opportunity  to  study  the  merits  and  defects  of 
Egyptian  art. 

PLATE  V.  Swamp-Hunting  in  a  Reed  Boat  (Egypt). — 
The  Theban  tombs  have  preserved  exquisite  examples  of  New 
Empire  painting  like  "the  hunt  in  the  marshes,  exhibiting  a 
fine  touch  of  animal  savagery  in  the  fierce  abandon  of  a  lithe 
cat  as  she  tramples  two  live  birds  beneath  her  feet  and  sinks  her 
teeth  at  the  same  moment  into  a  third  victim." 

"In  a  light  boat  of  papyrus  reeds,  accompanied  by  his  wife 
and  sometimes  by  one  of  his  children,  the  noble  delighted  to  float 
about  in  the  shade  of  the  tall  rushes,  in  the  inundated  marshes 
and  swamps.  The  myriad  hfe  that  teemed  and  swarmed  all 
about  his  frail  craft  gave  him  the  keenest  pleasure.  While  the 
lady  plucked  water-hlies  and  lotus  flowers,  my  lord  launched 
his  boomerang  among  the  flocks  of  wild  fowl  that  fairly  darkened 
the  sky  above  him,  finding  his  sport  in  the  use  of  the  difiicult 
weapon  which  for  this  reason  he  preferred  to  the  more  effective 
and  less  difficult  bow." — Breasted,  A  History  of  Egypt,  pp.  47,  89/. 

PLATE  VI.  Babylonian  and  Egyptian  Temples.^- 
(a)  This  restoration  of  the  temple  at  Nippur  was  made  by  Pro- 
fessor Hilprecht.  As  one  passed  through  the  great  oblong  tower- 
gate  in  the  outer  wall,  he  entered  the  outer  court,  measuring 
260  by  260  feet,  containing  a  small  shrine.  Through  similar 
but  greater  gates  the  inner  court  was  reached.  There,  directly 
in  front,  was  the  mighty  stage-tower,  its  sides  190  by  128  feet. 
At  the  top  of  the  tower  was  a  shrine  to  the  god.  Besides  the  stage- 
tower  was  the  temple  proper,  the  "house  of  Bel."  It  consisted 
of  one-story  roofed  chambers  and  open  courts.  Off  to  the  right 
of  the  picture  is  one  of  the  city  gates.  In  front  of  the  temple 
area  was  the  canal. 

{b)  The  Egyptian  temple  lay  along  the  Nile.     Leading  up  to 


Appendix  II  541 

the  entrance  was  a  road  bordered  by  sphynxes.  In  front  of  the 
gate  were  two  obeHsks,  symbolizing,  perhaps,  the  rays  of  the  sun- 
god,  and  some  sitting  statues  of  the  kings  or  gods.  A  square 
entrance,  flanked  by  huge  buttresses  called  pylons,  admitted  to 
the  court,  surrounded  by  a  portico  upheld  by  pillars.  Through 
this  was  the  passage  by  pylon  gateways  into  a  covered  hall, 
thence  into  another  pillared  court.  The  "holy  of  holies,"  the 
shrine  of  the  god,  was  in  the  low  rooms  at  the  rear  of  the  long 
series  of  courts  and  halls.  Thick  high  walls  and  lofty  pylons  shut 
off  entrance  except  through  the  front  of  the  temple.  Light  was 
admitted  through  the  courts.  The  cham.bers  were  entirely  dark. 
The  length  of  the  whole  structure  was  over  790  feet,  its  width 
over  100  feet. 

PLATE  VII.  AxciEXT  Systems  of  Writing. — The  Rosetta 
stone  contains  in  Greek,  demotic,  and  hieroglyphic  script  a  de- 
cree of  the  Egyptian  priests  passed  in  197  B.C.  It  was  found  by 
Napoleon  in  1802.  By  its  aid  Champollion  in  1822  deciphered 
the  hieroglyphics.  The  demotic  writing  (/.  e.,  the  cursive  form 
used  in  Egypt  in  the  first  millennium  B.C.)  was  first  read  by 
Brugsch  in  1849.  The  Brick  of  Hammurabi  is  inscribed  with 
Babylonian  cuneiform  characters.  Cuneiform  writing  was  first 
deciphered  by  Grotefend  in  1802,  but  it  was  not  till  Henry  Raw- 
linson,  in  1847,  had  read  the  long  Behistun  inscription  of  Darius 
that  the  key  to  the  language  was  really  obtained.  Neither  the 
pictographic  nor  the  linear  Cretan  writing  has  been  deciphered 
as  yet.    These  new  scripts  were  discovered  by  Arthur  Evans. 

PLATE  Vni.  Typical  Assyrian  Scenes. — {a)  This  relief 
is  cut  from  the  surface  of  a  limestone  slab,  and  was  one  of  a  series 
which  lined  the  walls  of  the  Assyrian  royal  palace.  King  Ashur- 
banipal  (§  65)  is  galloping  after  a  lion  and  in  the  act  of  discharg- 
ing an  arrow  at  him.  An  attendant  follows  with  fresh  javelins 
and  arrows.  The  energy  and  life  of  the  scene,  as  well  as  the  sub- 
ject, are  typical.  A  study  of  the  dress  and,  indeed,  of  the  various 
objects  represented,  as  well  as  of  the  excellences  and  defects  of 
the  pose,  will  reward  the  student  with  new  light  on  Assyrian 
life  and  art. 

{b)  This  relief  represents  the  siege  and  assault  of  the  city  of 


542  Appendix  II 

Lachish  by  King  Sennacherib  (§  65).  See  2  Kings  18:14.  A 
breach  has  been  made  in  the  walls  directly  in  front,  where  the 
Assyrian  military  engines  are  playing.  Torches  are  being  hurled 
down  upon  the  besiegers;  the  fire  is  being  put  out  with  pans  of 
water;  archers  are  pouring  clouds  of  arrows  on  the  defenders. 
Scaling-ladders  are  raised  against  the  walls.  In  front,  prisoners 
are  impaled  on  stakes.  From  one  of  the  towers  captives  are  com- 
ing forth  with  their  effects.  The  animation  and  variety  of  the 
scene  are  only  equalled  by  the  grotesqueness  of  the  art.  Try  to 
get  the  artist's  point  of  view  and  study  the  details  of  the  scene 
for  the  collection  of  facts  concerning  ancient  mihtary  Hfe. 

PLATES  IX  and  X.  Decoration  of  a  Cretan  Sarcopha- 
gus.— "On  the  best-preserved  side  (Plate  IX),  at  the  extreme 
right,  is  the  erect  figure  of  the  dead  closely  swathed,  standing 
before  his  tomb,  beside  which  grows  a  sacred  tree.  Three  per- 
sons approach  him  with  offerings,  the  first  bearing  the  model  of 
a  ship,  to  typify  perhaps  the  voyage  of  the  dead,  the  other  two 
carrying  young  calves,  which  are  drawn  as  if  galloping — an  ab- 
surd and  slavish  imitation  of  a  well-known  Minoan  type.  On  the 
left  a  priestess  is  pouring  wine  into  a  large  vase  standing  between 
two  posts  surmounted  by  double-axes  upon  which  birds,  prob- 
ably ravens,  are  perched.  A  lady  and  a  man  in  long  rich  robes 
attend  the  priestess,  the  man  playing  a  seven-stringed  lyre.  In 
the  writer's  eyes  these  double-axes  are  not  fetishes,  but  are  em- 
blems referring  to  the  hneage  or  status  of  the  deceased.  The 
opposite  side  (Plate  X)  shows  a  bull  sacrificed,  a  priestess  before 
an  altar,  and  a  man  playing  a  flute,  followed  by  five  ladies.  .  .  . 
Whereas  the  priestesses  and  offerants  on  the  sarcophagus  wear 
a  short  skirt  of  pecuHar  cut,  the  lay  persons  taking  part  in  the 
religious  rites,  two  men  and  six  women,  all  wear  long  rich  robes, 
and  the  flute-player  keeps  to  the  ancient  Minoan  fashion  of  dress- 
ing his  hair  in  long  curls." — Crete  the  Forerunner  of  Greece,  by 
C.  H.  and  H.  Hawes,  pp.  86  /. 

PLATE  XL  Kamares  Pottery. — For  the  time  and  vogue  of 
this  work,  see  §  94.  It  seems  to  have  been  pecuharly  Cretan.  The 
view  above  to  the  right  is  simply  the  interior  of  the  vessel  shown 
below.   Note  the  similarity  in  artistic  effect  with  Plates  IX  and  X. 


Appendix  II  543 

PLATE  XII.  Throne  of  Minos  and  Pillar  of  the 
Double-Axes. — -The  double-axe,  Labrys,  seems  to  have  been 
the  sacred  symbol  of  a  male  Cretan  deity — perhaps  the  Carian 
Zeus,  Zeus  of  Labraunda.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  name 
Labyrinth  is  derived  from  this  word.  The  symbol  is  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  Cretan  monuments. 

"No  more  ancient  throne  exists  in  Europe,  or  probably  in 
the  world,  and  none  whose  associations  are  anything  like  so  full 
of  interest." — Baikie,  TJie  Sea  Kings  of  Crete,  p.  72. 

The  connection  with  Minos  is  fanciful. 

PLATE  XIII.  Lion  Gate  and  Bee-Hive  Tomb. — In  these 
two  Mycenaean  structures  the  aperture  over  the  doorway  is  to 
be  noted.  By  means  of  it  the  lintel  is  relieved  of  the  superim- 
posed weight.  In  the  case  of  the  gate  the  slab  which  filled  the 
aperture  is  still  in  place.  It  is  adorned  with  two  lions  rampant  on 
either  side  of  a  sacred  pillar  which,  in  the  typical  IMycenaean 
fashion,  has  the  smaller  end  of  the  base.  The  gate  is  set  back  in 
such  a  way  that  assailants  were  exposed  to  a  cross-fire  from  the 
wall.  Mycenae  was  surrounded  by  walls,  such  as  those  which 
abutted  the  gate.  Below  we  look  down  the  walled  passage  which 
led  into  a  bee-hive  tomb.  The  wall  at  the  end  continues  so  as  to 
enclose  a  conical  space.  Each  ascending  tier  of  stories  projects 
inward  until  the  top  is  closed  by  a  single  slab.  Inside  the  bodies 
of  the  great  dead  of  Mycena;  were  placed,  and  with  them  objects 
which  would  be  needful  for  a  king  or  queen  in  the  spirit  world. 

PLATE  XIV.  Gold  Cups  of  the  Mycen^an  Age. — 
These  cvc\is  were  found  at  Vaphio,  in  Laconia,  in  1888,  and  hence 
are  called  the  Vaphio  cups.  The  upper  design  represents  a  hunt 
of  wild  cattle.  The  centre  one  is  caught  in  a  net.  On  the  right 
another  is  in  full  flight,  while  on  the  left  a  third  has  thrown  one 
hunter  and  is  goring  another.  In  the  lower  design  the  bulls  are 
tame  and  under  the  care  of  a  herdsman.  The  material  is  beaten 
gold.  A  sense  of  abounding  life,  coupled  with  some  crudity,  is 
the  characteristic  impression  made  by  these  works.  See  Tarbell, 
pp.  67-69;    Tsountas  and  Manatt,  pp.  227-228. 

PLATE  XV,  Wild  Goat  and  Young — Cretan  Art  of 
THE    Twentieth  Century  B.C. — This  plaque  was  probably 


544  Appendix  II 

applied  to  a  backing  of  colored  plaster.  Several  examples  of  it 
have  been  found  all  taken  from  one  mould.  A  vitreous  glaze  of 
siliceous  composition  has  been  put  over  a  body  of  porous  paste. 
The  surface  color  of  the  faience  is  here  a  pale  green  with  dark 
sepia  markings.  "The  scene  is  laid  on  a  mountain  crag  of 
Dicta  or  of  Ida  and  the  animal  here  is  the  Cretan  wild  goat,  or 
Agrimi.  The  suckling  kid  is  shown  in  almost  identically  the 
same  posture  as  a  calf  in  a  parallel  design.  In  front,  another  kid 
looks  up  at  its  mother  and  bleats  to  her  its  desire,  while  the  mother 
goat,  in  an  attitude  of  serene  impartiahty,  seems  to  chide  the 
impatience  of  her  offspring.  This  design,  apart  from  its  beauty 
and  naturalism,  is  characterized  by  a  certain  ideal  dignity  and 
balance.  ...  In  beauty  of  modelling  and  in  hving  interest, 
Egyptian,  Phoenician,  and,  it  must  be  added,  classical  Greek 
renderings  of  this  traditional  group  are  far  surpassed  by  the 
Minoan  artist." — A.  J.  Evans,  in  Annual  of  the  Brilish  School 
in  Athens,  IX,  pp.  Tiff. 

PLATE  XVI.  Art  of  Greece  in  the  Time  of  the  Persian 
War. — Pieces  of  a  single  monument,  possibly  a  pedestal.  The 
upper  three  pieces  are  in  Rome,  the  others  in  the  Boston  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts.  The  subject  of  the  composition  is  Aphrodite,  the 
goddess  of  love,  who  is  seen  rising  from  the  sea.  She  inspires  the 
flute  girl  and  the  lyre  player.  The  maiden  at  the  left  may  be 
concocting  a  love  potion  or  simply  burning  incense.  The  some- 
what realkstic  figure  of  an  old  woman  in  the  upper  corner  may  be 
a  nurse.  The  central  scene  above  probably  portrays  the  love 
rivalry  of  two  maidens. 

Eros  holds  the  balance.  On  each  weight  a  man  is  sketched. 
The  two  seated  figures  sympathize  with  its  movement,  the  one 
rejoicing,  the  other  sorrowful,  according  as  the  weight  inclines 
toward  her  or  rises  away  from  her. 

PLATE  XVII.  The  Acropolis.— This  restoration  of  the 
buildings  on  the  Acropohs  is,  like  all  such  attempts,  probably 
not  accurate,  but  it  represents  the  general  situation  and  rela- 
tion of  the  different  structures  (§  205).  The  entrance  at  the 
western  end  was  by  the  Propylcca,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  the 
colossal  statue  of  Athena.    To  the  right  was  the  Temple  of  Vic- 


Appendix  II  545 

tory.  At  the  centre  of  the  elevated  platform,  the  Parthenon  lay 
on  the  right  and  the  Erechtheum  on  the  left.  The  Parthenon 
was  entered  at  the  eastern  end.  Other  smaller  temples  filled  up 
the  enclosure.  The  Acropolis  was  about  i,ooo  feet  long  by  500 
feet  wide;  it  was  a  sort  of  oval,  with  its  long  axis  lying  east  and 
west.     (See  Plan  of  Athens,  facing  p.  147.) 

PLATE  XVHI.  Typical  Greek  Heads.— i.  The  first  is 
taken  from  a  full-length  statue  of  Sophocles  (§  206).  It  is  an 
ideal  representation  of  the  poet,  no  doubt,  but  it  is  instructive 
as  illustrating  the  Greek  type.  The  arrangement  of  hair  and 
beard  should  be  noticed.  The  failure  to  work  out  the  detail  of 
the  eye  gives  the  aspect  of  blindness,  and  is  a  defect  of  Greek 
sculpture.  Compare  some  modern  statue  in  this  respect.  2.  The 
head  of  Pericles  bears  a  helmet  as  a  sign  of  leadership  (§  195).  A 
calm,  thoughtful,  somewhat  reserved  expression  on  the  face  is 
discernible.  3.  The  head  of  Socrates  is  noticeable  for  its  origi- 
nality, and  offers  some  instructive  comparisons  with  the  preced- 
ing. The  breadth  of  the  face  contrasts  with  that  of  the  others. 
4.  The  head  of  Aphrodite  is  taken  from  the  statue  found  in  the 
island  of  Melos.  The  grace  and  purity  of  the  face  illustrate 
the  Greek  ideals  of  love  and  of  woman.  It  dates  from  the  early 
Hellenistic  Age  (§  323).  5.  The  head  of  Alexander  is  taken  from 
a  relief  on  a  sarcophagus  now  in  Constantinople.  He  wears  a 
lion's  head  instead  of  a  helmet,  and  the  ram's  horn  appears, 
typical  of  his  divine  descent  from  the  Egyptian  god  Anion.  The 
characteristic  Greek  profile  is  instructive.  This,  too,  is  early 
Hellenistic.  6.  The  last  head  is  taken  from  a  Graeco-Egyptian 
portrait  painted  on  a  wooden  panel  placed  in  a  grave  along  with 
the  mummy  and  intended  to  represent  the  features  of  the  dead. 
It  is  clear  that  the  Greek  in  Egypt  remained  in  all  essential  traits 
a  Greek.  The  thin  beard,  the  oval  face,  the  large  eye,  the  straight 
nose  find  their  counterparts  in  the  other  heads.  A  golden  wreath 
in  the  hair  is  exquisitely  done. 

PLATE  XIX.  The  Hermes  of  Praxiteles. — This  statue 
was  found  at  Olympia  in  1877.  The  god  Hermes  has  the  infant 
Dionysus  on  his  arm.  The  god's  mantle  is  thrown  over  a  tree- 
trunk  and  he  stands  with  his  Ljdy  gracefully  curved,  its  weight 


546  Appendix  II 

resting  on  the  right  leg  and  left  arm.  It  would  seem  that  the 
right  arm  held  something  which  was  being  offered  to  Dionysus. 
The  material  is  Parian  marble.  The  child  is  not  successfully 
modelled,  but  the  figure  of  Hermes  is  of  extraordinary  excel- 
lence. Forget  the  mutilation  as  far  as  possible.  A  special  study 
should  be  given  to  the  head.  For  a  full  description,  see  Tarbell, 
pp.  221-223. 

PLATE  XX.  The  Alexander  Mosaic. — This  mosaic  came 
from  the  floor  of  a  room  in  the  so-called  house  of  the  Faun  in 
Pompeii.  In  the  lower  left-hand  corner  a  portion  of  it  has  been 
broken  away.  It  represents  probably  the  battle  of  Issus  (§  85) 
at  the  point  where  Darius  turns  to  his  chariot  to  flee  and  Alex- 
ander on  horseback  presses  on  in  his  charge.  "At  the  head  of 
the  Greek  horsemen  rides  Alexander,  fearless,  unhelmeted,  lead- 
ing a  charge  against  the  picked  guard  of  Darius.  The  long  spear 
of  the  terrible  Macedonian  is  piercing  the  side  of  a  Persian  noble, 
whose  horse  sinks  under  him.  The  driver  of  Darius's  chariot  is 
putting  the  lash  to  the  horses,  but  the  fleeing  king  turns  with  an 
expression  of  anguish  and  terror  to  witness  the  death  of  his 
courtier.  .  .  .  The  grouping  of  the  combatants,  the  characteri- 
zation of  the  individual  figures,  the  skill  with  which  the  expres- 
.sions  upon  the  faces  are  rendered,  and  the  delicacy  of  coloring 
give  this  picture  a  high  rank  among  ancient  works  of  art."  See 
May,  Pompeii,  Its  Life  and  Art,  p.  2S8. 

PLATE  XXI.  Realistic  and  Romantic  Art  of  Hellen- 
istic Period.— The  bronze  statuette  to  the  left  formed  part  of 
the  cargo  of  a  ship  which  sank  off  the  coast  of  Africa  (Mahdia) 
in  about  100  B.C.  while  en  route  from  Athens  to  Italy.  For  the 
rest  of  the  cargo,  see  Ferguson,  Hellenistic  Athens,  p.  376.  The 
figure  is  that  of  a  dwarf.  She  belonged  in  all  probability  to  an 
ancient  vaudeville  troupe.  Note  the  realism  evidenced  in  the 
choice  of  the  subject  and  its  faithful  portraiture. 

For  the  purpose  and  subject  of  the  rehef  reproduced  to  the 
right,  see  §  313.  This  scene  should  be  compared  with  that  of 
Plate  XV.  The  two  are  alike  in  theme  and  use,  though  one 
thousand  five  hundred  years  fall  between  their  times  of  com- 
position. 


Appendix  II  547 

PLATE  XXII.  Typical  Sculptured  Figures. — (a)  The 
statue  of  Khafre  is  of  green  diorite,  a  very  hard  stone.  The 
Pharaoh  is  seated  on  the  royal  chair  in  an  attitude  of  regal  com- 
posure and  majesty.  The  head-dress,  false  beard,  and  body  gar- 
ment are  characteristically  Egyptian.  Special  attention  should 
be  given  to  the  face  and  the  pose.  The  right  leg  of  the  statue 
is  badly  broken.  In  judging  of  Egyptian  art  the  other  speci- 
mens in  Plates  III,  IV,  and  V  should  be  taken  into  account,  and 
also  the  examples  in  Tarbell,  pp.  16-35. 

ih)  Posidippus  was  an  Athenian  playwright  of  the  third  cen- 
tury B.C.,  and  the  statue  is  a  striking  example  of  the  portrait 
statuary  of  the  period.  The  easy  grace  of  the  pose,  as  well  as 
the  cultured  refinement  of  the  face  and  bearing,  are  especially 
worthy  of  note.  The  student  will  be  profited  by  a  study  of  the 
dress,  the  chair,  and  other  accessories.  It  would  be  well  to  com- 
pare these  two  figures  with  each  other,  and  also  the  face  of  the 
Greek  with  those  of  the  typical  heads  of  Plate  XVIII. 

PLATE  XXIII.  The  Laocoon  Group. — This  group  rep- 
resents the  scene  described  by  Vergil  in  the  Mneid  (II,  199-233), 
where  the  priest  Laocoon,  advising  against  admitting  the  Trojan 
horse  into  Troy,  is,  with  his  sons,  slain  by  serpents.  It  is  a  work 
of  the  school  of  Rhodes  about  150  B.C.  The  exhibition  of  horror 
and  agony  is  the  salient  feature  of  the  work.  The  Laocoon 
has  been  variously  judged.    For  examples,  see  Tarbell,  264-267. 

PLATE  XXIV.  Classical  Temples.— (o)  The  Greek  tem- 
ple at  Psestum,  in  southern  Italy,  belongs  to  the  sixth  century 
B.C.  It  is,  therefore,  an  early  type.  A  double  row  of  sturdy 
Doric  columns  surrounds  the  shrine.  The  temple  was  built  of 
limestone  and  covered  with  stucco. 

(i)  The  Roman  temple  is  a  modification  of  the  Greek.  This 
temple,  59  by  117  feet,  is  surrounded  by  a  single  row  of  Corin- 
thian columns  30  feet  6  inches  in  height.  It  dates  probably  from 
the  time  of  Hadrian  (a.d.  122).  Changes  in  certain  features  of 
the  temple  of  the  Greek  type  can  be  clearly  seen  by  comparison 
of  these  two  structures. 

PLATE  XXV.  Typical  Sculptured  Figures. — (</)  The 
statue  of  Ashurnatsirpal  is  the  only  fully  wrought  Assyrian  statue 


548  Appendix  II 

known.  The  king  stands  in  royal  majesty,  his  arms  bare.  The 
right  hand  holds  a  sceptre,  the  left  a  mace.  The  hair  and 
beard  as  well  as  the  royal  dress  deserve  notice.  See  Good- 
speed,  History  of  Babylonians  and  Assyrians,  p.  202;  Tarbell, 
pp.  40,  41. 

(h)  The  statue  of  Trajan  represents  him  probably  in  the  act 
of  addressing  his  soldiers.  He  wears  a  cuirass,  and  his  mantle  is 
draped  over  his  shoulder  and  around  his  arm.  A  series  of  instruc- 
tive comparisons  may  be  drawn  between  the  two  royal  figures  on 
this  plate. 

PLATE  XXVI.  Wall  Paintings  from  Campanian  Tombs. 
— Campania  was  the  seat  of  a  rich  culture  before  the  Roman  con- 
quest. It  had  learned  much  from  the  Greeks,  who  were  settled 
near  by  on  the  Bay  of  Naples.  The  Etruscans  had  been  its  over- 
lords for  many  generations,  and  had  brought  their  customs  south 
with  them.  The  art  of  Campania  in  the  fourth  and  third  cen- 
turies B.C.,  as  we  see  from  these  grave  monuments,  was  Greek 
in  its  general  characters.  The  knights  of  Campania  were  fa- 
mous warriors.  To  the  left  one  of  them  rides  on  his  tomb  as 
he  often  rode  in  the  flesh.  Note  particularly  his  plumed  helmet. 
To  the  right  is  a  bloody  combat  of  gladiators.  Observe  frightful 
wounds  inflicted  where  the  body  is  unprotected.  The  gladiatorial 
games  arose,  we  are  told,  from  combats  of  victims  which  formed 
part  of  funeral  ceremonies. 

From  an  early  date  they  were  given  in  the  cities  along  the  entire 
western  slope  of  Italy. 

PLATES  XXVH  and  XXVHI.  Typical  Coins.— i.  A  coin 
of  Lydia  of  the  type  of  the  Babylonian  "stater."  One  of  the 
earliest  known  coins  (§  129).  Date  about  700  B.C.  The  material 
is  electrum.  2.  A  Persian  gold  "daric"  (§81)  of  Darius  I. 
3.  A  gold  "stater"  of  Mithridates  of  Pontus  (§  461).  Here  is 
the  king  himself  represented,  with  hair  blown  back  as  though  he 
were  driving  a  chariot.  The  reverse  shows  a  stag  feeding.  A 
long  period  of  growth  in  the  artistic  production  of  coins  hes 
between  2  and  3.  4.  Another  oriental  gold  coin,  representing 
Queen  Berenice  of  Egypt,  wife  of  Ptolemy  III  (§  318).  Both 
this  and  the  preceding  are  noticeable  because  on  them  are  por- 


Appendix  II  549 

traits  of  the  reigning  monarchs.  5.  A  silver  medallion  of  Syra- 
cuse. The  coins  of  this  city  reached  the  highest  artistic  excel- 
lence. The  head  is  that  of  Persephone  surrounded  by  dolphins. 
The  reverse  shows  the  victor  in  a  chariot  race;  over  the  chair 
hovers  Victory  conferring  the  laurel.  The  design  and  workman- 
ship of  this  coin  are  specially  worthy  of  study.  6.  A  silver 
"stater"  of  the  Greek  city  of  Amphipolis  and  dating  about  400 
B.C.  The  head  of  the  god  Apollo  appears  on  one  side,  and 
on  the  other  a  torch  such  as  the  racers  bore.  The  god's  head  is 
remarkable  for  animation.  7.  A  silver  "tetradrachm"  of  Athens, 
about  550  B.C.,  earlier  and  ruder  than  the  preceding.  On 
one  side  is  the  head  of  Athena,  patron  goddess  of  the  city,  on 
the  other  the  olive  branch  and  sacred  owl.  8.  A  silver  "shekel" 
of  Judsea  in  the  time  of  Simon  Maccabeus  (§  430).  A  cup,  a 
pot  of  manna,  and  triple  lily  are  the  emblems,  and  the  letters 
signify  "shekel  of  Israel,"  and  "Jerusalem  the  holy."  9.  A 
bronze  "sestertius"  of  Nero.  The  emperor  appears  on  horse- 
back armed  with  a  spear  and  accompanied  by  a  mounted  soldier 
carrying  a  banner.  10.  A  silver  coin  of  the  Roman  Republic 
about  100  B.C.  The  head  of  Roma,  Victory  in  a  chariot,  and  an 
ear  of  corn  are  represented.  The  name  of  the  ofhcial  who  coined 
the  piece  also  appears.  11.  A  gold  "solidus"  of  the  Emperor 
Honorius  (§  570)  from  Ravenna.  The  portrait  of  the  emperor  is 
given  in  the  style  characteristic  of  this  late  age.  He  wears  the 
diadem  and  holds  the  sceptre.  12.  A  bronze  "sestertius"  of 
Antoninus  Pius  (§  533).  An  excellent  wreathed  portrait-head  of 
the  emperor  stands  on  one  side;  on  the  other  is  Roma  with  the 
palladium,  and  the  inscription  "Roma  aeterna."  13.  A  silver 
coin  of  Augustus  (§484).  The  emperor  appears  on  one  side; 
on  the  other;  one  of  his  favorite  symbols,  the  Sphynx.  14.  A 
silver  "denarius"  of  the  Repubhc  (99-94  B.C.).  The  bust  of 
Roma  appears.  On  the  other  side  are  three  citizens  engaged  in 
voting— a  typical  scene.  15.  A  silver  "argenteus"  of  the  Em- 
peror Caracalla  (§  547).  His  portrait,  with  his  head  surrounded 
with  the  sun's  rays,  is  characteristic  of  the  time.  (See  §  554.) 
16.  A  bronze  "as"  of  Rome,  weighing  one  and  one-fifth  ounces. 
The  symbols  are  the  head  of  the  god  Janus  and  the  prow  of  a 


550  Appendix  II 

galley.  The  date  is  just  before  217  B.C.  The  symbols  are 
characteristic  in  view  of  the  date.    Why?    (See  §  404.) 

PLATE  XXIX.  The  Roman  Forum. — This  plate  represents 
the  Forum  and  its  surroundings  in  the  imperial  period.  The 
Forum  itself  was  never  very  large  (§340)  and  was  early  sur- 
rounded by  buildings  and  filled  with  statues.  At  the  upper  end 
into  which  we  look  stood  the  Rostra.  The  various  public  build- 
ings are  named  upon  the  plate  itself.  A  plate  representing  the 
Forum  at  the  present  day  will  be  found  in  Morey,  Roman  His- 
tory, frontispiece. 

PLATE  XXX.  Typical  Roman  Heads.— i.  The  striking 
head  of  Julius  Caesar  is  that  of  a  man  of  force  and  ideas.  The 
high  forehead,  the  prominent  cheek-bones,  the  firm  mouth,  and 
thin  lips  reveal  the  general  and  the  statesman.  He  is  also  the 
typical  Roman  patrician.  The  sculptor  evidently  sought  to 
produce  an  exact  likeness.  2.  Cicero  is  the  typical  urbane  and 
cultivated  Roman  of  the  middle  class.  His  face  has  a  strikingly 
modern  character,  being  distinctively  Roman,  perhaps,  in  its 
dignity  and  the  traces  of  sternness.  The  chin  and  nose  of  both 
these  typical  Romans  are  noteworthy.  3.  Vespasian's  head 
illustrates  exactly  that  of  the  Roman  peasant,  honest,  unyield- 
ing, practical.  Notice  the  cropped  hair,  thick  neck,  and  decided 
mouth.  4.  Hadrian's  head  and  hair  are  characteristic  of  the 
ruler  of  the  later  imperial  age.  His  face  is  of  the  western  type, 
yet  not  Roman.  5.  Faustina,  the  wife  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  is 
the  typical  Roman  matron.  The  features  are  strong  and  simple 
without  the  ideal  grace  of  the  Greek  type.  Such  a  woman  would 
naturally  accompany  her  husband  on  his  campaigns.  Notice 
the  dressing  of  the  hair.  6.  The  bust  of  Commodus  represents 
him  as  Hercules.  The  characteristic  club  is  in  his  hand  and  the 
lion's  skin  on  his  head.  The  curling  beard  and  hair,  and,  indeed, 
the  whole  representation,  disclose  the  vain  and  frivolous  weakling. 
It  is  a  long  step  from  Julius  Caesar  to  Commodus.  The  artistic 
skill  of  the  sculptor  is  worthy  of  notice. 

PLATE  XXXI.  Art  of  the  Augustan  Age. — "First  two 
Jlamines  and  behind  them  a  beautiful  young  figure,  with  drapery 
drawn  over  the  head;  he  is  the  bearer  of  the  sacena,  the  'official' 


Appendix  II  551 

axe  borne  as  a  symbol  of  sacrifice,  though  not  actually  for  use. 
Behind  again  comes  a  stately  middle-aged  personage  (Agrippa?) 
to  whose  drapery  clings  a  small  boy.  A  lady  in  the  background 
(Julia?)  places  her  right  hand  on  the  child's  head  as  he  looks  back 
at  a  stately  matron.  This  second  lady  .  .  .  fronts  the  spec- 
tator and  turns  in  three  quarters  to  the  left.  .  .  .  She  can  be 
no  other  than  the  Empress  Livia  herself.  Behind  Livia  come 
two  young  men,  the  first  of  whom  is  thought  to  be  Tiberius." — 
Strong,  Roman  Sculpture,  pp.  44/. 

"If  we  study  these  trains  of  priests  and  oflicials,  of  proud 
youths,  of  beautiful  women,  and  well-bred  children,  who  walk 
behind  the  Emperor  (Augustus)  in  long  rows,  or  come  forward 
to  welcome  him,  we  must  confess  that  there  are  few  works  of 
art  which  would  have  rendered  with  equal  success  the  conscious- 
ness of  high  worth  combined  with  elegance  of  deportment.  It 
is  an  historical  picture  of  the  first  order,  which  shows  us  the 
people,  who  first  conquered  the  world  and  were  then  governing 
it,  united  together." — Wickhoff,  Roman  Art,  pp.  31  /. 

"A  woman  of  gracious  mien  sits  on  a  rock.  The  back  of  her 
head  is  covered  by  an  ample  veil  which  is  then  drawn  round  her 
from  waist  to  ankles.  On  her  lap  is  abundance  of  fruit — apples, 
grapes,  nuts;  on  the  left  knee,  which  is  raised,  sits  a  little  child 
whom  she  holds  w'ith  her  left  hand,  while  a  somewhat  bigger 
child  scrambles  up  on  her  right.  .  .  .  To  the  right  and  to  the 
left  are  the  fertilizing  genii  of  the  earth — Air  mounted  on  a  swan 
and  Water  figured  as  a  nereid  riding  a  sea  monster,  .  .  .  while 
below  in  the  meadows  spring  the  trees  and  flowers  among  which 
the  animals  pasture." — Strong,  pp.  44/. 

PLATE  XXXII.  Relief  from  the  Arch  of  Titus. — The 
Arch  of  Titus  commemorated  his  victory  over  the  Jews  and  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem  (§  513).  It  stood  on  the  Sacred  Way. 
Unlike  the  Arch  of  Constantine  (Plate  XXXIX),  it  had  but  one 
central  archway  and  within  the  vault  of  this  was  the  relief  of 
our  plate.  A  group  of  soldiers  lead  captives  and  bear  the  spoils 
of  the  Jewish  temple.  The  golden  table  of  the  shewbread  and 
the  seven-armed  golden  candlestick  are  prominent  among  them. 
Laurels  crown  the  heads  of  the  soldiers  and  they  carry  Roman 


55'^  Appendix  II 

mililary  standards.  The  work  is  of  Pentelic  marble,  and  testi- 
fies to  the  artistic  taste  and  skill  of  the  time. 

PLATE  XXXIII.  Room  in  the  House  of  the  Vettii. 
— The  House  of  the  Vettii  at  Pompeii  was  unearthed  in  1894 
and  contains  some  of  the  best  preserved  memorials  of  Pompeian 
art.  This  room,  one  of  the  two  dining-rooms,  with  its  variegated 
marble  work,  its  paintings,  and  its  frescoes,  illustrates  notably 
the  character  of  the  better  Roman  house  of  the  time.  The  sub- 
jects of  the  paintings  are  taken  from  Graeco-Roman  mythology. 
On  the  right  is  Bacchus  coming  on  the  sleeping  Ariadne.  On  the 
left  are  Daedalus  and  Pasiphai.  The  subject  of  the  painting 
facing  us  is  the  punishment  of  Ixion.  Hermes,  who  has  brought 
Ixion,  is  in  front,  at  his  feet  a  veiled  figure.  To  the  right  is  the 
goddess  Hera,  and  on  the  left  Hephaestus  has  just  fastened  Ixion 
to  the  wheel.    See  May,  Pompeii,  Its  Life  and  Art,  pp.  333-334. 

PLATE  XXXIV.  Roman  Portraiture. — Roman  art  is 
distinguished  for  the  excellence  of  its  portraiture.  Corbulo  was 
Nero's  brilliant  general  in  the  Parthian  wars.  Summoned  home 
treacherously  by  his  jealous  master,  he  was  forced  to  commit 
suicide.    Compare  the  other  portraits  in  Plate  XXX. 

PLATE  XXXV.  Relief  from  Trajan's  Column.— The 
Column  of  Trajan  stood  in  his  Forum  (Plate  XXIX).  It  was 
128  feet  high  and  was  surmounted  by  a  statue  of  the  emperor 
twenty  feet  high.  A  spiral  staircase  of  185  steps  led  to  the  top. 
Around  the  column  wound  a  series  of  bronze  reliefs  in  twenty- 
three  tiers  representing  scenes  in  the  Dacian  war  (§  538).  The 
reliefs  contained  2,500  figures.  In  the  centre  of  this  relief  appears 
Trajan  receiving  from  his  soldiers  the  heads  of  Dacian  spies. 
To  the  left  a  siege  is  going  on,  Roman  soldiers  advancing  to  the 
assault  under  a  testudo.  Observe  carefully  the  dress  and  weap- 
ons of  the  soldiers. 

PLATE  XXXVI.  Castle  of  St.  Angelo:  Hadrian's 
Mole. — In  the  front  flows  the  Tiber.  In  the  rear  to  the  left  is 
St.  Peter's.  In  the  foreground  rises  the  huge  mass  of  Hadrian's 
Mole.  In  it  were  buried  the  emperors  from  Hadrian  to  Caracalla. 
Begun  by  Hadrian  in  136,  it  was  completed  by  Antoninus  Pius 
in  139.    It  was  a  fortress  in  the  Middle  Ages  and  played  an  im- 


Appendix  II  553 

portant  part  in  the  struggles  of  the  popes  for  the  control  of  Rome. 
Its  modern  name  is  derived  from  the  statue  of  the  archangel  at 
its  summit. 

PLATE  XXX\'II.  The  Pantheon  and  the  Walls  of  Au- 
RELiAN. — The  Pantheon  was  first  constructed  by  Agrippa,  in  the 
time  of  Augustus,  but  the  present  dome  dates  from  the  reign 
of  Hadrian.  The  portico,  supported  by  sixteen  Corinthian  col- 
umns of  granite  forty-one  feet  in  height,  is  part  of  the  original 
structure.  In  the  rear  were  colossal  baths.  As  it  stands  to-day 
it  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  impressive  monuments  of 
Rome.  First  a  "very  sacred"  pagan  temple,  it  became  in  the 
Middle  Ages  a  Christian  church,  and  is  now  the  tomb  of  the 
Italian  kings. 

Great  walls  of  brick  were  built  in  271,  at  the  command  of  Aurc- 
lian  by  the  Roman  guilds  of  workmen  to  protect  the  city  from  the 
Germanic  invaders.  By  a  desperate  Italian  campaign  the  em- 
peror had  just  saved  Rome  from  sack.  They  form  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  and  picturesque  monuments  of  antiquity  to 
be  seen  in  modern  Rome.  At  intervals  towers  were  set  such  as 
those  in  the  plate. 

PLATE  XXXVm.  Early  Christian  Art. — These  scenes 
from  the  life  of  Jonah  were  painted  on  the  walls  of  a  chamber 
in  the  catacombs.  They  are  dated  about  the  beginning  of  the 
third  century  a.d.  They  are  notable  not  merely  for  the  crudity 
of  their  execution,  but  also  for  the  reHgious  symbolism  which 
they  set  forth.  The  experiences  of  Jonah  had  a  twofold  mean- 
ing for  the  Christian:  (i)  they  were  types  of  the  death  and  resur- 
rection of  Jesus  (Matt.  12:  39-49),  and  (2)  they  encouraged  the 
persecuted  believers  to  persevere  in  the  trials  of  the  present  life 
and  hope  for  the  life  to  come.  The  "great  fish"  is  thought  to 
be  copied  after  the  dragon  that  figures  in  Graeco-Roman  mythol- 
ogy; for  example,  in  the  story  of  Andromeda,  representations 
of  which  in  the  art  of  the  time  were  not  uncommon.  The  sym- 
bolism of  this  picture  is  further  carried  out  by  the  mast  and  yard 
of  the  ship,  which  are  arranged  to  form  a  cross. 

PLATE  XXXIX.  Typical  Roman  Architecture. — {a)  The 
highly  decorative  character  of  this  arch  is  at  once  evident. 


554  Appendix  II 

Some  of  the  adornments  were  taken  from  other  monuments,  for 
example,  the  four  great  statues  and  some  reUcfs  from  an  arch 
of  Trajan.  At  the  top  were  originally  a  chariot  and  horses,  and 
statues.  The  arch  was  built  in  a.d.  315,  to  commemorate  the 
victory  of  Constantine  over  Maxentius  in  312.  Its  proportions 
are  fine  and  its  adaptations  of  Greek  architecture  are  instructive. 
Compare  it  with  the  Arch  of  Titus  and  consider  whether  it  does 
not  lack  dignity  in  comparison  with  that.    See  Seignobos,  p.  322. 

(6)  This  aqueduct  is  a  remarkable  union  of  simpKcity,  strength, 
and  beauty.  Its  length  is  882  feet,  its  height  162  feet.  The 
water  channel  above  is  covered  with  large  slabs  of  stone  about 
fourteen  feet  wide.  The  character  of  Roman  engineering  and 
architectural  work  is  most  fully  illustrated  by  it.  It  was  built 
for  the  needs  of  a  Gallic  city,  the  like  of  which,  in  size  and  im- 
portance, were  to  be  found  scattered  all  over  the  Roman  Empire. 
The  various  features  of  it  will  reward  study. 

PLATE  XL.  Christ  Enthroned. — This  fresco  stands  over 
one  of  the  doors  in  the  Mosque  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople, 
once  a  Christian  church  (§  575).  Christ  sits  on  his  throne  raising 
his  hand  in  blessing.  On  either  side  are  Mary,  his  mother,  and 
Michael,  the  archangel.  Before  him  lowly  kneeling  is  the  em- 
peror in  the  attitude  of  a  subject.  By  some  this  figure  is  said 
to  be  the  Emperor  Justinian  (§  574).  The  Greek  words  signify 
"Peace  be  unto  you.  I  am  the  light  of  the  world."  Study  both 
subject  and  style  of  execution  as  characteristic  of  Byzantine  art 
and  the  times  in  which  it  arose. 


INDEX 


References   are   to  pages;  /.  indicates   "following  page";  jf., 
following  pages";  ».,  "notes." 


Ab-de'ra,  i86.  See  map  following 
p.  88. 

Academy,  218. 

A-can'thus,  183.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

A-car-na'ni-a,  219.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Ac'cad,  10.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

A-chas'an  cities,  170. 

A-chae'an  League,  struggle  with 
Macedonia,  265;  relations  to 
Rome,  366,  368;   dissolved,  370. 

A-chas'us  and  A-chae'ans,  92. 

A-che-men'i-dte,  239. 

A-chil'les,  85,  87. 

Ac'ra-gas  (Agrigentum),  140.  See 
map  facing  p.  89. 

A-crop'o-lis,  of  Athens,  115,  164. 

Ac'ti-um,  427.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Adoption,  in  imcient  East,  19;  at 
Rome,  336  f. 

A-dras'tus,  95. 

A-dri-a-no'ple,  503.  See  map  facing 

P-  517- 

A-dri-at'ic  sea,  278.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

yE-e'tes,  96  f. 

^-e'ti-us,  504. 

M'gse,  220,  222.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

.^-ga'le-os,  mt.,  138. 

yE-ga'tes,  islands,  348.  See  map 
following  p.  278. 

yE-ge'an  sea,  41,  65  f.  See  map 
facing  p.  77. 


y^i^-ge'ium,  263.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

yE-gi'na,  83,  99,  169.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

/E-gos-pot'a-mi,   196. 

/E-gyp'tus,  93. 

^E-mil'i-us  Paul'us,  352,  367. 

/E-ne'as,  287. 

/E-ne'id,  437. 

iE'o-lus,  and  the  .E-o'li-ans,  92. 

iE'qui,  300,  304. 

^s'chi-nes,  225. 

^s'chy-lus,  140,  142,  165. 

yE'son,  96. 

yE-to'li-a,  219.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

iEtolian  League,  268,  365  f.,  368. 

Africa,  province  of,  372. 

Ag-a-mem'non,  95. 

A-gath'o-cles,  272  f.,  344. 

A-ge'nor,  94. 

A-ges-i-la'us,  204  f. 

Agrarian  problem,  in  Greece,  104, 
117,  119,  163,  172;  at  Rome, 
306,  317,  327,  392  ff.,  396. 

A-gric'o-Ia,  454,  478. 

Agriculture,  in  ancient  East,  14  f.; 
at  Rome,  331  f.,  375  f. 

A'gri  Dec'u-ma'tes,  454. 

Ag-ri-gen'tum,  347.     See  Acragas. 

A-grip'pa,  427,  44i  ff- 

A'haz,  50. 

Al-a-man'ni,  503,  511. 

Al'a-ric,  503. 

Al'ba  Lon'ga,  28S  f.     See  map  on 

p.  301. 
Al-c£e'us,  100. 


555 


556 


Index 


Al-ci-bi'a-des,  190  ff.,  197. 

Alc-niiE-on'i-das,   116,   120,   154. 

Alc'man,  loi. 

Alexander,  38;  youth  and  train- 
ing, 231;  campaigns  in  Greece, 
232;  invasion  of  Persia,  233; 
development  of  plans,  239; 
lord  of  Persia,  239;  organiza- 
tion of  empire,  239  ff.,  241  f.; 
world  ruler,  242;  death,  242; 
characterization,  242  ff.;  Alex- 
ander II,  249. 

Alexandria,  in  Egypt,  236  f.; 
Egyptian  Alexandria  under  the 
Ptolemies,  255  ff.;  Christian- 
ity in,  489  f.,  499;  other  Alex- 
andrias,  244. 

Al'li-a,  318.     See  map  on  p.  301. 

Alphabet,  21,  42,  99. 

Alps,  Hannibal's  passage  of,  351. 

Am'a-sis,  King  of  Egypt,  37,  89. 

Am-bra'ci-a,  219.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Am'brose,  501. 

Am'on,  god  of  Egypt,  32  ff.;  Alex- 
ander and,  237. 

A-mor'gos,  248. 

Am-phic'ty-o-ny,  92;  the  leading 
ones,  94  f.;  and  Philip  of  Mace- 
don,  223,  226. 

Am-phip'o-lis,  183,  222.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Amphitheatre,  460. 

Amusements,  in  ancient  East,  24; 
in  Greece,  98,  100,  120,  141  f., 
162  f.,  164  f.,  167  f.;  at  Rome, 
334  f-)  379)    under  the  Empire, 

459  ff- 
A-myc'le,  74.  See  map  facing  p.  77. 
An-ab'a-sis,  of  Cyrus,  204  f. 
An-ac're-on,  loi. 
An-ax-ag'o-ras,  186. 
An-ax-im'e-nes,  102. 
Ancient  history,  earliest  seats  of, 

I,  3;    divisions  of,  4;    end  of, 

502,  521. 


An'cus  Mar'tius,  288. 

An-dro-ni'cus,  381. 

An'dros,  88,  260.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  128. 

Angles  and  Saxons,  516. 

An-tal'ci-das,  206. 

An-tig'o-ne,  95,  165. 

An-tig'o-nus  I,  249  f.;  II,  259  f. 

An'ti-och,  263.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  476. 

An-ti'o-chus  I.  261;  II,  260;  III, 
268,  366;  IV,  368. 

An-tip'a-ter,  232,  248  f. 

An-to-ni'nus  Pius,  472  f. 

An-to'ni-us,  M.,  the  orator,  382; 
the  triumvir  (Antony),  425  ff. 

A-pel'Ia,  114. 

Ap'en-nine,  mts.,  277.  See  map 
following  p.  278. 

A-phro-di'te,  86. 

A-pol'lo,  86  f.;  at  Delphi,  88  f.,  98. 

Ap'pi-an  Way,  285,  342. 

Ap'pi-us  Clau'di-us,  the  censor, 
325,  342;   the  consul,  315  f. 

A-pu'li-a,  279,  352.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

A'qu£e  Sex'ti-se,  399.  See  map 
facing  p.  412. 

Aqueduct,  339,  342,  462. 

A-qui-ta'ni-a,  433.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  412. 

A-ra'bi-a  Pet-rse'a,  2;  province  of, 
476. 

Arabians,  invade  Babylonia,  9. 

Ar-a-me'ans,  original  home,  3; 
invasions  by,  39  f.;  Kingdom 
at  Damascus,  46. 

A-ra'tus,  264. 

A-rau'si-o,  398. 

Ar-be'la,  237   f.     See  map  facing 

P-3- 

Ar-ca'di-a,  early  history,  in,  114; 
democracy  in,  149;  united  by 
Thebes,  210.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Ar-ca'di-us,  502. 


Index 


557 


Archbishop,  489. 

Ar-chi-da'mus,  271. 

Ar-chil'o-chus,  100. 

Ar-chi-me'des,  258. 

Architecture,  in  ancient  East,  24, 
^^;  Egyptian,  24  f.;  Assyrian, 
51;  Persian,  61;  Greek,  163  f.; 
Roman,  339,  383;  in  Augustan 
age,  438  f.;  first  century  a.d., 
462;  in  second  century,  477  f.; 
in  Constantine's  time,  496;  in 
Justinian's  time,  507  f. 

Ar'chon,   official  at  Athens,    116, 

131,  151- 

A-re-op'a-gus,  council  of,  116,  118; 
decline  of,  150  f. 

A'res,  86. 

Ar-gi-nu'sa},  196.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  180. 

Ar'go,  84,  97. 

Ar'go-nauts,  96  f. 

Ar'gos,  early  history,  iii;  in  Per- 
sian wars,  127,  133;  democracy 
at,  149;  takes  part  in  Pelopon- 
nesian  War,  191.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

A-ri-ad'ne,  94. 

A'ri-ans,  487  n. 

A-rim'i-num,  349.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

A-ri'on,  107. 

Ar-is-tag'o-ras,  127  f. 

Ar-is-tar'chus,  258. 

Ar-is-ti'des,  131  f.,  138,  145  f. 

Aristocracy,  in  Orient,  17;  in 
early  Greece,  80  f.;  decline  of, 
104;  in  Athens,  115  f.;  revival 
in  Greece,  200;  at  Rome,  286  f.; 
297,  299,  305  f.;  becomes  oli- 
garchy, 326;  the  nobility,  377; 
under  the  Empire,  453,  456; 
Prankish,  511  f. 

Ar-is-to-de'mus,  96. 

Ar-is-to-gei'ton,  120. 

Ar-is-toph'a-nes,  185. 

Ar'is-tot-le,  231,  244  f. 


A'ri-us  and  A'rians,  487  n.,  499  f. 

Ar-me'ni-a,  40;  and  Rome,  410, 
475  f.     See  map  following  p.  234. 

Ar-min'i-us,  442. 

Army.     See  "  Warfare. " 

Ar'no,  278.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Art,  in  ancient  East,  24;  in  ]\Iy- 
cenaean  Greece,  72  ff.;  in  Peri- 
clean  Athens,  163  f.;  in  the 
fourth  century  B.C.,  215  f.;  in 
Hellenistic  Age,  257;  at  Rome, 
339  f->  383,  438  f.,  461  f.;  early 
Christian,  490;  Byzantine,  507 
See  "Architecture,"  "Sculpt- 
ure. " 

Ar-ta-ba'zus,  140. 

Ar-tax-erx'es  I,  194;  II,  204;  III, 
212,  233. 

Ar'temis,  86. 

Ar-te-mis'i-um,  136.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

A'runs,  301. 

As,  332. 

As-cu-la'pi-us,  341. 

As'cu-lum,  324.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Ash'dod,  42  n. 

Ash'ur,  52. 

Ash-ur-ban'i-pal,  49;  rebellion 
against,  51;  library  of,  51  f.; 
death,  53. 

Ash-ur-nats'ir-pal,  49. 

Asia,  province  of,  372,  404  f.  See 
map  following  p.  434. 

Asia  Minor,  33,  42,  49,  89.  See 
map  following  p.  424. 

As'kal-on,  42  n. 

Assemblies,  in  Greece,  81 ;  in  Spar- 
ta, 114;  in  Athens,  116,  118, 
150  ff.,  154,  184;  at  Rome,  287, 

300.  307,  309,  338,  356  f.,  474, 
492;  provincial,  467.     See"Co- 
mitia. " 
As'sur,  city,  13,  48.     See  map  fac- 
ing p.  3- 


558 


Index 


As-syr'i-a,  3,  13;  physical  features, 
48;  Kingdom,  13;  empire,  49; 
organization,  49  f.;  civilization, 
51  f.;  contribution  to  history, 
52;  fall.  Si)  Roman  province 
of,  476.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Astronomy,  25,  loi  f.  See  "Sci- 
ence. " 

Ath'a-mas,  96. 

Ath-a-na'sius,  499. 

A-the'na,  goddess  of  Athens,  86, 
93,  115,  164,  166. 

Athens,  geographical-position  and 
people,  115;  early  organization, 
115  f.;  lawgivers,  Draco,  117; 
Solon,  117  f.;  tyranny  of 
Pisistratus,  and  its  fall,  119  ff.; 
legislation  of  Cleisthenes,  121  f.; 
early  expansion,  117  f.;  comes 
in  contact  with  Persia,  127  f.; 
change  in  political  policy  under 
Themistocles,  131  f.;  destroyed 
by  Persians,  139;  rival  of  Sparta, 
144;  rebuilt,  146;  after  Persian 
wars,  144;  progress  under  The- 
mistocles, 146  f.;  fortified,  146; 
commercial  and  political  de- 
velopment, 147;  growth  of  im- 
perialism, 147  f.;  population, 
156;  the  citizen  of,  159;  in- 
come, 168  f.;  politics  under 
Pericles,  169;  decline  of  land 
empire,  170;  thirty  years"  peace, 
170;  expeditions  against  Per- 
sia, 170  f.;  empire  of,  171  f.; 
interferes  between  Corinth  and 
Corcyra,  175;  war  with  Sparta, 
169  f.;  plague  at,  179;  parties 
at,  179;  end  of  first  period  of 
war,  183;  spirit  of  the  people 
during  the  war,  184;  expedition 
against  Syracuse,  191  f.;  in  third 
period  of  war,  193  £f.;  surrender 
of,  196;  glory  and  weakness  in 
the  war,  198  f.;  second  naval 
league,  211;  intellectual  splendor 


in  fourth  century,  216  ff.,  244  f.; 
relations  to  Philip,  212,  225  f.; 
to  Alexander,  232;  literature  in 
third  century,  265  f. 

Ath'e-sis,  278. 

Ath'os,  mt.,  129,  132.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

A'tri-um.     See  "House." 

At'ta-Ius,  267. 

At'ti-ca,  117,  118.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

At'ti-la,  504. 

Au'gur,  295. 

Au-gus-ta'les,  430. 

Au'gus-tine,  514. 

Au-gus'tus,  his  problem,  428;  solu- 
tion of  it,  428  fT.;  provincial  ad- 
ministration, 429;  foreign  policy, 
432  f.;  imperialism,  434  f.;  de- 
fects in  his  scheme  of  admin- 
istration, 441  f.;  achievement, 
444. 

Au-re'li-an,  487. 

Au-re'li-us,  Marcus,  471,  473,  476, 
480  f. 

Aus'pi-ces,  295,  388. 

Aus-tra'si-a,  511.     See  map  facing 

P-  517- 
Av-a'ris,  30. 
A'vars,  507. 
Av'en-tine  hill,  294  f. 

Bab'y-lon,  9;  under  Nebucha- 
drezzar, 55;   Alexander  at,  242. 

Bab-y-lo'ni-a,  physical  features 
of,  i;  beginnings,  8;  first  em- 
pire, 10  if.;  why  so  called,  9; 
new  Babylonian  empire,  55  f. 
See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Bac'chus,  386. 

Bac-chyl'i-des,  140. 

Bac'tri-a,  58.     See  map  following 

P-  234- 
Bal-e-ar'ic  islands,  Phoenicians  in, 

41.     See  map  following  p.  476. 
Baths,  at  Rome,  461. 


Index 


559 


Bar-di'ya,  58. 

Bee-hive  tombs,  75. 

Bel,  god  of  Babylonia,  8.  11,  27. 

Bel'gi-ca,  433.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  434. 

Bel-i-sa'ri-us,  507. 

Ben-e-ven'tum,  324.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Bi'as,  102. 

Bible,  513. 

Bishop,  46S  n.,  489;  of  Rome, 
489  f.     See  "Papacy." 

Bi-thyn'i-a,  410.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  434. 

Black  sea,  88.     See  map  facing  p. 

3- 

Boe-o'ti-a,  in  Persian  wars,  133, 
i37>  139;  democracy  in,  150; 
complications  with  Athens,  169  f. 
See  map  following  p.  66. 

Bon'i-face,  516  f. 

Book  of  the  Dead,  28. 

Bos'por-us,  410,  496.  See  map 
following  p.  128. 

Bou'le,  of  Athens,  118,  121,  151. 

Bras'i-das,  182  f. 

Bren'nus,  319. 

Bribery  at  Rome,  385,  388. 

Britain,  Phoenicians  in,  41;  Caesar 
in,  411  f.;  under  Claudius,  449; 
under  Flavians,  454;  Anglo- 
Saxons  in,  516.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  434. 

Brut'ti-um,  353.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.   278. 

Bru'tus,  416,  425  f. 

Burgundians,  503,  511. 

Bur'rus,  449. 

Business,  Greek,  159.  See  "JNIer- 
chant,"  "Industry." 

By-zan'ti-um,  88,  496.  See  map 
facing  p.  89. 

Ca'diz,  41.     See  Gades. 
Cad-mei'a,  207. 
Cad'mus,  94. 


Ca;'li-an  hill,  284.  See  map  on 
p.  286. 

Cas're,  320.  See  map  following  p. 
278. 

Cffi'ri-tan  rights,  320. 

Caesar,  Gaius  Julius,  his  rise,  409; 
first  triumvirate,  411;  in  Gaul, 
411  ff.;  conflict  with  senate  and 
Pompey,  414  f.;  death,  416; 
his  measures,  416  f.;  as  a  writer, 
418  f.;  his  work  and  personality 
estimated,  420  f. 

Caesar,  the  title,  453,  491. 

Caesar-worship,  435,  467. 

Ca-la'bri-a,  279.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Calendar,  25,  339,  418. 

Ca-lig'u-la,  447. 

Ca'liphs,  510. 

Cal'li-as,  171. 

Cal-li-crat'i-das,  196. 

Cal-lim'a-chus,  259. 

Cal-lis'the-nes,  240. 

Cam-a-ri'na,  348. 

Cam-by'ses,  37,  58. 

Ca-mil'lus,  303,  319. 

Cam-pa'ni-a,  320.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Cam'pus  Mar'ti-us,  285. 

Ca'naan-ites,  3,  44. 

Canary  islands,  Phoenicians  in, 
41. 

Can'nae,  352.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Can-u-lei'an  law,  316. 

Capitalism  at  Athens,  158  f.;  at 
Rome,  362,  375  ff.,  383  fT. 

Cap'i-to-line  hill,  284,  294. 

Cap'ri,  447.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Cap'u-a,  352.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Car-a-cal'Ia,  483  f. 

Car'di-a,  249. 

Ca'ri-a,  166,  172.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  128. 


560 


Index 


Carl,  518  f. 

Carl'o-man,  517  f. 

Car'mel,  mt.,  43. 

Car'men  Sec-u-la're,  439. 

Car'rhas,  412.  See  map  following 
p.  476. 

Carthage,  founding  of,  41;  com- 
merce of,  41;  in  Sicil)',  135,  203  f., 
271  ff.;  expansion  in  the  West, 
343  f.;  early  relations  to  Rome, 
344;  wars  with  Rome,  345  ff.;  be- 
comes a  dependent  ally,  354;  de- 
stroyed, 372;  Cassar's  colony, 
418.     See  map  facing  p.  89. 

Cas'pi-an  sea,  49,  57.  See  map 
facing  p.  3. 

Cas-san'der,  249. 

Cas'si-us,  Spurius,  300,  306;  Gaius, 
416,  425  f. 

Cat-a-lau'ni-an  Fields,  504. 

Cat'i-line,  410. 

Ca'to  the  Elder,  as  writer,  382;  as 
censor,  385. 

Ca-tul'lus,  418  f. 

Cat'u-lus,  348. 

Cau'dine  Forks,  322.  See  map 
following  p.  278. 

Cavalry,  Persian,  59  f.,  141 ;  Mace- 
donian, 221  f.,  234;  Roman,  296, 

330- 

Ce'crops,  82,  93. 

Celts,  3;  in  Greece  and  Asia 
Minor,  254  f.;  in  Italy,  302;  at 
Rome,  318  f. 

Cen'sor,  305,  338  f.;  under  Flavi- 
an Caesars,  453. 

Census,  under  the  Empire,  432. 

Centuries,  296  f. 

Ce-phis'sus,  115.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Cer'ber-us,  96. 

Ce'res,  293. 

Chae-ro-nei'a,  227.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Chal-cid'i-ce,  221.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 


Chal'cis,  St,,  88.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Chal-de'ans,  invasion  by,  39;  in 
Babylonia,  51;  victory  over 
Babylonians,  55;   empire  of,  55. 

Chal'ons,  504.     See  map  facing  p. 

517- 

Char'le-magne,  his  personality, 
518  f.;  achievements,  519;  em- 
peror, 520;    significance,  520  f. 

Charles  Martel,  512  f.,  517. 

Chei'lon,  102. 

Children,  19  f.,  60,  112,  161  f., 
335  ff.     See  "Education." 

Chi'os,  83.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Chos'roes,  509. 

Christianity,  founded,  440;  be- 
ginnings of,  467  f.;  persecutions, 
469,  481,  494  f.;  growth  in 
unity,  481,  489  f.,  499;  and 
power,  513;  toleration  of,  495; 
recognition  of,  by  Constantine, 
487;  in  the  cities,  499  n.;  re- 
ligion of  the  Empire,  498  f.; 
Julian's  attack,  499;  as  an  im- 
perial power,  500  f.;  the  mo- 
nastic movement,  513  f.;  lead- 
ers in  fourth  century,  513;  and 
the  barbarians,  516;  and  the 
Franks,  516  ff.     See  "Papacy." 

Chronology,  eras  of,  98,  287  n., 
440. 

Chrys'os-tom,  513. 

Cic'e-ro,  his  rise  and  ideals,  409; 
and  Catiline,  410;  banished 
and  recalled,  412;  as  an  orator 
and  writer,  419;   death,  426. 

Ci-li'ci-a,  88,  411.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  234. 

Cim'bri,  398. 

Cim-in'i-an  forest,  320.  See  map 
following  p.  278. 

Ci'mon,  148  f.,  150,  171. 

Cin-cin-na'tus,  304. 

Cin'na,  403. 


Index 


oGl 


Cir-ce'ii,  403.     See  map  following 

p.  278. 
Circus  Max'i-mus,  285,  291,  335, 

460. 
Cir'ta,   397.     See   map   facing   p. 

493- 

Cis-al'pine  Gaul,  350,  372,  401. 
See  map  following  p.  278. 

Ci-thae'ron,  115.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Cit'i-um,  41.  See  map  facing  p. 
89. 

Citizen.  See  "Common  People," 
"Franchise." 

"City  of  God,"  514. 

City-state,  in  Orient,  8;  in  Greece, 
81  ff.;  culmination  in  Greece, 
156,  167  f.;    Rome,  281,  406  f. 

Civilization.     See  "Society. " 

Clau'di-us,  448  f. 

Cla-zom'e-nffi,  206.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  128. 

Cleis'the-nes,  121;  his  legislation, 
121  f. 

Cle-o-bu'lus,  102. 

Cle-om'bro-tus,  137,  208. 

Cle-om'e-nes,  127  f.,  266  f. 

Cle'on,  179  fT. 

Cle-on'y-mus,  272. 

Cle-o-pa'tra,  415,  427  f. 

Cle'o-phon,  196. 

Cler'u-chi,  172,  326. 

Client,  Roman,  in  early  period, 
286;  in  the  imperial  period,  456. 

Cli'tus,  240. 

Clo'di-us,  412. 

Clo'vis,  511,  516. 

Clu'si-um,  301.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Cni'dos,  206.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Cnos'sos,  great  palace  at,  73; 
people,  73.     See  map  facing  p. 

77- 
Code   of   Hammurabi.    11    f.;     of 
Moses,  43  f.;    of  Justinian,  50S. 


Coinage,  of  Persian  Empire,  59; 
in  Greece,  99, 1 13, 158;  at  Rome, 
332  f-,  431,  493-  See  "Ex- 
change." 

Col'chis,  96  f.  See  map  following 
p.476. 

Col-is-se'um,  460,  462. 

Col-o'nus,  194. 

Colony,  in  Egyptian  Empire,  35; 
of  Phoenicians,  41;  of  Greeks, 
87  f.;  Roman,  327  f.;  Latin, 
328;  failure  at  Rome,  387; 
Caesar's  colonies,  418. 

Col'o-phon,  83.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  128. 

Comedy,  at  Athens,  165,  185,  251; 
at  Rome,  382. 

Co-mit'i-a,  meeting  of,  338;  un- 
der empire,  429,  450,  474,  492; 
Cu-ri-a'ta,  286,  300;  Cen-tu- 
ri-a'ta,  300,  309,  327;  Tri-bu'- 
ta,  307  f-,  3^3,,  327,  408. 

Commerce,  early  Egyptian,  6,  16; 
early  Babylonian,  16,  18;  in 
Kassite  Babylonia,  13;  of  Phoe- 
nicians, 40  f.;  of  Damascus,  46; 
of  Assyria,  52;  of  jMj'cenajan 
age,  74  f.;  of  Greek  middle 
(Homeric)  age,  83,  89,  104;  at 
Athens,  117  ff.,  124  f.;  pre- 
dominance of  Athens  in,  132, 
146  f.,  156  Q.;  how  regarded  in 
Greece,  79,  156  ff.,  159;  of 
Ptolemaic  Kingdom,  255  f.; 
Rome's  commercial  position, 
284;  Etruscan,  290,  292;  atti- 
tude of  early  Romans  toward, 
332;  development  of  Roman, 
343  f-,  387,  406  f. 

Com'mo-dus,  471,  473  f. 

Common  people,  in  ancient  East, 
17  f.;  in  Greece,  150  f.,  156,  167 
f.;  at  Rome,  286  f.,  377  f.,  440, 
457.     See  "Assemblies." 

Con-nu'bi-um,  327  n. 

Co'non,  206. 


562 


Index 


Con'stan-tine,  495;  his  achieve- 
ments, 496. 

Con-stan-ti-no'ple,  496  f.,  50S  f., 
510.     See  map  facing  p.  505. 

Con-stan'ti-us,  elder,  491;  young- 
er, 498. 

Consul,  299,  305,  310  f.,  314,  317, 
373,  405,  429,  448. 

Consular  tribunes,  317. 

Co'ra,  86. 

Cor-cy'ra,  107,  174  f.  See  map 
facing  p.  89. 

Cor-fin'i-um,  401.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Cor'inth,  83,  88,  106  f.,  134,  169, 
174  f.,  227;  destroyed  by  Rome, 
370.     See  map  following  p.  66. 

Cor-i-o-la'nus,  304. 

Co-ri'o-li,  304.     See  map  on  p.  301. 

Cor-o-nei'a,  206.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Cor'si-ca,  343,  349.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Cor-u-pe'di-on,  253. 

Cos,  260.  See  map  following  p. 
128. 

Cosmogony,  in  ancient  East,  26; 
Greek,  loi;  Roman,  464.  See 
"World." 

Council.     See  "Senate." 

Cran'non,  248. 

Cras'sus,  382,  408,  410  ff.,  432. 

Crem'e-ra,  303.  See  map  on  p. 
301. 

Cre-mo'na,  349. 

Cre'on,  95. 

Cres'cens,  460. 

Cres-phon'tes,  96. 

Crete,  42,  72  ff.     See  map  facing 

P-  77- 
Cri-mi'sus,  river,  271. 
Crit'i-as,  201  f. 

Croe'sus,  King  of  Lydia,  56,  89. 
Cro'ton,  89.     See  map  facing  p.  89. 
Cu'mae,   140.     See  map  following 

p.  278. 


Cu-nax'a,  204.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  234. 

Cu'nei-form,  21. 

Cu'ri-as,  287.  See  "Comitia  curi- 
ata." 

Cu-ri-a'ti-i,  288. 

Cur'sus  hon-o'rum,  387  n. 

Cu'rule,  377  n. 

Cyb'e-le,  262,  386. 

Cy'lon,  117. 

Cy'me,  89.  See  map  facing  p. 
180. 

Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae,  366. 

Cyp'ri-an,  490. 

Cy'prus,  40,  74,  169,  171,  236. 
See  map  following  p.  234. 

Cyp'selus,  106. 

Cy-re'ne,  88.  See  map  facing  p. 
89. 

Cy'rus,  of  Persia,  56,  58,  236;  the 
younger,  196,  204. 

Cyz'i-cus,  88,  195.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  89. 

Da'ci-a,  a  province,  475,  488.    See 

map  following  p.  476. 
Dacian  war,  475. 
Dal-ma'ti-a,  495.    See  map  facing 

P-  509. 
Da-mas'cus,   46,    47;     overthrow, 

50;      Mohammedan,     510.    See 

map  facing  p.  3. 
Dan-a'us,  93. 
Da-ri'us,  I,  organizer  of  Persian 

Empire,  59,  61  f.;   II,  194,  204; 

III,  233. 
David,  of  Israel,  44  ff. 
Deb'en,  18. 
Debt,  law  of,  in  ancient  East,  18  f.; 

in  Greece,  117  f.;  at  Rome,  306, 

313- 

Dec'arch-y,  200  f . 

De-ceb'a-lus,  475. 

Dec-e-le'a,  193.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  128. 

De-cem'vir-i,  311,  314  f. 


Index 


563 


De'ci-us,  487. 

De'ci-us  Mus,  341. 

De-la'tors,  447. 

De'Ii-an,  Confederacy,  organiza- 
tion of,  145  f.;  growth  of  Athe- 
nian power  in,  147  f.;  becomes 
an  Athenian  empire,  171  f. 

De'li-um,  182.  See  map  facing  p. 
180. 

De'Ios,  amphictj'ony  of,  g8;  Apollo 
at,  1 30;  treasury  of  Delian  Con- 
federacy, 146.  See  map  facing 
p.  171. 

Del'phi,  Apollo's  oracle  at,  89,  98; 
in  Persian  wars,  127,  133.  See 
map  following  p.  66. 

Deme,  121  f. 

De-me'ter,  86,  103,  166. 

De-me'tri-us,  249  fif. 

Democracy,  rise  of,  Greek,  108, 
119,  121  f.;  Solon's  service  to, 
118  f.;  development  at  Athens, 
131  f.;  in  the  Greek  world,  149 
ff.;  the  Athenian  democracy  de- 
scribed, 150  ff.,  161,  167  f.;  its 
defects,  184,  198;  at  Rome,  in 
time  of  the  Gracchi,  391  f.; 
struggles  with  the  senate,  396  f. 
See  "Assemblies,"  "Common 
People." 

De'mos,  105,  107. 

De-mos'the-nes  (general),  iSi  f., 
193;  (orator),  225  f.,  248  f. 

De-na'ri-us,  333. 

Deportation,  49. 

Deu-ca'li-on,  92. 

De-vo'ti-o,  341. 

Di-an'a,  293. 

Di-cas'ter-ies,  153. 

Dictator,  299,  303,  304,  319,  415. 

Di'o-cese,  492. 

Di-o-cle'ti-an,  491  ff. 

Di-o'do-tus,  180. 

Di-o-nys'i-a,  120,  165. 

Di-o-nys'i-us,  I,  203,  210;  II,  210, 
217. 


Di-o-ny'sus,  86;  religion  of,  103; 
at  Athens,  120;   at  Rome,  386. 

Diplomacy,  meaning  of,  35  n. 

Dis-pa'ter,  293. 

Do-mi'ti-an,  453,  469. 

Do'ri-ans,  migration,  76  f.;  organ- 
ization, 79  f.;  Dorus  and,  92. 

Dra'co,  117. 

Drama.     See  "Theatre." 

Dran-gi-an'a,  241.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  234. 

Drep'a-na,  347.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Dress,  in  ancient  East,  23;  at 
Rome,  334,  338;  in  imperial 
Rome,  459. 

Drink,  in  ancient  East,  23. 

Dru'sus,  396. 

Dy'ar-chy,  433,  435, 

Dj-nast}',  6  n. 

E'bro,  350. 

Ec-cle'si-a,  of  Athens,  151  ff.    See 

".Assemblies." 
Ec-bat'a-na,  57.     See  map  facing 

P-  3- 

Ec'no-mus,  348.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Edict  of  Toleration,  495. 

Education,  in  ancient  East,  52,  60; 
in  Greece,  161  f.,  167  f.;  at 
Rome,  337  f.,  380  f.,  457,  464. 

Egypt,  physical  features,  i;  first 
kingdoms,  5  ff. ;  empire  of,  31  ft", 
(organization,  35;  ruling  classes, 
36;  the  army,  36;  the  priests, 
36;  splendor,  33  f.);  under  .As- 
syrian sway,  37;  conquered  by 
Nubians,  37;  conquered  by  Per- 
sia, 37;  Greeks  visit,  89;  revolts 
from  Persia,  130;  Athenian  ex- 
pedition to,  171;  conquered  by 
Ale.xander,  235  ff.;  kingdom  of 
Ptolemies,  225  ff.,  258  f.;  grad- 
ual reduction  under  Rome,  365, 
368;    under  .Vugustus,  429   n.; 


564 


Index 


under  Nero,   451.     See   "Alex- 
andria." 

Eighteenth  dynasty,  31  f. 

Ek'ron,  42  n.      See  map  facing  p. 

3- 

E'lam-ites,  home,  3;  invade  Baby- 
lonia, 9,  51;  conquered  by  As- 
syria, 49. 

El'be,  434,  442.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  476. 

El-e-gi'ac  poets,  loi. 

Eleu'sis,  165  f.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

E'lis,  115,  149.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

Empire,  meaning  of,  10  n.  See 
"Imperialism." 

Engineering,  Egyptian,  24  f.;  Ro- 
man, 462. 

En'ni-us,  382,  386. 

E-pam-i-non'das,  209  f. 

Eph'e-sus,  83.  See  map  facing  p. 
89. 

Eph-i-al'tes,  150,  155. 

Eph'ors,  114. 

Epic  poetry,  Babylonian,  21; 
Greek,  84  f.,  97;   Roman,  437. 

Ep-i-cu'rus,  266. 

Eq'ui-tes,  296,  377,  389;  under 
Augustus,  436;  in  first  century 
A.D.,  459;  in  second  century 
A.D.,  474. 

Er-a-tos'the-nes,  258. 

E-rech-the'um,  94. 

E-rech'theus,  82,  93  f. 

E-re'tri-a,  88,  127.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Er'os,  86. 

E-sar-had'don,  49. 

Es'qui-line  hill,  284.  See  map  on  p. 
286. 

E-te'o-cles,  95. 

Et-e-o-cre'tans,  71. 

E-thi-o'pi-a,  8.     See  "Nubia." 

E-tru'ri-a,  280,  290.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 


E-trus'cans,  279;  at  Athens,  173; 
at  Rome,  290  ff.;  expansion, 
290;  Roman  wars  with,  300  ff.; 
conquest  of,  320. 

Eu-boe'a,  83,  88.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Eu'clid,  258. 

Eu-er'ge-tes,  260. 

Eu-me'nes,  249;  of  Pergamon,  367. 

Eu-mol'pus,  82. 

Eu-phra'tes,  river,  i.  See  map  fac- 
ing P-  3- 

Eu-rip'i-des,  184,  188  f.,  381. 

Eu-ro'pa,  94. 

Eu-ro'tas,  109  f.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Eu-rym'e-don,  149. 

Eu-rys'theus,  95  f. 

Eu-se'bi-us,  498. 

Ex'arch,  518. 

Exchange,  means  of,  in  ancient 
East,  18,  59;  in  Greece,  99,  143; 
at  Rome,  332.     See  "Coinage." 

Fa'bi-i,  303. 

Fa'bi-us  Max'i-mus,  351;  Pictor, 
382. 

Family,  in  ancient  East,  19  f.;  in 
Greece,  160  f.;  at  Rome,  286, 
335  ff.;  decline  of,  385;  in  Au- 
gustus's time,  436. 

Fa-yum',  8. 

Festivals,  Greek  religious,  98,  103, 
119  f.,  164  f.;   Roman,  292,  459. 

Feudal  government,  in  Egypt,  7. 

Fi-de'nae,  303.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Finances,  at  Athens,  168  f.,  214; 
at  Rome,  362,  431  f.;  under  Au- 
gustus, 362,  431  f.;  in  later  em- 
pire, 493. 

Fis'cus,  431. 

Flam-i-ni'nus,  T.,  349. 

Fla'vi-an  Caesars,  451. 

Food,  in  ancient  East,  23 ;  at  Rome, 
33S>  379;  in  imperial  Rome,  459. 


Index 


5Q5 


Foreigners,  in  Greek  cities,  156, 
159  f.;   at  Rome,  295,  457. 

Fo'rum  of  Rome,  285. 

Fourth  Egyptian  dynasty,  6. 

Franchise,  in  Greece,  108,  121  f., 
214;  at  Rome,  295  f.,  299  f., 
325  f.,.387  f-,  396,  400  f.;  ex- 
tension of,  by  Cjesar,  417;  by 
emperors,  477;  edict  of  Cara- 
calla,  484. 

Franks,  cross  the  Rhine,  487,  503; 
settle  in  Gaul,  511;  kingdom  of, 
511;  "do-nothing"  kings,  512; 
and  the  pope  of  Rome,  516  ff. 

Freedmen  at  Rome,  377,  457; 
under  Augustus,  430;  as  officials 
under  Claudius,  448  f. 

Future  life,  belief  in,  in  Egypt,  28; 
in  Babylonia,  28;  in  Greece,  87, 
103,  218. 

Ga'bi-i,  291.    See  map  on  p.  301. 

Gabinian  law,  408. 

Ga'des,  41.    See  map  facing  p.  89. 

Gai'ser-ic,  504. 

Gai'us  (Caligula),  447  f. 

Ga-la'ti-a,  255,  267.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  434. 

Gal'ba,  451. 

Ga-le'ri-us,  491,  495. 

Gal-li-e'nus,  485. 

Gath,  42  n.    See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Gau-ga-me'Ia,  89. 

Gaul,  Greek  colonies  in,  89;  Ro- 
man province  in,  398;  Cassar  in, 
413  f.;  divided  into  provinces, 
433;  Franks  enter,  511;  Mo- 
hammedans in,  511  f.  See  map 
facing  p.  412. 

Gauls.     See  "Celts." 

Gau'ma-ta,  59. 

Ga'za,  42  n.,  236.    See  map  facing 

P-3- 
Ge'lon,  of  Syracuse,  134,  140. 
General.   See"Strategoi." 
Gens,  2S7. 


Gcr-man'i-cus,  446. 

Germans,  enter  Gaul,  413;  cross 
the  Danube,  476;  settled  in  the 
Empire,  488;  how  affected  by 
Rome,  506;    conversion  of,  516. 

Germany,  and  Augustus,  434,  442; 
and  the  Flavians,  454. 

Ge-ru'si-a,  114. 

Gil'ga-mesh,  21. 

Gladiatorial  shows,  379,  460. 

Gods,  of  Babylonia,  27;  of  Egypt, 
27;  of  Israel,  43  ff.;  of  Assyria, 
52;  of  Persia,  60  f.;  of  Greece, 
86,  103;  of  Rome,  292  ff.,  340  f. 

Gor'di-um,  234. 

Goths,  cross  the  Danube,  487;  in 
the  Empire,  503.  See  "Ostro- 
goths," "Visigoths." 

Grac'chus,  Tib.  Semp.,  392  f.; 
Gaius,  394  ff. 

Gran-i'cus,  233.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  234. 

Gra'ti-an,  499. 

Greece,  first  appearance  in  Oriental 
history,  37;  physical  geography, 
65  f.;  relation  of  its  physical 
geography  to  its  history,  66  f.; 
people,  68,  71;  outline  of  its 
history,  68  f.;  Neolithic  Age, 
70;  colonization,  87  f.;  contact 
with  the  East,  89;  Mycenaean 
age,  71  f.;  middle  age,  79  f.; 
age  of  political  adjustment  and 
e.xpansion,  91  f.;  elements  of 
unity,  91;  summary  of  progress 
to  500  B.C.,  123  ff.;  significance 
of  victory  over  Persia,  141; 
summary  of  progress  to  suprem- 
acy of  Philip,  229;  revolt  from 
Macedonia,  248;  experiences 
under  Alexander's  successors, 
248,  250  f.,  265  ff.;  influence  on 
Italy,  290;  declared  free  by- 
Rome,  366;  becomes  Roman, 
370;  transformation  of  Roman 
life  by  Greek  cixili/.alion,  3 78  ff. 


566 


Index 


Greg'o-ry,  516. 

Gy'ges,  king  of  Lydia,  56,  89. 
Gy-lip'pus,  192  f. 
Gymnastics,  161  f. 

Ha'des,  87. 

Ha'dri-an,  471  f.,  476,  478. 

Hal-i-ar'tus,  206.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Hal-i-car-nas'sus,  166,  234.  See 
map  following  p.  128. 

Ha'lys,  river,  56.    See  map  facing 

P-3- 

Ha-mil'car,  348. 

Har-mo'di-us,  120. 

Har'most,  201. 

Ha-rus'pi-ces,  295. 

Has'dru-bal,  350  f. 

Hebrews,  home,  3;  divisions,  43. 
See  "Israel." 

Hel-i-se'a,  at  Athens,  118,  152  f. 

Hel'le,  96. 

Hel'len,  and  the  Hel-le'nes,  92. 

Hel'les-pont,  88,  120. 

He'lot,  109,  148. 

Hel-ve'ti-i,  413. 

He-phaes'tus,  86. 

He'ra,  86,  95. 

Her-a-clei'a,  324.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Her-a-clei'das,  96. 

Her'acles,  86,  95  f.,  220. 

Her-a-cli'tus,  102. 

He-rac'li-us,  509. 

Her-cu-la'ne-um,  452. 

Heresy,  481. 

Her'mas,  192. 

Her'mes,  86,  96;  of  Praxiteles,  215. 

Her'ni-ci,  300. 

Her'od,  439. 

Her-od'o-tus,  8,  41;  on  Cyrus,  58; 
on  the  Persians,  60,  106  f.,  127  f., 
133  f.;  on  battle  of  Platasa,  140; 
on  Athens,  144;  his  work,  166  f.; 
compared  with  Thucydides,  188. 

Her-oph'i-lus,  2^,8. 


Hes'i-od,  91  f.,  100,  102. 

Hez-e-ki'ah,  50. 

Hi-e-ro-glyph'ics,  21. 

Hi'e-ron,  tyrant,  150;   king,  344. 

Him'e-ra,  140. 

Hip-par'chus,  120. 

Hip'pi-as,  120. 

Hip'po,  514. 

Hip-po-da-mi'a,  95. 

Hi'ram  of  Tyre,  45. 

Hit'tites,  home,  3;  invasions,  32; 
kingdom,  33;  Egyptian  wars,  34. 

Homer,  84,  100,  119. 

Hon-o'ri-us,  503. 

Horace,  438  f. 

Ho-ra'ti-i,  288. 

Ho-ra'ti-us  Co'cles,  302. 

Horse,  in  Egypt,  31.  See  "Cav- 
alry." 

Hor-ten'si-an  law,  360. 

House,  in  ancient  East,  22  f.;  in 
Greece,  162;  at  Rome,  ^^iZ^  378; 
in  imperial  Rome,  458. 

Huns,  503. 

Hy-das'pes,  river,  241. 

Hyk'sos,  29,  30. 

Hy-perm-nes'tra,  93. 

Hj'ph'a-sis,  river,  241. 

Hyr-ca'ni-a,  57.  See  map  facing 
P-3- 

I-am'bic,  100. 

la-pyg'i-ans,  279. 

Iconoclastic  controversy,  518. 

Ic-ti'nus,  166. 

Ikh-na'ton,  32. 

Il'i-ad,  84  f. 

Illyrians,  279;   pirates,  350. 

Il-lyr'i-cum,  491.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  476. 

Im'bros,  206.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Immortals,  59. 

Im-per-a'tor,  450. 

Imperialism,  in  earliest  history, 
8  f.,  10  f.;   rise  in  Greece,  142  f.; 


Index 


567 


its  conflict  with  the  opposing 
Greek  ideal,  177,  207,  210,  212  f., 
224;  defeat  of  Athenian,  198  f.; 
Sparta's  imperial  policy,  200  f., 
203  f.;  Theban  imperialism, 
210;  revival  at  Athens,  211; 
Isocrates 's  view,  218  f.;  achieved 
finally  by  Philip,  227  f.;  im- 
perialism of  Alexander's  suc- 
cessors, 249  fl.;  of  the  Ptolemies, 
255;  Roman,  326  ff.,  363,  368  f., 
387,  406  f.,  420  f.,  430  ff.,  434  f., 
450  f.,  476  f.,  491  f. 

Im-pe'ri-um,  299,  417,  428. 

India,  Darius  I  in,  62;  Alexander 
in,  240  f. 

Indo-European,  or  Indo-Germanic, 
family,  3  f.,  54,  279. 

Industrial  activities,  in  ancient 
East,  15  £.;  in  Phoenicia,  40;  in 
Crete,  72,  75;  in  Greece,  79, 
157  f.;  at  Rome,  332,  376. 

Interest,  rate  in  Greece,  159. 

Invasions,  of  Babylonia,  9,  13; 
of  Egypt,  29,  32  f.;  by  Hittites, 
58;  by  northwestern  peoples, 
2,z,  37,  42;  by  Arameans,  39; 
by  Chaldeans,  39;  of  Greece 
by  Dorians,  76  f.;  Barbarians 
in  Roman  Empire,  475  f.,  487, 
498,  502  ff.,  517  f.;  Mohamme- 
dan, 510  f.,  512. 

I'on,  and  I-o'ni-ans,  92. 

Ionian  revolt,  127  f.;  cities  to 
Persia,  206. 

I-phic'ra-tes,  206. 

Ip'sus,  252.  See  map  following 
P-  234. 

I-ran',  57.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

I-re'ne,  520. 

I'sis,  262,  467. 

I-soc'ra-tes,  218  f. 

Is'ra-el,  appearance,  43;  in  Egypt, 
43;  in  the  desert,  43;  settle- 
ment in  Palestine,  43;  conflicts 
with  Philistines,  43;   religion  of. 


43  f.;   organization  of  kingdom, 

44  f.;  disruption  of,  46;  king- 
dom of  Israel  in  the  north,  46; 
destroj'ed,  50. 

Is'sus,  234.     See  map  following  p. 

234- 

I-tal'i-ca,  401. 

Italy,  the  name,  329;  physical 
geography,  277  f.;  historical 
contact  with  the  East,  276  f.; 
peoples,  279  f.;  historical  geog- 
raphy, 280;  influence  on  early 
Rome,  289  f.;  union  of  Italy 
under  Rome,  328  f.;  economic 
decay  of,  375  f.,  387,  390  ff.; 
under  Augustus,  430  ff. 

I-tho'me,  mt.,  149,  210.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Jan-ic'u-lum  hill,  284,  313.  See 
map  following  p.  460. 

Ja'nus,  292. 

Ja'son,  96  f.;  of  Pheras,  208. 

Je-ho'vah,  God  of  Israel,  43  ff. 

Je'rome,  513. 

Jerusalem,  capital  of  Israel,  44; 
destroyed  by  Nebuchadrezzar, 
55;  visited  by  Alexander,  236; 
stormed  by  Pompey,  411;  by 
Titus,  454.    See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Jesus  Christ,  439  f.,  467. 

Jewelry,  25,  334,  336,  459. 

Jews,  deported  to  Babylonia,  55, 
58;  restored  to  Judea,  236;  and 
Alexander,  236;  the  ^laccabees, 
368;  and  Rome,  368;  feeling 
toward  Rome,  369;  subjected 
by  Rome,  411;  Judaea  a  prov- 
ince, 411;    revolt,  454. 

Jo-cas'ta,  94. 

Joseph  in  Egypt,  36  f. 

Jo-se'phus,  29,  236. 

Judah,  kingdom  of,  46;  vassal  of 
Assyria,  50;  overthrown,  55. 
See  map  following  p.  434. 

Ju-gur'tha,  396  f. 


568 


Index 


Julia,  daughter  of  Julius  Caesar, 
411  f. ;  daughter  of  Augustus, 
440,  443- 

Julian,  498;  Julian  Caesars,  445  ft".; 
law,  401. 

Ju'no,  293. 

Ju'piter,  289,  293. 

Justice,  administration  of,  in  an- 
cient East,  II  f.,  17,  19,  26,  49; 
in  Greece,  80  f.,  116,  153;  in 
Roman  Empire,  339,  477,  484  f., 
508. 

Jus-tin'i-an,  507  f. 

Ju'venal,  479. 

Kal'di,  39.     See    "Chaldeans." 
Ka-ma'res,  epoch,  72;  pottery,  72; 

painting,  72;  frescoes,  72. 
Kar'nak,  2)?>- 

Kas'sites,  in  Babylonia,  12  f.,  29. 
Kef'tiu,  71.     See  "Cretans." 
Kha'ti.     See  "Hittites." 
Khe-ta'sar,  ^t?)- 
Khu'fu,  24. 
King.     See  "Ruler." 
Knights.     See   "Equites." 
Ko-ran',  510. 
Kryp-tei'a,  11 1. 

Lab'a-rum,  498. 

Lab'y-rinth,  8,  73. 

Lac-e-dse'mon,  no.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

La'de,  128.  See  map  facing  p. 
171. 

La'gash.     See  "Shirpurla. " 

Lam'a-chus,  192. 

Lamia  and  Lamian  war,  248. 

Lamp'sa-cus,  196.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  X28. 

Land.     See  "Agrarian." 

La-oc'o-on,  257. 

La'res,  293,  436  f. 

Latin  colony,  328. 

Latins,  280,  286;  league  of,  2S8  f., 
292,  300,  321. 


La'ti-um,  287  f.,  322,  327.  See 
map  following  p.  278. 

Lau'ri-um,  131.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Laut'u-lae,  322. 

La-vin'i-a,  287. 

Law,  importance  of,  in  ancient 
East,  19;  international  law  in 
Greece,  99;  lawgivers  in  Greece, 
105;  at  Sparta,  113  n.;  at 
Athens,  117,  150;  Greek  law  at 
Rome,  173;  of  Twelve  Tables, 
311  f.;  laws  securing  plebeian 
rights,  313  £f.;  securing  fran- 
chise to  Italians,  401 ;  conferring 
powers  on  Pompey,  408  f.; 
jurists  under  the  military  em- 
perors, 484  f.;  German  laws  as 
affected  by  Rome,  507;  code  of 
Justinian,  508  f.    See  "Justice." 

League,  Peloponnesian,  114  f.; 
Delian,  145  f.;  leagues  in  later 
Greek  history,  262  f.,  271; 
Latin,  289,  291,  300,  304,  321. 

Leb'a-non  mts.,  :i2ii  40'  See  map 
facing  p.  3. 

Legion,  297,  329. 

Lem'nos,  206.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Leo,  pope,  516;   emperor,  518. 

Le-on'i-das,  136. 

Lep'i-dus,  426  f. 

Leuc'tra,  208.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

Libraries,  in  ancient  East,  22; 
Ashurbanipal's,  51  f.;  at  Athens, 
119;  at  Alexandria,  258;  at 
Rome,  418,  462. 

Lib'y-a,  346.  See  map  following 
p.  476. 

Li-cin'i-o-Sextian  laws,  317. 

Ligurians,  279. 

Lil-y-bae'um,  274.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Lin'dos,  102  n.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  128. 


Index 


569 


Li'ris,  river,  320.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Literature,  in  ancient  East,  21,  34; 
in  Egyptian  empire,  34;  in 
Assyria,  52;  beginnings  in 
Greece,  83  f.;  development  in 
Greece  corresponding  to  politi- 
cal and  social  progress,  91  f.; 
great  names  and  periods  in 
Greece,  141  f.,  165,  166  f.,  185, 
187  ff.,  215  ff-,  225  f.,  244  f., 
265  f.;  in  xAlexandria,  256  f.; 
258  f.;  beginnings  at  Rome,  340, 
381  f.;  in  Cfesarian  period, 
418  ff.;  in  Augustan  age,  437  f., 
440  £.;  in  the  first  century  a.d., 
462  ff.;  in  the  second  century 
A.D.,  478  f.;  Christian,  468, 
481,  490,  513,  514- 

Liv'i-a,  443  f. 

Liv'i-us  (Livy),  437  f.;  Androni- 
cus,  381. 

Lo'cri,  89,  105.  See  map  facing 
p.  89. 

Lom'bards,  517  ff. 

Lu'ca,  412.  See  map  following  p, 
278. 

Lu'ci-an,  479. 

Lu-cil'i-us,  382. 

Lu-cre'ti-us,  418  f. 

Lu-cul'lus,  408. 

Lu'di  Saec-u-la'res,  439. 

Lug-du-nen'sis,  433.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  476. 

Lux'or,  33. 

Ly-curgus,  105,  113  n. 

Lyd'i-a,  empire  of,  55,  89,  126; 
kingdom  of,  56;  coinage  of,  99. 
See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Lyn'ce-us,  93. 

Lyric  poets,  of  Greece,  100,  141  f.; 
of  Rome,  419. 

Lj^-san'der,   196  f.,   201  f.,  204  ff. 

Ly-sim'a-chus,  252  f. 

Ly-sip'pus,  215. 


Mac'ca-becs,  261,  368. 

Mac-e-do'ni-a,  Athenian  difficulties 
with,  212;  early  history,  220  f.; 
under  Philip,  221  ff.,  226  ff.; 
under  Alexander,  231  f.;  under 
Alexander's  generals,  248  ff.; 
wars  with  Rome,  365  ff.  See 
map  following  p.  66. 

Mae-ce'nas,  427,  441  f. 

Magistrate,  at  Sparta,  114;  at 
Athens,  116  ff.,  150,  154;  at 
Rome,  299  f.,  305  f.,  308  f.,  310 
ff-,  314  f-,  327,  338  f.,  355  ff-, 
358  ff.,  361  ff.,  373  f-,  388,  389, 
393,  405  ff-,  408,  417,  429,  433, 
441,  450,  453,  492. 

Magna  Graecia,  89,  271  f.;  and 
Rome,  323  f. 

Mag-ne'si-a,  83,  366.  See  map 
following  p.  128. 

Mal'ta,  41. 

Mam'er-tines,  344. 

JMa-mil'i-us,  303. 

INIan'e-tho,  6  n.,  29. 

IMan-il'i-an  law,  409. 

IMan-ti-ne'a,  191,  210.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Manufactures.  See  "Industrial 
Activities." 

Mar'a-thon,  129  f.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Mar-co-man'ni,  476. 

Mar-do'ni-us,  129,  139. 

Mar-e-o'tis,  lake,  236.  See  map 
on  p.  237. 

Mar'i-us,  Gains,  397  f.,  401  ff. 

Marriage,  in  ancient  East,  20  ff.; 
at  Rome,  336,  465. 

Mars,  293. 

Mar'ti-al,   464. 

Mas-sil'i-a,  89.  See  map  facing 
p.  89. 

Mas-si-nis'sa,  354,  371. 

IVIau-so'lus,  his  tomb,  215. 

Max-im'i-an,  491. 

Mayor  of  the  palace,  512. 


570 


Index 


Mec'ca,  510. 

Me-de'a,  97. 

Medes,  rise,  53  f.;  empire  of,  55; 
overthrow  by  Persians,  56. 

Medicine,  in  ancient  East,  26;  in 
imperial  Rome,  457. 

INIe-di'na,  510. 

Mediterranean  sea,  i,  9,  10,  31,  2)3,, 
40. 

Me-don'ti-dje,  116. 

Mcdo-Persians,  home,  3. 

Meg-a-lop'o-lis,  210. 

Meg'a-ra,  83,  88,  100,  115,  117  f., 
169.     See  map  following  p.  66. 

Me-gid'do,  32.  See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Me'los,  191.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

Mem'phis,  6.  See  map  following 
P-  234. 

Me-nan'der,  251. 

Men-e-la'us,  95. 

Me'nes,  6. 

Merchants,  in  ancient  East,  18  f.; 
in  Greece,  159;    at  Rome,  332. 

Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a,  2;  Roman  prov- 
ince, 476,  483.  See  map  fac- 
ing P-  3- 

Mcs-sa'na.  344.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Mes-se'ni-a,  wars  with  Sparta, 
no  f.;  alliance  with  Thebes, 
210.     See  map  following  p.  66. 

Mcs-si'ah,  439  n.,  467  f. 

Me-tau'rus,  353.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

IMet'ics,  159  f. 

"Metropolitan,"  489. 

Mi'das,  king  of  Phrygia,  89. 

Migrations.     See  "Invasions." 

JNIil'an,  492,  500.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  517.      ' 

Mi-le'tus,  56,  83,  88,  loi,  127  f. 
See  map  facing  p.  89. 

Mil-ti'a-des,  129  ff. 

Mi'na,  18,  158. 

Mi-ner'va,  294. 


Mi-no'an,  periods,  72. 

Mi'nos,  73. 

Min'o-taur,  94. 

Min-tur'na;,  403. 

Mith'ra,  489. 

Mith-ri-da'tes,  402  ff.,  408  ff. 

Moe'si-a,  434.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  434- 

Mo-ham'med,  509  f. 

Mo-ham'me-dan-ism,  510  f.,  513. 

Mo-los'si,  220. 

Mon'arch-y.     See  "Ruler." 

Mo-nas'ti-cism,  513  f. 

Mon'ey.  See  "Coinage"  and 
"Exchange." 

Monks,  514. 

Moors,  487. 

Morality,  in  ancient  East,  7,  n  f., 
19,  43  f.,  69  f.;  in  Greece,  86, 
103,  142,  165  f.,  184,  186  f.,  189, 
218,  244  f.,  266;  at  Rome,  340, 
369,  383  ff.,  387;  under  Empire, 
436,  440,  464  f.,  480.  See 
"Christianity." 

Mosaic,  462. 

Moses,  43. 

]SIotives  of  progress  in  Ancient 
History,  expansion,  8  f.,  10,  31, 
177;  religion,  31,  43  f.;  inva- 
sion, 9,  29  f.,  39,  71,  76  f.,  79  f., 
140,  219,  506;  commerce,  16, 
18,  40  f.,  290;  wealth,  15,  33; 
organization,  59  f..  430  £f.,  491  f. 

ISIu'ci-us,  Scaev'o-la,  303,  383. 

Mum'mi-us,  370. 

Mun'da,  416.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  476. 

Mu-ni-cip'i-a,  Caesar's  law  for,  418; 
in  Empire,  430,  477. 

Museum  at  Alexandria,  258. 

Music,  Greek,  100,  161  f. 

Mut'i-na,  426. 

Mj'c'a-le,  140.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  170. 

My-ce'nae,  72.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  76. 


Index 


571 


My-ce-nas'an  civilization,  71,  74; 
pottery,  72;  houses  and  forti- 
fications, 74;  commerce,  75; 
respect  for  dead,  75;  religion, 
75  f.;  decline  of,  76. 

My'Iae,  346.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Myr'til-us,  95. 

^Mysteries,  103  f.,  165  f. 

iVIyt-i-le'ne,  83.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  128. 

Na'bu,  52. 

Nce'vi-us,  382. 

Na'ram  Sin,  10. 

Nar'bo,  398. 

Nar'ses,  507. 

Nau-cra'ries,  Council  of,  116. 

Nau'cra-tis,  37.  See  map  facingp.  89. 

Nau-pac'tus,  169.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Navy,  107,  131,  170  f.,  194,  195  f., 
235  f-,  345,  346  ff.  See  "Com- 
merce. " 

Nax'os,  148.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Ne-ar'chus,  241. 

Neb-u-chad-rez'zar,  55. 

Neph'e-le,  96. 

Ne'pos,  420. 

Nep'tune,  293. 

Ne'ro,  449  f.,  469. 

Ner'va,  471. 

Neus'tri-a,   511.     See  map  facing 

P-  517- 

New  Comedy,  251. 

New  Platonism,  488  f. 

New  Testament,  468. 

Ni-cffi'a,  487,  499.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  509. 

Nic'i-as,  179,  192  f. 

Nic-o-me'di-a,  492.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  509. 

Nile,  I.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Nin'e-veh,  48;  fall  of,  51,53.  See 
map  facing  p.  3. 


Nip'pur,  8,  13.     See    map   facing 

P-3- 

Nobility,  in  ancient  East,  17;  at 
Rome,  377. 

Nome,  5. 

Nor'i-cum,  434.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  434. 

Not'i-um,  195.  See  map  facing 
p.  180. 

Nu'bi-a,   8,  31.     See   map  facing 

P-  3- 
Num'a,  288  f.,  293. 
Nu-man'ti-a,  372. 
Nu-mid'i-a,  354;   war  with,  396  f. 

See  map  following  p.  434. 

Occupations,  of  early  civilized 
man,  14  f.;  of  Greek  middle  age, 
79;  of  early  Romans,  331  f.; 
change  in,  375  f.;  under  the  Em- 
pire, 457  f. 

Oc-ta'vi-us,  426.  See  "Augus- 
tus." 

0-do-va'car,  505. 

0-dys'seus,  84. 

Od'ys-sey,  84  f. 

(E'cist,  88. 

ffid'ip-pus,  94  f. 

CE-no-ma'us,  95. 

CE-noph'y-ta,  170.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

O-gul'ni-an  law,  310. 

Ol'bi-a,  88.  See  map  facing  p. 
89. 

Oligarchv,  200.  See  "Aristocra- 
cy."    ' 

0-lym'pi-a,  festival  at,  98.  See 
map  following  p.  66. 

Olvmpiads,  98. 

0-lym'pus,  86.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

0-l3'n'thus,  207.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

O'men,  294,  338. 

O'pis,  242.  See  map  following 
P-  234. 


572 


Index 


Oracles,  Greek,  gS. 

Or-chom'en-us,  404.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Oriental  world,  physical  features,  i, 
2;  peoples,  2;   its  beginnings,  5. 

Or'i-gen,  490. 

Or'tho-dox-y,  499. 

O-si'ris,  28. 

Os'ti-a,  403.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Os'tra-cism,  122. 

Os'tro-goths,  503,  505,  507. 

O'tho,  451. 

Ov'id,  440  f. 

0-vin'i-an  law,  325  n. 

Pa'dus,  278.     See"Po." 

Pas-o'ni-us,  215. 

Pag'a-s£e,  74.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Palace  epoch,  72. 

Pal'a-tine  hill,  284,  429,  456  n. 

Pal'es-tine,  43;  origin  of  name,  43; 
under  Ptolemies,  252,  255.  See 
map  facing  p.  3. 

Pal-my'ra,  487.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  476. 

Pan-ath-en-ae'a,  164,  166  f. 

Pan'dccts,  508. 

Pan-no'ni-a,  434.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  434. 

Pan-or'mus,  347.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Pan'sa,  458. 

Pa'pa-cy,  515  ff. 

Pa-pin'i-an,  485. 

Pa-pin'i-an  law,  401. 

Pa-py'rus,  15. 

Par-me'ni-o,  240. 

Par-nas'sus,  92.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Par'nes,  mt.,  115,  202.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Par'non,  mt.,  no. 

Pa'ros,  130.  See  map  following 
p.  180. 


Par'the-non,  164,  166. 

Par'thi-a,  58;  and  Rome,  410,  412, 
432,  475  f.;  Sassanid  dynasty, 
487.     See  map  following  p.  60. 

Parties,  in  Athens,  179;  in  Greek 
cities,  214;   rise  at  Rome,  387, 

393- 
Patricians,  286. 
Paul,  468. 
Pau-sa'ni-as,   139,   144  f.,   148  f.; 

II,  204. 
Pa'vi-a,  518.  See  map  facing  p.  517. 
Pe'li-as,  96  f. 
Pel'la,    223.     See    map    following 

p.  66. 
Pe-lop'i-das,  209,  210. 
Peloponnesian    League,    founded, 

114;    in  Persian  wars,  134,  144; 

and  Athens,  169;    declares  war, 

175- 

Peloponnesian  War,  177  ff. 

Pel-o-pon-ne'sus,  65.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Pe'lops,  95. 

Pel'tast,  213. 

Pe-na'tes,  293. 

Per-dic'cas,  233,  249. 

Per'ga-mon,  257,  267,  372.  See 
map  following  p.  128. 

Per-i-an'der,  102  n.,  107  f. 

Per'i-cles,  164;  age  of,  156  ff.,  168; 
and  Peloponnesian  War,  178; 
death,  179;  and  the  higher  life 
of  Athens,  186  f. 

Per-i-oe'ci,  no. 

Perpetual  Edict,  474. 

Per-seph'o-ne,  86. 

Per-sep'o-lis,  57,  238.  See  map 
facing  p.  3. 

Per'seus,  367. 

Persia,  physical  features,  57  f.; 
empire  of,  rise,  56;  e.xtent,  58  f., 
59;  organization,  59  f.;  people, 
60;  civilization,  61;  expansion, 
62;  threatens  Greece,  127;  ex- 
peditions against  Greece,  129  f., 


Index 


573 


132  f.;  driven  from  Greece,  140; 
from  the  Mediterranean,  140; 
Athenian  expeditions,  170  f.; 
peace  of  Callias,  171;  re- 
appearance in  Peloponnesian 
War,  194;  dominating  influence, 
202;  war  witli  Sparta,  205  f.; 
condition  at  invasion  of  Alex- 
ander, 233;  overthrown  by 
Alexander,  239;  revival  under 
Sassanians,  487,  507;  conquered 
by  Mohammedans,  510.  See 
map  facing  p.  3. 

Pe-tro'ni-us,  463. 

Pha-le'rum.  250. 

Pha'raoh,  title,  6. 

Phar-na-ba'zus,  194. 

Phar-sa'lus,  415. 

Pha'rus,  236. 

Phei'don,  in. 

Pher'je,  208.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

Phid'i-as,  164. 

Philip  of  Macedon,  212,  221  11.; 
his  ideals  and  purposes,  223  f.; 
master  of  Greece,  227  f.;  death, 
231;  V,  268;  allies  with  Hanni- 
bal, 352;  wars  with  Rome,  365  f. 

Phil-ip'pi,  222,  426.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Phil-ip'pics,  426  n. 

Phil-is'tines,  40,  42  f. 

Philosophy,  early  Greek,  loi;  at 
Athens,  186  f.;  in  the  third 
century  B.C.,  265  f.;  at  Rome, 
381,  386;  under  the  Empire, 
465  f.,  473,  488  f. 

Phi-lo'tas,  240. 

Pho-cae'ans,  89. 

Pho'ci-ans,  169,  226. 

Phoe-ni'ci-ans,  home,  3;  geogra- 
phy of  Phoenicia,  40;  civiliza- 
tion, 40;  commerce,  40  f.;  ser- 
vice to  civilization,  42;  empire 
of,  41;  influence  on  Italy,  290; 
in  Grasco-Persian  wars,  235  f. 


Phrat'ry,  79  f. 

Phrix'us,  96. 

Phryg'i-a,  89.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Phy'le,  202.  See  map  facing  p. 
171. 

Physical  geography,  influence  on 
history,  15,  280,  283  f.,  494. 

Pi'e-tas,  295. 

Pi'late,  467. 

Pin'dar,  140,  141  f. 

Pin'dus,  mts.,  65.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Pip'pin,  the  elder,  512;  the  young- 
er, 517. 

Pi-rs'us,  131,  146,  157,  199,  202. 
See  map  following  p.  66. 

Pirates,  410. 

Pi-sis'tra-tus,  119  f.,  156. 

Pit'ta-cus,  102  n.,  105. 

Pla-cen'ti-a,  349.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Pla-tas'a,  129,  139  f.,  179.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Plato,  217  f.,  244. 

Plau'tus,  382. 

Ple-bei'ans,  286;  struggles  with 
patricians,  306  if.;  victory  over 
them,  313. 

Plin'y,  the  elder,  464;  the  young- 
er, 480,  481. 

Plu'tarch,  479. 

Plu'to,  86. 

Po  river,  278.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Po-ly'bi-us,  368,  384. 

Pol-)'-nei'ces,  95. 

Pol-y-per'chon,  249. 

Pom-pei'i,  452,  461.  See  map 
following  p.  278. 

Pom'pey,  407  f.;  victories  in  the 
East,  410  f.;  first  triumvirate, 
411;  sole  consul,  412;  conflict 
with  Cassar,  414  f.;   death,  415. 

Pon'ti-fex,  293,  339,  436. 

Pon-ton'o-us,  84. 


574 


Index 


Pon'tus,  wars  of  Rome  with,  402 
ff.,  410.  See  map  following  p. 
434- 

Pope,  515  f-,  517  ff- 

Pop-lic'o-la,  law  of,  313. 

Population,  of  Greek  cities,  156, 
214;    of  Roman  Italy,  327. 

Por'sen-a,  301  ff. 

Po-sei'don,  86,  93. 

Prffi'tor,  299. 

Prffitorian  guard,  431,  450,  483. 

Prax-it'e-les,  275. 

Prefects,  Roman,  327,  431. 

Pri-e'ne,  102  n. 

Priesthood,  in  ancient  East,  21,  23, 
26  f.;  in  Egyptian  empire,  36  f.; 
in  Greece,  80,  98;  at  Rome,  293. 

Prin'ceps,  429;  growth  of  power, 
441,  451;  as  tyranny,  453;  in- 
creasing state  of,  456;  imperial 
council  of,  474;  theory  of,  by 
third-century  jurists,  485;  trans- 
formed into  absolute  ruler,  492. 

Pro'bus,  488. 

Proconsul,  373. 

Prophets  of  Israel,  44,  58. 

Pro-tag'o-ras,  186. 

Provincial  government,  in  Egyp- 
tian empire,  35;  in  Assyrian 
empire,  49;  in  Persian  empire, 
59  f.;  origin  of  Roman  provin- 
cial system,  362  f.;  Roman  prov- 
inces in  133  B.C.,  372;  Roman 
provincial  organization,  372  ff.; 
trial  court  for  governors,  374; 
defects  of,  387;  importance  of 
provinces  to  Rome,  406;  reor- 
ganization under  Augustus,  429; 
imperial  provinces,  430  f.;  un- 
der Julian  Caesars,  451;  assem- 
blies, 467;  under  Diocletian, 
491  f. 

Pryt'a-ny,  122. 

Psam-met'i-cus,  37. 

.Ftol'e-my,  I,  250  ff.,  255;  II, 
255  f.,  259  f.;  Ill,  260;  IV,  268. 


Public  land.     See  "Agrarian." 

Pub-li-ca'ni,  362,  ^-jt,,  432. 

Pub-lil'i-an  law(Vore-ro),3i2,3i4. 

Pu'nic  wars:  first,  345  ff.;  sec- 
ond, 350  ff.;   third,  371  f. 

Pyd'na,  367. 

Py'los,  180  ff.,  183.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Pyramids,  6,  24,  26,  102. 

Pyr'rha,  92. 

Pyr'rhus,  of  Epirus,  253;  in  Italy 
and  Sicily,  273  f.,  324. 

Py-thag'o-ras,  102. 

Quses'tor,  299. 
Quin-til'i-an,  464. 
Quir'i-nal,  284. 

Ram'ses  II,  32  ff.,  43;   III,  2,3,  42. 

Raph'i-a,  268. 

Rau'dine  plains,  399. 

Ra-ven'na,  505,  518.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  517. 

Re,  Egyptian  god,  27,  34. 

Red  sea,  6,  43.  See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Re-gil'lus,  battle  of  Lake,  303. 

Reg'u-lus,  347  f. 

Religion,  in  ancient  East,  26-28; 
of  Israel,  43  f.;  of  Assyria,  52; 
of  Persia,  60  f.;  of  early  Greece, 
85  ff.;  influence  of  Zeus  and 
Apollo  in,  87,  97  f.;  Greek  prob- 
lems of,  100  f.;  progress  of,  as 
related  to  growth  of  civilization, 
103;  in  yEschylus,  142;  influ- 
ence of  Greek  philosophers  on, 
186;  Stoicism  and  Epicurean- 
ism, 265  f.;  of  early  Rome,  292 
ff.,  295,  340  f.;  decline  of,  385  f. 
revived  under  Augustus,  436  f. 
in  the  first  century  a.d.,  466  f. 
of  Alexander  Severus,  484 
in  third  century,  488  f.  See 
"Christianity." 

Re'mus,  287. 

Rex  sa-cro'rum,  297. 


Index 


biiy 


Rhae'ti-a,   434.     See   map   follow- 
ing p.  434. 

Rhetoricians  at  Athens,    184;    at 
Rome,  381,  458. 

Rhine,  river,  413.     See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  434. 

Rhodes,   and   Rome,   367   f.     See 
map  following  p.  128. 

Rhone,  river,  413.     See  map  fac- 
ing p.  493. 

Ric'i-mer,  504. 

Roman  church,  489  f.,  515.     See 
"Papacy." 

Rome,  origin,  281,  287;  geography, 
283  f.;  union  of  peoples  in,  286; 
a  city-state,  286;  early  legends 
of,  287  f.;  influence  of  Italy  on 
its  origin,  288  f.;  under  Etrus- 
can Kings,  290  fT.;  political 
reorganization  by  Servius,  296  f. 
overthrow  of  kingship,  297  f. 
struggle  with  neighbors,  299  fY. 
struggle  of  patricians  and  ple- 
beians, 305  ff.;  the  Celtic  terror, 
318  f.;  its  result,  319;  expan- 
sion in  Italy,  320  ff.;  victory 
of  plebeians,  313  ff.;  rise  of  dis- 
tinctions of  wealth  and  office, 
325;  organization  of  Roman 
Italy,  326  ff.;  Roman  society 
and  manners,  early  period, 
331  ff.;  relations  to  Carthage 
and  wars,  343;  early  embassy  to 
Greece,  173;  war  with  Magna 
Graecia  and  Pyrrhus,  323  f.; 
early  complications  with  Greek 
world,  273  f.;  attitude  toward 
Eastern  powers,  368  f.;  wars 
with  Macedonia,  365;  with 
Syria,  366  f.;  Rome  an  imperial 
state,  368  ff.;  society  and  man- 
ners under  Hellenistic  influence, 
375  ff.;  era  of  party  struggles, 
392  f.;  victory  of  Caesar,  416; 
a  world-empire,  424  ff.;  under 
Augustus,  427  ff.;   under  Julian 


Caesars,  445  ff.;  fire  at,  450; 
under  Flavian  Caesars,  451  ff.; 
society  and  manners  in  the  first 
century  a.d.,  456  ff. ;  under  the 
constitutional  emperors,  471  ff.; 
under  the  military  emperors, 
483  ff.;  city  fortified,  488;  un- 
der the  Despotism,  491  ff.; 
rivalled  by  Constantinople,  496; 
captured  by  Alaric,  503;  by 
Gaiseric,  505;  and  the  Roman 
church,  489  f.,  515  f.;  division 
into  Eastern  and  Western  Em- 
pires, 502  f.;  fall  of  Western  Em- 
pire, 505;  influence  on  the  bar- 
barians, 506  f.;  revival  under 
Justinian,  507  f.;  influence  of 
Eastern  Empire,  508  f.;  Mo- 
hammedan attacks,  510;  pass- 
ing of  Empire  with  Charle- 
magne's accession,  520  f. 

Rom'u-lus,  287  f. 

Rom'u-lus  Au-gu'st'u-Ius,  505. 

Rox-a'na,  239,  249. 

Ru'bi-con,  414. 

Ruler,  in  ancient  East,  17;  in 
Egyptian  empire,  17;  in  Per- 
sian empire,  61 ;  in  early  Greece, 
74,  80,  81,  82;  in  Sparta,  114; 
the  Greek  tyrant,  105  ff.;  king 
at  Athens,  115  f.;  divinity  of, 
246;  king  at  Rome,  287,  295  ff.; 
in  Roman  Empire  (see  "Prin- 
ceps");  absolute  monarch,  491  f.; 
Prankish  king,  511  f.;  ca- 
liphs, 510. 

Sa-bel'li-ans,  280. 

Sa'bines,  288,  300. 

"Sacred  Band"  of  Thebes,  209. 

Sacred  war,  223,  225. 

Sa-gun'tum,  350.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  343- 

Sa'is,  37. 

Sal'a-mis,  118,  137  f.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 


576 


Index 


Sal'lust,  419  f. 

Sa-ma'ri-a,  46;  destroyed,  50. 
See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Sa-mar'i-tans,  236. 

Sam'nites,  280;  Roman  wars  with, 
320  ff. 

Sa'mos,  83,  172.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  128. 

Samuel,  44. 

Sap'pho,  loi. 

Sar-din'i-a,  Phoenicians  in,  41; 
Carthaginians  in,  343;  Romans 
take,  349.  See  map  following 
p.  278. 

Sar'dis,  56.    See  map  facing  p.  180. 

Sar'gon  of  Accad,  8;  autobiogra- 
phy, 9;  conquests,  10;  his 
library,  22;  his  empire,  9;  of 
Assyria,  49. 

Sas-sa'ni-ans,  487. 

Sa'trap,  59  f. 

Sat-ur-na'Ii-a,  459. 

Saul,  44. 

Saxons,  516. 

Scaev'o-la,  Mucius,  303;  the  ju- 
rist, 383. 

Science,  in  ancient  East,  25;  in 
Greece,  loi;  at  Rome,  339, 
464. 

Scip'i-o,  Pub.  Cornelius,  353;  L. 
Cornelius,  366;  the  younger,  384, 

394- 

School.     See  "Education." 

Sco'pas,  215  f. 

Scribe,  in  ancient  East,  21. 

Sculpture,  in  ancient  East,  25, 
2,2,  f.;  Assyrian,  51;  Greek,  164, 
215  f.;  at  Rome,  339  f.;  por- 
trait statues,  462. 

Scy'ros,  206.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

Scyth'i-ans,  invade  the  east,  55; 
Darius  I  attacks,  62,  126  f. 

Se-ja'nus,  447. 

Se-leu'cus,  249  f.;  kingdom,  261  f., 
367,  410  f. 


Sel-la'si-a,  267. 

Sem'ites,  origin  and  home,  2; 
distribution,  2  f.;  passing  of 
their  power,  55. 

Senate,  Greek,  80,  114,  116,  118, 
121  f.,  151;  Roman,  origin,  287; 
early  history,  300;  practical 
dominance  of,  326,  354  ff.; 
plebeians  admitted  to,  309; 
methods  of  doing  business, 
357  ff.;  powers  of,  359  f.;  and 
the  nobility,  377;  difficulties 
of,  389  f.;  struggle  with  the 
democracy,  392  ff.;  failure  in 
administration,  396;  legally  su- 
preme under  Sulla,  405  f. ;  con- 
flict with  Caesar,  414  f.;  re- 
organized by  Caesar,  417;  Joint 
rule  with  Augustus,  428;  Au- 
gustus reorganizes,  436;  and 
Augustus,  441;  and  Julian 
Caesars,  450;  and  Flavian  Cae- 
sars, 453;  and  constitutional 
emperors,  474;  under  absolute 
monarchy,  492. 

Sen'e-ca,  449,  463,  466. 

Sen-nach'er-ib,  49  ff.;  and  Judah, 
50  f. 

Sen-ti'num,  323.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Ser-a'pis,  262. 

Ser-to'ri-us,  407  f. 

Ser'vi-us  Tul'li-us,  291,  296. 

Ses'tos,  140.  See  map  following 
p.  128. 

Se'ti  I,  32  f. 

"Seven  against  Thebes,"  84,  95. 

"Seven  Wise  Men"  of  Greece,  102. 

Se-ve'rus,  Sep-tim'i-us,  483;  Alex- 
ander, 484. 

Shek'el,  18. 

Shir-pur'la,  8.  See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Sib'yl,  295. 

Sic'i-ly,  Phoenicians  in,  41;  Greek 
colonies  in,  88;  in  Persian  wars, 
134   f.;    democracy  in,   149   f.*, 


Index 


577 


Syracuse  and  Athens,  192  f.; 
empire  of  Dionysius,  203;  events 
after  its  fall,  270  f.,  272  ff.; 
Carthage  and  Rome  in,  343  fT., 
346  fif.;  Roman  province,  362  f.; 
slave  wars  in,  387.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  278. 

Sic'y-on,  107,  115.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Si'don,  40.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Si-ge'um,  118.  See  map  facing  p. 
180. 

Silver  Age,  463. 

Si-mon'i-des,  140. 

Si'na-i,   6,   31.      See    map    facing 

P-  3- 

Si-no'pe,  88.  See  map  facing  p. 
89. 

Sixth  Egyptian  dynasty,  6. 

Slavery  and  Slaves,  in  ancient 
East,  18;  in  Egyptian  empire, 
33,  35;  in  Greece,  160;  at 
Rome, '377  f.,  385,  387,  407, 
457,  459,  466;  coloni,  or  serfs, 
494. 

Slavs,  3. 

Social  war,  in  Greece,  212;  in 
Italy,  401. 

Society,  organization  in  ancient 
East,  16  f.;  in  early  Greece, 
79  f.,  85;  in  Athens  in  age  of 
Pericles,  162  f.,  167  f.;  in  early 
Rome,  331  £f.;  transformation, 
375  ff-)  3^3  ff-;  ^t  Rome  under 
Augustus,  436,  440  f.;  classi- 
fication of,  at  Rome  in  first  cen- 
tury, A.D.,  455  f.;  in  the  sec- 
ond century  a.d.,  479  f.;  in  the 
third  century,  486. 

Soc'ra-tes,  189,  216  f. 

Sois-sons',  517.    See  map  facing  p. 

517- 
Solomon  of  Israel,  45  f. 
So'lon,   lawgiver  of  .'\thens,   102, 

105,  117  f.;  his  legislation,  118  f.; 

outcome,  156. 


So-phi'a,  St.,  church  of,  507. 

Soph'ists,  184. 

Soph'o-cles,  95,  165. 

Spain,  Phoenicians  in,  41;  Greeks 
in,  89;  Carthaginians  in,  343, 
350;  becomes  Roman,  353;  un- 
der Augustus,  432;  Moham- 
medans in,  511.  See  map  fac- 
ing p.  89. 

Sparta,  primitive  organization, 
109  f.;  expansion,  no;  wars 
with  Messenians,  no  f.;  Spar- 
tan character,  112;  development 
of  culture  and  its  suppression, 
113  f.;  final  organization  of 
political  system,  114;  headship 
of  Peloponnesian  League,  115; 
in  alliance  against  Cyrus,  115; 
in  Persian  wars,  135  f.,  139  f., 
144  fT.;  jealousy  of  Athens,  148; 
growth  of  oligarchy,  150;  com- 
plications with  Athens,  169; 
war  with  Athens,  170  ff.;  fifty 
3'ears'  peace  signed,  183;  vic- 
tory over  Athens,  196;  terms  of 
peace,  199;  imperialistic  pro- 
gramme, 200  ff.;  war  with  Per- 
sia, 205;  peace  of  Antalcidas, 
206;  Sparta  supreme,  207; 
revolt  of  Thebes,  208;  later  his- 
tory', 265,  266  f. 

Spar'ta-cus,  407  f. 

Sphac-te'ri-a,  181.  See  map  fol- 
lowing p.  66. 

Spu'ri-us  Cas'si-us,  300,  306;  Mte'- 
li-us,  306. 

Sta'ti-us,  463  f. 

Stil'i-cho,  503. 

Sto'i-cism,  265  f.;  at  Rome, 
465  f. 

Strat'e-goi,  at  Athens,  122,  131, 
154;  in  later  Leagues,  263. 

Succession,  problem  of,  in  Roman 
Empire,  443  f.,  453,  474,  483, 
491- 

Su-e'vi,  503. 


578 


Index 


Sul'la,  L.  Cornelius,   398,  400  ff.; 

his  administration,   404   f.;    its 

failure,  406  f. 
Sul-pi'ci-us,  402.  . 
Su-me'ri-ans,  8. 
Su'sa,   57,   238.     See  map  facing 

P-  3- 
Syb'a-ris,  89.     See  map  facing  p. 

89. 

Syr'a-cuse,  founded,  88;  Gelon, 
tyrant  of,  134  f.;  wars  with 
Carthage,  135,  203,  270  f.; 
Hieron,  tyrant  of,  149  f.;  de- 
mocracy in,  149  f.;  Athenian 
expedition  against,  191  ff.; 
under  Dionysius  I,  203;  Hieron, 
king  of,  344;  complications 
with  Rome,  344  f.  See  map 
following  p.  88. 

Syr'ia,  5;  under  Babylonian  sway, 
12  f.;  under  Egyptian  sway,  31; 
empires  of,  39-48;  under  Assyr- 
ian sway,  48  ff.;  complications 
with  Rome,  366  f.;  becomes  a 
Roman  province,  411.  See  map 
facing  p.  3. 

Tac'i-tus,  478  f. 

Tal'ent,  18,  158. 

Tan'a-gra,  169.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  66. 

Ta-ren'tum,  89,  271  f.;  treaty 
with  Rome,  323;  war  with  Rome 
and  submission,  324  f.;  revolt 
and  subjugation,  353.  See  map 
following  p.  278. 

Tar-quin'i-i,  287. 

Tar-quin'i-us,  Priscus,  290;  Super- 
bus,  291,  295,  302,  304. 

Tar'sus,  234.     See  map  facing  p. 

493- 

Tar'tar-us,  loi. 

Taxes,  in  ancient  East,  17  f.; 
35  f.,  45,  49,  59;  Athenian,  160, 
168;  Roman,  367,  373;  im- 
perial, 432. 


Ta-yg'e-tus  mts.,  no.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Teaching  at  Rome,  457  f. 

Teg'e-a,  114.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

Tel-el-A-mar'na  letters,  35. 

Tem'e-nus,  96. 

Temple,  in  ancient  East,  24;  in 
Egypt,  :iiy,  of  Solomon,  45;  at 
Athens,  163  f.;  at  Rome,  436, 
438  f. 

Ten  Commandments,  44. 

Ter'ence,  382. 

Ter-pan'der,  113. 

Ter-tul'li-an,  481,  490. 

Tet'ri-cus,  487. 

Teu'to-nes,  398. 

Teu-ton'ic  peoples.  See  "Ger- 
mans." 

Tha'les,  loi  f. 

Thap'sus,  415.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  476. 

Tha'sos,  149.  See  map  following 
p.  66. 

The-ag'e-nes,  117. 

Theatre,  at  Athens,  120,  165,  167; 
at  Rome,  335,  380,  461. 

Thebes  (in  Boeotia),  in  Persian 
wars,  127,  133;  rises  against 
Sparta,  208;  imperialistic  ideal 
of,  210;  failure,  211;  real 
achievement,  211;  destroyed 
by  Ale.xander,  232.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 

Thebes,  capital  of  Egypt,  7,  30, 
31,  33.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

The-mis'to-cles,  131,  138,  141, 
146,  148  f. 

The-oc'ri-tus,  256. 

The-od'or-ic,  505. 

The-o-do'si-us,  498,  500,  503; 
penance  of,  500  f. 

The-og'nis,  loi. 

The-ram'e-nes,  195  f. 

Ther-mop'y-lae,  135  f.  See  map 
following  p.  66. 


Index 


Thc'ron,  140,  201  f. 

The'seus,  82,  94. 

Thes'pis,  120. 

Thes-sa-lo-ni'ca,    500.     See    map 

following  p.  66. 
Thes'sa-ly,   tyrants  of,   210.     See 

map  following  p.  66. 
Thirty,  at  Athens,  201  f. 
Thrace,  449.     See  map  following 

p.  128. 
Thras-y-bu'lus,  106. 
Thu-cyd'i-des,  the  historian,  187  f.; 

on  founding  of  Athens,  82. 
Thu-cyd'i-des,  son  of  Mel-e'si-as, 

172. 
Thu'ri-i,  173.     See  map  following 

p.  278. 
Thut'mose,  III,  31  f. 
Ti'ber,  279.     See    map    following 

p.  278. 
Ti-be'ri-us,  443,  445  ff. 
Ti'bur,  478.     See  map  on  p.  301. 
Ti-ci'nus,  351.     See  map  following 

p.  278. 
Tig-lath-pi-le'ser,  III,  49  f. 
Ti-gra'nes,  410. 
Ti'gris,  river,  i.     See  map  facing 

P-  3- 
Ti-moc'ra-cy,  108. 
Ti-mo'le-on,  270  f. 
Ti-rno'theus,  211. 
Tir'yns,    74.     See   map   facing  p. 

77. 
Tis-sa-pher'nes,  194,  196. 
Ti'tans,  loi. 
Ti'tus,  452. 
To'ga,  296,  334,  338. 
Tours,    512.     See    map    facing  p. 

517- 
Trades,   in  ancient  East,    16;    at 

Rome,     332.     See     "Industrial 

Activity." 
Tradition,  meaning  of,  10  n. 
Tra'jan,  471,475,  477- 
Tra-pe'zus,    88.     See  map  facing 

p.  89. 


Tras-i-me'nus,  351.  See  map  iol- 
lowing  p.  278. 

Treaty,  Ramses  and  Hittites,  T,y, 
Greek,  171,  199,  206  f.;  Roman, 
323,  328,  343,  349,  354,  365. 

Treb'i-a,  351.  See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 

Tribal  system,  79,  511. 

Tribe,  at  Rome,  325,  327. 

Tri-bo'ni-an,  508. 

Trib'une,  origin,  307  f.;  trans- 
formation,   309. 

Tribuniciary  power  of  Augustus, 
429,  436. 

Trib'ute.  See  "Taxes,"  "Prov- 
ince." 

Tri'remes,  107. 

Tri'umph,  330. 

Tri-um'vi-rate,  393;  first,  411; 
second,  426. 

Tro'jan  war,  84,  287. 

Troy,  74.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 

Tul'lus  Hos-til'i-us,  288. 

Tu'nis,  348. 

Twelfth  EgjTDtian  dynasty,  7. 

Twelve  Tables,  law  of,  311,  338  f. 

Tyrants,  of  Greece,  105  fif. 

Tyre,  40,  41,  45;  siege  by  Alex- 
ander,   236.      See    map    facing 

P-  3- 
Tyr-rhe'ni-an  sea,  290.     See  map 

following  p.  278. 
Tyr-ta;'us,  113. 

Ul'pi-an,  485. 
Um'bri-ans,  279,  323. 
Um-bro-Sa-bel'li-ans,  279. 
Universit}',  at  Athens,  265. 
Ur,  8.     See  map  facing  p.  3. 
U'ti-ca,    41.     See    map    facing  p. 


Va'lens,  503. 
Va-le'ri-an,  487. 
Valerian  law,  312. 
Va-le'ri-o-IIoratian  laws,  316. 


580 


Index 


Van 'dais,  503,  507. 
Var'ro,  420. 
Va'rus,  442. 

Ve'i-i,  301  ff.   See  map  facing  p.  89. 
Ven'e-ti,  279. 
Ve'nus,  293. 

Ve-nus'i-a,  327.     See  map  follow- 
ing p.  278. 
Ver'gil,  257;   works,  437  f. 
Ves-pa'si-an,  451  f.;    and  senate, 

453- 
Ves'ta,  292. 
Ve-su'vi-us,  452. 
Vim'i-nal  hill,  285.     See  map  on 

p.  286. 
Vir-gin'i-us,  315  f. 
Vir-i-a'thus,  372. 
Vis-i-goths,  503,  507,  511. 
Vi-tel'li-us,  451. 
Vol'sci,  300,  304,  320. 
Volturnus  river,  323. 
Vul'can,  293. 
Vul'gate,  513. 

Warfare,  of  Sumerians,  8;  develop- 
ment in  Egypt,  31,  36;  of  Philis- 
tines, 42  f.;  in  Persia,  61  f.; 
naval,  107;  at  Athens,  116;  at 
Marathon,  129  f.;  new  tactics 
of  Epaminondas,  209  f.;  Greek 
development  in,  213  f.;  Mace- 
donian army,  221  f.;  tactics  of 
Alexander,  233  f.,  238,  242  f.; 
army   at  Rome  under  Servius, 


296  f.;  development  and  reor- 
ganization, 309  f.,  329  f.;  reforms 
of  Marius,  399;  army  under  Au- 
gustus, 431;  army  supreme  in 
Roman  Empire,  486  f.;  im- 
provements by  Diocletian,  493. 
Wealth.  See  "  Capitalism. " 
Woman,  in  ancient  East,  19  f.; 
in  Greece,  161;  at  Rome,  335  ff., 

459,  465- 
World,  ideas  of,  in  ancient  East, 

26;  in  Greece,  100  f.;   in  Rome, 

463,  465  f.     See  "Cosmogony." 
Worship.     See  "Religion." 
Writing,  materials,  15;  systems  of, 

20  f.;    in  Greece,  99;    in  Italy, 

290. 

Xen-oph'a-nes,  102. 

Xen'o-phon,  205;  on  Leuctra,  208; 

his  works,  216  f. 
Xer'xes,  130,  132,  135  ff. 

Zach-a-ri'as,  517. 

Za'gros  mts.,  57. 

Za-leu'cus,  105. 

Za'ma,  354.  See  map  following 
p.  476. 

Ze'la,  415. 

Ze'no,  philosopher,  259,  265;  em- 
peror, 505. 

Ze-no'bi-a,  487. 

Zeus,  86,  98. 

Zo'ro-as-ter,  60  f. 


UC  SOllTHf  RN  Hf  C.lONAl  LIBIWHY  I  AGILITY 


AA    000  919  672    6 


